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Letter from the Editors, 28th March 2024

Trans Day of Visibility


27/03/2024


Tomorrow (Friday) at 4pm, there will be a mass sit-in of the Hauptbahnhof for Palestine. On the eve of the 48th Land Day, and the 176th day of the ongoing genocide, we demand Land Back for Palestine, and for all Indigenous lands. We demand a return of all stolen lands back to their rightful keepers – in Palestine, Congo, Sudan, Haiti, Western Sahara, Wallmapu, and all other places around the world where land and their resources are stolen by colonial entities. BERLIN RISE UP❗️RESISTANCE IS JUSTIFIED WHEN PEOPLE ARE OCCUPIED❗️No Peace on Stolen Land‼️

Our next Palestine Reading Group is also tomorrow night at 7pm. This week we’ll be discussing “Militarism and How Israel Exports its Occupation”. You can find the selected reading here. The Palestine Reading Group takes place every week, on either Friday or Sunday (partly depending on room availability). Check the page of Events which we’re organising for the coming dates and discussion topics. If you’d like to get more involved in the group, to suggest and vote on future topics, you can join our Telegram group and follow the channel Reading group. Meetings are in the Agit offices, Nansenstraße 2. There is a meeting for moderators (open to anyone who’s interested) half an hour before the meeting starts.

On Saturday, there are 2 demonstrations for Palestine. At 1pm, outside Kosmos (Karl Marx Allee 131A ) you can join the Palestine Block on the Ostermarsch, the yearly anti-war demo. Different organisations are calling that this year’s Ostermarsch does not just call for peace in our world, but also for solidarity with the people in Gaza and the other Palestinian territories. Then at 2pm at Gesundbrunnen, there will be a demonstration Take your hands off Palestine. Every year protests take place in Palestine and all over the world for “Land Day”, reminding us how deeply rooted Palestinians are to their land. Join us in the fight for justice and liberation.

On Saturday evening, there is a film screening of United in Anger: A History of ACT UP followed by a Q&A with Sarah Schulman and Ben Mauk. United in Anger: A History of ACT UP is an inspiring documentary about the birth and life of the aids activist movement from the perspective of the people in the trenches fighting the epidemic. Utilizing oral histories of members of ACT UP, as well as rare archival footage, the film depicts the efforts of ACT UP as it battles corporate greed, social indifference, and government neglect. Sarah Schulman is a novelist, playwright, screenwriter, nonfiction writer and AIDS historian. It all starts at oyoun at 6pm.

Sunday is Trans Day of Visibility with a number of Events. At 1pm, there will be a workshop “Touch as a Community Practice”. In this workshop we explore how touch and body contact is a source for connection and belonging in a queer community. We establish a language and sensitivity around the needs and wishes of the participants, and create a safe and playful way of getting to know each other. We invite touch to be a practice for building trust and discuss how it can be a nurturing element for the collective body. The workshop is organised by Voices4Berlin, who are our Campaign of the Week. You can sign up here. And at 2pm, there is a rally in front of the “G-Ba”, Gutenbergstraße 13. Let’s smash the cistem! Let’s go out on the streets for trans* visibility on the 31st! After our rally, you will also have the opportunity to stop by the events organized by @Voices4berlin and @facqberlin.

On Monday at 7pm, it’s the latest LINKE Berlin Internationals Orga meeting. This month, we want to spend most of the meeting brainstorming future activities. We are particularly interested in ideas for public meetings, film showings or other Events. We will also be making the first plans for our postponed Summer Camp, which will now be taking place on 21st-22nd September. If you have any suggestions, please contact us in advance at lag.internationals@die-linke-berlin.de or come to the meeting with your ideas. Everyone is invited to join the debate. The meeting will take place in Ferat Kocak’s office in Schierkerstraße 26 (between U-Bahn stations Leinstraße and Hermannstraße).

There is much more going on in Berlin this week. To find out what’s happening, go to our Events page. You can also see a shorter, but more detailed list of events in which we are directly involved in here.

If you are looking for Resources on Palestine, we have set up a page with useful links. We will be continually updating the page, so if you would like to recommend other links, please contact us on team@theleftberlin.com. You can also find all the reading from our Palestine Reading Groups here.

In News from Berlin, fight to save the Tuntenhaus, and court case against environmental activists who painted the Brandenburger Tor is suspended.

In News from Germany, activists campaign for climate money, Germany’s finance mininster proposes pension reform, AfD is most popular party among first-time voters, new German naturalisation test to include question about Germany’s special responsibility for Israel, and Die Linke campaigns for 4-day week.

Read all about it in this week’s News from Berlin and Germany.

New on theleftberlin, we interview Ukrainian pacifist artist Ilya Kharkow, Rasha Al-Jundi and Michael Jabareen’s final artistic intervention from looks at Common Ground in Berlin, Johanna Rothe writes a poem about Anti-Germans and other Germans, taz journalist Daniel Bax looks at Germany’s problematic understanding of antisemitism, Hands Off Student Rights announces a demonstration against enforced ex-matriculation (expect an interview with the demo organisers on theleftberlin next week), oyoun celebrate winning their court case against the Tagesspiegel, Cecilia and Darío from Bloque Latinoamericano Berlin examine reactions to the right-wing Milei government in Argentina, South African Jewish artist Candice Breitz looks at what got her exhibition cancelled in Saarland, and Ilya Kharkow takes a critical look at heroism.

In this week’s Podcast of the Week, Ciarán Dold from Corner Späti reads out his article which first appeared on theleftberlin on boycotting the Eurovision Song Contest.

You can follow us on the following social media:

If you would like to contribute any articles or have any questions or criticisms about our work, please contact us at team@theleftberlin.com. And please do encourage your friends to subscribe to this Newsletter.

Keep on fighting,

The Left Berlin Editorial Board

A Closer Look at Heroism

Man, sorry for telling the truth.

During my student days, I had a friend who loved the poems of Marina Tsvetaeva just as much as I did. But, as it soon became clear, we loved one thing but for different reasons. One day we met, and instead of greeting, he immediately got down to business. He said, “Imagine you come home from a long trip and there’s a coffin in your house. The policeman says this house doesn’t belong to you anymore. Did you imagine?”

Such an event is indeed present in Tsvetaeva’s biography, only she returned not from a long trip, but from emigration. Her husband and daughter were sent to prison. The son went missing. Tsvetaeva hanged herself. This is how the Soviet Union greeted her. The exact location of her grave is still not known.

This friend of mine loved to notice terrible facts from the biographies of writers, and then talk long and methodically about them at our every damn meeting. Soon he got a job in a translation agency, and we began to see each other rarely. He didn’t like working. He said that the principle of work in this company killed everything creative that goes into translation. He didn’t like his colleagues either, and the more he disliked one of them, the longer he liked to discuss that particular person.

Due to the fact that negativity was the basis of communication with this guy, it was difficult to engage with him, and yet this didn’t stop him from becoming a leader of department in the agency. By that time, he had stopped reading and practically didn’t talk either Tsvetaeva or the random coffin. When the war began, he volunteered.

Viva la muerte!

For several years in a row, I celebrated my birthday in the same way. I borrowed a projector from a friends’ gallery. I broadcast ‘Dirty Diaries’ onto a white wall – this is porn made by women for women. In it, the actors do not have perfect bodies, and it is as close to real life as possible.

In a spacious room, about 12-15 gathered. You are talking to a shy girl, and at some point, a vagina is projected onto your forehead, and your conversation partner forgets about her shyness. Yep, it has always worked.

The doors of my house were open. Well-wishers came and went, flowing in a continuous stream. We played erotic games. We shared intimate secrets, which brought us closer together. Those unwilling to share secrets had to expose their bodies. And then one artist pulled down her pants, and we all saw cellulite on her thighs. Yet she was young and not obese. The very admirer of Tsvetaeva showed extraordinary interest in her cellulite. He was polite but persistent. He examined her legs from different angles, and upon discovering a scar on her knee, he led her to the kitchen to hear the story of her meniscus removal surgery without witnesses.

That night they made love, and we all became shameless witnesses of it. That night we joked, saying, who knows, would they have made love if the artist didn’t also have a scar from appendicitis.

Viva la muerte!

Death drive. In my first novel THE INTIMATE SMELL OF THE MARINE, I described how the main character spent 7 days in a room with the corpse of his friend. And all 7 days he bathed and combed him. Of course, when I wrote this in 2019, I could not imagine that soon the entire country would call for every family to have such a corpse at home. No, this is too much.

What is more terrible: a son who died in the war, or who returned from the war crippled and penetrated into all spheres of life, bringing military principles into everyday life?

War is never progressive. War is not even stagnation. It is regression. And, as you know, there are no former military personnel. Having returned from war, a person forever carries the war within himself and acts in accordance with it.

In order to go to war as a volunteer, a person must initially be inclined to do so. Although I think this is wrong, the average person still judges others by his own abilities. Therefore, the easiest way to find out about such a predisposition is for a person to declare that there is no predisposition and everyone is equally fit for military service. This confidence arises precisely from the presence of a predisposition.

Also, it’s worth asking the question: what does this predisposition consist of? At a minimum, a person must have a sense of justice, which he wants to defend. And also, such a person’s fear of death should either be reduced or be at such a level that risking his own life does not seem to him an unacceptable act. In order for a person’s fear of death to be at this level, his love for life must be reduced, since these are interrelated concepts. Anyone for whom life is more terrible than death easily takes mortal risks, but it would be a crime if such a person pushed others to take the same mortal risks.

For example, a guy who was amazed by Tsvetaeva’s sudden coffin, who admired the cellulite and scars clearly feels a craving for death: a coffin and scars are certainly symbols of decay. Being unable to realize his potential in the profession at the desired level, his desire was too inconsistent with reality. There is no creativity. The colleagues are dumb. And therefore, the opportunity to lead them is not an honor but a mockery. This discrepancy between reality and the desired, perhaps in combination with some other aspects of life, gave rise to aggression, which was built into reality as voluntarily joining the army. I’m deliberately simplifying here to stay within the scope of a short essay.

Suppose that in war, he successfully neutralizes the enemy, for which he receives a medal. The state will give him honorary grounds to forget the reasons for his own actions, and to think that now he is a hero, idealizing himself, thereby attempting to achieve a balance between reality and desire. The state is not interested in stories about coffins or cellulite. It does not believe in words; it believes in actions.

Viva la muerte!

Our new hero had only been abroad once. He visited Rome, Italy. He ended up there by chance. Naturally, he went to see the Colosseum.

As he told me about Rome, he played in the background the music he listened to that day. He did it to help me feel everything he felt abroad. This music was classic rock hits. I love old rock, but I was suspicious as to why someone would want to listen exclusively to hits, especially ones that are 20 or 30 years old. Moreover, he had been listening to the same songs since our student days. It seems to me that the unwillingness to delve into the discographies of artists could add a touch to our hero’s portrait. We listened to popular songs over and over again, as if we were doing it by someone’s order.

The Colosseum is a monument of sadism, but we want to visit it, and having visited it, we admire the architecture. In the process, we overlook the obvious – the cruel purpose of its construction. With the same success, we could admire the guillotine. It was only today I realized that our fearless hero was not admiring just another landmark, but a monument of sadism.

Use it or lose it” is the scariest phrase I have ever heard. Not only because knowledge that we do not use is forgotten. Not only because muscles, if they are not trained regularly, begin to shrink. But also, because a person who loses interest in development does not stop developing, but is destroyed. The only thing that can be more terrible is when the country’s leaders set this destruction as an example for us.

Viva la muerte!

Marina Tsvetaeva was not the only poet who suffered in the past century in Russia. For example, Boris Pasternak was forced to decline the Nobel Prize. By the way, Tsvetaeva hanged with the rope that Pasternak kindly gave her to tie up her suitcases for the journey.

Joseph Brodsky, another Nobel laureate, was tried for parasitism and then expelled from the country.

Osip Mandelstam died in a labor camp, where he ended up on charges of counter-revolutionary activities.

Daniil Kharms died of starvation in a psychiatric clinic, simulating a mental disorder. Why? To avoid arrest during wartime on charges of spreading defeatist sentiments. The poet was attributed with these words: “If they make me shoot a machine gun from the attic during street fights with the Germans, then I will shoot not at the Germans, but at them with the same machine gun.”

Art deals with the essence of life, whereas the state offers us to fit into a certain system, which includes not only rights but also limitations. Therefore, art will always be in conflict with the state. For the same reason, it is worth not canceling Russian poets because of the indignation of modern war, but instead, searching in their biographies for potential repeats of history, knowing that they stood not on the side of a specific state, but on the side of humanity.

Today, when in wartime my life is threatened not only by the Russian army but also by Ukrainian government, I understand what prompted Daniil Kharms to say such words. It was a different kind of justice. And a desire not for death, but for life. Our admirer of Tsvetaeva doesn’t think so. And in general, he no longer likes Russian poets. The state has told him that he is a hero, and in gratitude for this he demonstrates his loyalty by overthrowing his own idols.

This piece is a part of  a series, The Mining Boy Notes, published on Mondays and authored by Ilya Kharkow, a writer from Ukraine. For more information about Ilya, see his website. You can support his work by buying him a coffee.

Saarland Deserves So Much Better

The Anatomy of a Cancellation


26/03/2024

It remains incredibly saddening and highly distressing to watch ongoing developments in the so-called ‘Breitz Afair,’ knowing that Saarland has done nothing to deserve the farce that is continuing to unfold around the cancellation of my exhibition late last year; a cancellation that was the result of poorly informed, hasty and damaging decision-making by individuals who really should have known better. Whether Andrea Jahn’s decision to step back from both of her official positions in Saarland—as director of the Saarlandmuseum and as chairperson of the Saarland Cultural Heritage Foundation (SSK)—was forced on her by Christine Streichert-Clivot, Saarland’s Minister of Culture and Education, or not — Jahn’s departure will do nothing to repair the significant harm that has been done to the reputation of Saarbrücken as a cultural city over recent months.

Streichert-Clivot will no doubt continue to be haunted by the legacy she has carved out for herself. She is likely to go down in history as the first Minister of Culture to preside over the cancellation of a major exhibition by a Jewish artist at a German museum since the Nazi era—without legal grounds or due process, and with utter disregard for the German Constitution. It seems to matter to the Minister very little — as she continues to systematically destroy her own credibility—that she is also dragging the city of Saarbrücken and its cultural institutions into a deeper and deeper state of disgrace and disrepute. In the very conspicuous absence of Andrea Jahn from public discourse over the last few months (Jahn has only given a single public interview in relation to the cancellation of the exhibition, in which she clumsily contradicted herself), Streichert-Clivot has prominently and enthusiastically lead the SSK’s baseless and slanderous attacks on my integrity and reputation. The Minister has zealously denounced me as a threat to Jewish life in a variety of public statements, as well as via two long interviews in the Saarbrücker Zeitung (on both of these occasions conveniently and cynically failing to acknowledge that I am Jewish myself).

How convenient it is for Andrea Jahn to now be able to walk away from the shameful fiasco that she ultimately chose to endorse, presumably with a financial settlement that will be generous enough to offer her an incentive to continue claiming that she “was always in support of the cancellation of the exhibition,” although there is extensive and conclusive evidence to suggest that Jahn neither made the decision to cancel the exhibition, nor supported it (until long after it had been announced). Information provided by Andrea Jahn confirms, that at the time that the SSK rushed their first sloppily written press release to the Saarbrücker Zeitung on 24 November 2023 (in order to publicly announce the cancellation of the exhibition), Jahn was not aware that the decision had been finalised (this had, it would appear, occurred without her involvement). If we take Andrea Jahn at her written word, the SSK’s initial press release was sent to the Saarbrücker Zeitung without her knowledge or approval. After a panicky meeting of the SSK on 22 November 2023, it took less than 48 hours for the foundation to cancel an exhibition that had been in preparation for over three years. I was not given the chance to state my case or defend my position in advance of the cancellation. The decision was made on the basis of a highly defamatory article in the press (which the relevant newspaper was later forced to revise by court order, after being challenged legally). Although the SSK has never been able to produce evidence of the “BDS letter” that I am alleged to have signed (this is one of several charges that were levelled against me), Streichert-Clivot continues to insist—in a manner that can only be described as increasingly unhinged and Kafkaesque—that I will remain a persona non grata until I have withdrawn my signature from this imaginary letter. You cannot make it up

As Jahn moves on from Saarbrücken, departing what can best be described as a political and cultural debacle, she leaves behind a museum that will need to slowly rebuild its reputation as a serious cultural institution. She also takes leave from a cultural community that has no good reason to believe that its Minister of Culture and Education can be trusted to defend freedom of expression or freedom of political opinion, basic civil rights that are enshrined in the German Constitution. Such rights — which Streichert-Clivot appears to hold in shockingly low regard—are essential when it comes to nurturing culture and education in healthy democratic societies. When these rights are curtailed or repressed, meaningful debate and discourse cannot flourish. The Minister of Culture—as we have seen over recent months—is not particularly fond of debate and discourse. She is most comfortable when those who do not agree with her can be bullied into silence and/or submission, making it possible for her to push through her own dogmatic opinions without having to accommodate the opinions of others or answer inconvenient or challenging questions:

Jahn has confirmed (in writing) that Streichert-Clivot prohibited her from giving interviews in the days following the cancellation of my exhibition and sought to exert control over her public communications. She has described Streichert-Clivot (again, in writing) as having been driven by fear as she rushed to frame a Jewish artist— whose opinions are neither violent, nor contrary to German law or the German Constitution—as an enemy of Israel. Although Jahn very much “wanted to be heard” and “to express her point of view,” she claims that Streichert-Clivot was reluctant to allow such possibilities. Realising that there was no other way to save her job, Jahn eventually resigned herself—in her single televised interview—to obediently performing a mantra-like script that sounded suspiciously like it had been written by her superior, Streichert-Clivot.

Shortly before abandoning her efforts to reverse the cancellation of my exhibition on 28 November 2023, Jahn sent me a final frustrated message, in which she declared that “her opinion had been pushed aside,” that “she was not in charge,” and that she unfortunately “had no power whatsoever.” Streichert-Clivot—whose official mandate it is to encourage and nurture healthy democratic discourse (as a Minister of Culture and Education)—has since systematically stifled every attempt made by the cultural community of Saarbrücken to invite me into public dialogue in relation to the cancellation of my exhibition and/or the work that I was supposed to exhibit at the Saarlandmuseum (work which has absolutely nothing to do with Israel-Palestine or Jewishness). The Minister of Culture is clearly scared to be in dialogue with me, although I have no political power or authority, and although I do not bite. I would, in fact, be perfectly willing to participate in a civil debate with either Streichert-Clivot or Jahn (if, that is, Jahn were to be granted permission to speak in public). Most recently, Streichert-Clivot has ignored an invitation from Die Zeit — a prominent national newspaper — to be in public dialogue with me. One can literally smell her fear all the way from Berlin. This is a Minister of Culture who is absolutely terrified of being confronted by curators and artists. She understands that taking either seriously would mean having to listen to and accommodate views other than her own.

My sincere gratitude goes out to Saarland’s cultural community, which has extended intense solidarity to me for months on end, vocally opposing the cancellation of my exhibition via an endless stream of supportive messages, and via no less than three publicly circulated open letters. Saarland’s cultural community deserves a Minister of Culture who cares about democratic exchange and freedom of expression. Instead, the community must continue to endure a Minister of Culture who has bought shame and disgrace to Saarbrücken and who has made the Saarlandmuseum a subject of intense criticism and derision across the German press landscape, as well as in the pages of over a hundred international newspapers—including the New York Times, Le Monde, The Washington Post and The Guardian.

What artist with a serious international reputation would want to exhibit at the Saarlandmuseum in the future, knowing that Streichert-Clivot will be ready to pounce and denounce, should their opinions fail to align with her own worldview? What artist could comfortably enter into collaboration with the Saarlandmuseum knowing that the institution expected this artist to work on an exhibition in good faith for three years without a contract, despite repeated requests (on at least five occasions) that a formal agreement be put in place? The invoice that my studio sent to the Saarlandmuseum on 19 December 2023—when I was still naïvely assuming that the museum might want to acknowledge and honour the three years of labour that I had invested in the exhibition (particularly since there had been no legal grounds for the cancellation)—remains completely ignored as of today’s date. This is an institution that—although it had already publicly promoted my exhibition (both on its website and in the press) and although all final decisions for the exhibition had already been made (via a series of meetings and approximately 200 e-mails) — has chosen instead to repeatedly attack my reputation over months, and to send me away with zero financial compensation. Apparently, the Minister of Culture does not see any value whatsoever in artistic labour. Given the public availability of this knowledge, what self-respecting artist would invest trust in the Saarlandmuseum? What curator or museum director would want to work under Streichert-Clivot, having observed the minister’s cynical perfection of the art of political and ideological interference in the cultural programming of Saarland’s flagship cultural institution?

Does anybody other than Streichert-Clivot honestly believe that the Minister’s tawdry defamatory campaign against me over the last few months, has been effective in making Jewish lives safer? Does anybody wonder how it is that the Minister was able to so accurately and speedily detect my virulent antisemitism, given that I have been warmly embedded and respected within Jewish community for over fifty years? For some reason, the Jewish people who I’ve lived and worked amongst over the last half a century have been too naïve to realise just how grotesque a Jew-hater I am. They clearly lack Streichert-Clivot’s fine feeling and expertise when it comes to such matters. What could they have been thinking—the Jewish Museum in New York, the Jewish Museum in Berlin, the Contemporary Jewish Museum in San Francisco and the Centre for Contemporary Art in Tel Aviv—when they invited this monster to exhibit her work prominently within their walls? The two Jewish-owned galleries who have represented my work over the last decade, are also clearly clueless when it comes to detecting dangerous Jew-haters such as myself. Both galleries ignorantly insist on continuing to represent my work, even after Streichert-Clivot’s denunciatory campaign. Just a couple of days before the SSK decided to de-platform and de-fund me (due to my allegedly antisemitic ways), I was standing on a podium in Oslo, delivering the keynote lecture at a symposium titled ‘Exploring Art and Perpetrator Memory.’ The symposium was focused on how we remember the Holocaust. It was put together by three Holocaust memorial centres, each located on the site of a former concentration camp (the Herinneringscentrum Kamp Westerbork in the Netherlands, the Gedenkstätte Bergen-Belsen in Germany and the Falstad Centre in Norway). But what would such institutions and experts know about antisemitism? Until Streichert-Clivot came along, thousands of unsuspecting and inattentive Jews, Israelis and Holocaust experts had somehow managed to overlook the ominous threat that I represent.

Is there anybody in the good city of Saarbrücken who truly believes that deplatforming and de-funding progressive Jewish individuals who happen to be critical of Netanyahu’s far right government, is the most meaningful and effective way to go about combatting escalating threats to Jewish life in the country that was responsible for murdering six million European Jews in the recent historical past? Should inhabitants of a democracy like Germany be entitled to criticize a far-right government that includes politicians who openly espouse genocidal rhetoric and proudly describe themselves as fascist, homophobic and racist; or should we just do away with freedom of opinion and let the German state tell us all exactly what to think?

Soon after the very public cancellation of my exhibition at the Saarlandmuseum, I was contacted by several other German museums that wanted to let me know that they viewed the cancellation of the exhibition as a shameful mistake. One by one, they confirmed that they would be continuing to display and support my work. These institutions included the Neue Nationalgalerie in Berlin, Fotografiska Berlin (a private museum financed by a Jewish-German collector), the Haus-am-Lützowplatz in Berlin, the Zeppelin University in Friedrichshafen and the Felix-Nussbaum-Haus in Osnabrück (a museum built by the Jewish architect Daniel Libeskind in memory of a Jewish artist who was murdered in Auschwitz). Strangely, none of these institutions felt the need to deny me a platform for my artistic work or to erode my artistic income on the basis of my political views, despite their awareness of Streichert-Clivot’s public and vicious attempts to undermine me as an artist and a human being.

Meanwhile, on my last visit to Saarbrücken in late 2022, the Saarlandmuseum was still proudly flaunting paintings by Emil Nolde, without commenting on the fact that the artist is known to have been a member of the Nazi Party who went out of his way to ingratiate himself to Hitler’s genocidal regime. The museum also continues to unquestioningly promote work by Jonathan Meese, a German artist who is notorious for wearing Nazi insignia and performing the Hitler salute. It would appear that antisemitic sentiments and symbols are kosher and acceptable at the Saarlandmuseum, so long as these are channelled by non-Jewish German artists. Jewish artists, on the other hand, must be heavily censured and side-lined for daring to hold political views that contradict those of Saarland’s self-righteous and opportunistic Minister of Culture, a self-appointed expert in keeping Saarland’s cultural institutions safe from progressive Jewish thinkers who dare to see the world other than she does.

The provinciality and ignorance of Minister Streichert-Clivot can best be described as a regrettable burden to Saarland’s excellent institutions and an insult to Saarland’s vibrant and tolerant cultural communities. We can only collectively hope that Saarland’s next Minister of Culture will be somebody who is actually interested in creating space for cultural engagement and open dialogue, rather than another pettyminded bureaucrat who specialises in expelling artists from museums and shutting down democratic discourse.

This article first appeared in German in the Saarbrücker Zeitung on 18th March 2024. Reproduced with permission

Social Movements in the Face of Milei’s Government

Javier Milei’s government in Argentina is the latest attempt of the global right to exert its power. But it can be stopped

Opinion Article by Cecilia and Darío from Bloque Latinoamericano Berlin

The world has paid close attention to the first months of Javier Milei’s government in Argentina. At one level, Milei is part of a new generation of ultra-right leaders along with Trump in the US, Meloni in Italy, Bukele in El Salvador and Bolsonaro in Brazil, among others. At the same time, he constitutes an extreme example, going a little further and potentially extending the boundaries of possibility for the international Right. In earlier articles on this site we analysed the measures Milei’s government has applied, or tried to apply, in its first weeks, and the economic impacts, such as hyperinflation or austerity policies, deepening the social and economic crisis in Argentina. We also described how distinct political sectors are positioning themselves in relation to these measures, and the nature of political resistance.

In this article we focus on social movements—key factors in Argentinian politics for over 20 years—during these first months under Milei. We speak with comrades who build resistance every day through the Front of Organisations in Struggle (FOL) to understand their perspectives and experiences.

Milei: violent with the poor, submissive before corporations

In his drive to ensure that everything should be determined by the market, Milei is not only trying to destroy or defund all areas of the state linked to social and labour policies, but also to break up another of the fundamental support structures for working people’s lives: social movements.

“Milei’s policy towards social movements is one of total confrontation with the objective of destroying them. His principle argument is that the movements are intermediaries or ‘CEOs’ of poverty, which themselves benefit from the misery of our people. This argument is intended to hide the fact that it’s these movements which give practical responses to the social necessities for supporting working people over the past two decades,” says an FOL comrade.

Arising during the profound crisis of 2001, the movements have since taken a central role in working class districts across the whole country. This role goes far beyond offering access to basic rights such as food, education, healthcare and work. The presence of the movements plays a part in community cohesion through solidarity and social support.

Through defunding, intimidation, persecution and media vilification, Milei clearly has a systematic plan against social organisations and working-class politics. Some examples of this include:

  • The protocol drawn up by the Ministry of Security to prevent street mobilisations; permitting, among other things, that repressive forces act without the authorisation from a judge
  • Ending all food provisions for almost 40,000 communal workers’ dining halls across the whole country which feed more than 4 million people every day, the great majority children
  • Defunding the urban integration social fund, responsible for improving the quality of life in the poorest districts by introducing basic services such as running water and sewers
  • A media campaign to discredit those who receive and manage social plans
  • Closure of the biggest social security and labour programme, “Enhancing Work”, which bolstered the incomes of 1,400,000 people

So why does Milei show such malice against popular organisations? An obvious reason is that, from his perspective, they represent a distortion of the free play of supply and demand, which according to neoliberal theory is the best possible way to allocate resources. But there are reasons to believe that his motivation goes beyond this, and is aimed at destroying collective forms of life and resistance.

It was the social movements and organisations on the Left which orchestrated the first mobilisation against the Milei government’s policies and forced the abandonment of Minister of Security Patricia Bullrich’s indiscriminate repression policy. Social movements also played a key role during Macri’s government, successfully mobilising against policies such as reform of the pension system or cuts in public spending on social services, which would have severely impacted the most vulnerable social groups.

Milei’s political objective is to “reset” community networks in Argentina, sweeping away a consensus established decades ago on the roles played by the state and social movements to guarantee rights  for society’s most marginalised.

“The government knows that the popular movements can lead resistance to it, and therefore it aims to break us up and eliminate us as actors in the territory,” say FOL comrades. “This will leave fertile ground for the advance of narco-trafficking, as has happened more in other Latin American countries than in Argentina, where the narcos establish themselves forcefully in working-class districts as a group that can give some sort of response to the urgent necessities of social assistance.”

“For a world where we are socially equal, humanly different, and totally free”: the FOL as an example

With the aim of giving a concrete and tangible form to the discussion around social movements, we spoke with FOL comrades about the work they have been doing for more than 15 years, and how they are responding to the current situation.

The FOL was founded in 2006 by activists in Greater Buenos Aires in the course of the struggle against unemployment and poverty. In this sense it forms part of the wider “picket movement”, the name given to a new type of movement which arose from unemployed workers’ organisations and adopted a new method—the blocking of roads, or “picketing”. Over the years the FOL defined itself as a movement which undertakes complex territorial work—this means taking on the problems of working class districts, in different spheres of life: housing, work, gender, children, education, environment and more.

This work enables the construction of popular power from below in a struggle for the delivery of concrete necessities in the here and now, and at the same time the construction of “a world where we are socially equal, humanly different and totally free”. This quote from Rosa Luxemburg, which the FOL adopted as its slogan, is more relevant than ever, as the idea of freedom is being appropriated by the right.

The construction of popular power is illustrated in FOL’s framework in different ways, for example:

  • Different initiatives promoting self-managed work, which allows those participating not only to create their own sources of work but also to take ownership of its value, as is the case with construction squads formed by women, in textile production groups, or in the production and distribution of agro-ecological products.
  • The Picket University is a space of popular education for the social movements, in which comrades from across the country collectively develop the different types of knowledge necessary for social transformation
  • The People’s Gardens, student support initiatives and the “popular baccalaureate” guarantee access to education
  • The improvement of working-class districts, recycling initiatives and the cleanup of contaminated streams guarantee access to a sustainable environment
  • Embodiment of the struggle against patriarchy by supporting those affected by gender-based violence and through the establishment of women’s assemblies

In order to measure up to the current situation, the FOL proposes reinforcing its presence across the country with specific tools needed to deliver necessities. It has also decided on, as its central guideline, “a policy of unity across the whole spectrum of social movements, including with those with whom we’ve had differences in the past, in order to form a united front against government attacks” an FOL comrade says.

Confronting Milei is an international task

As stated at the above, Milei is today one of the most extreme expressions of the global Right. Whatever he manages to achieve in Argentina will be incorporated into a playbook of extremist and repressive neoliberalism internationally. The support of institutional and ideological allies at the international level, such as the investment fund Blackrock, Elon Musk, or the International Monetary Fund, indicate that this battle is not only critical for Argentina but also for the centres of global power.

Argentina has been characterised historically through its extensive social organising and a high level of trade union membership relative to international statistics. This has enabled working people, even in situations of poverty, to retain access to acquired rights and to defend their community forms of living. “We believe”, say FOL comrades “that big capital intends, through these ultra-neoliberal, fascist and conservative governments to change the rules of the game, showing the world that it’s possible to smash the working class anywhere, even in Argentina. This is something that we cannot allow.”

It is critical to understand the new Right’s project through a global lens that shows the importance of spreading information on the resistance to Milei’s government throughout the Left at local, regional and international levels. Opposition to Bolsonaro in Brazil and in the region is an example of how this is possible, as the slogan “Not him” echoed around the world as the actions of his government were internationally scrutinised.

How can an internationalist resistance to Milei in Argentina be constructed? Ideas include:

  • Exposing, via social networks and media coverage, the social impact of Milei’s policies; above all, the concrete experiences of organisation and self-governance of the social movements which are under threat can increase the political cost to the government should it proceed with these measures
  • Constructing a wide network of civilian organisations in different parts of the world could enable the denunciation of violations of human rights (such as the removal of food from dining halls, or of medicines from people with terminal illnesses) and help protect the physical and legal safety of social movement participants
  • Mobilising financial resources can help ensure the continuity of structures which guarantee access to basic necessities for the most vulnerable sectors, as state financial support is abruptly removed
  • Constructing spaces of interaction between Latin American and European Lefts, in a horizontal, non-paternalistic form, is key in securing mutual support for local centres of resistance against the attacks of the global Right. 

This article originally appeared in Spanish on the Bloque Latinoamericano Website. Translation: Ian Perry. Reproduced with permission.

++ BREAKING NEWS ++ Court decision in favour of Oyoun confirms our integrity and ends defamation

Court rules that claims made in the Tagesspiegel are false

Press Release from oyoun – Berlin, 25.3.2024

We are delighted to announce that the Berlin Regional Court has ruled in Oyoun’s favour in the preliminary injunction proceedings against the Tagesspiegel. This decision represents a victory for credibility and sends a clear signal about the dangers based on unfounded allegations.

The court ruled that the Tagesspiegel may no longer publish three of the claims it stated in an article dated 20 February 2024.

In particular, it found that the allegation that the Senate favoured Oyoun due to family ties was unfounded. The allegations regarding alleged antisemitic incidents at Oyoun were also found to be unfounded.

This decision confirms the integrity of Oyoun and marks an important victory against defamation.

In light of this court decision, we would like to emphasise that Oyoun has always sought an open dialogue with the media and promoted fair reporting. Although Oyoun has been exonerated of false accusations, it will take some time to fully restore its reputation. This decision emphasises the importance of a fair and impartial legal system that respects the presumption of innocence and delivers just verdicts.

We would like to thank our lawyers – Laaser law firm for arts and creative sector – for their successful and conscientious legal representation and look forward to continuing our work without the shadow of defamation.

For further information or queries, please do not hesitate to contact us.

Press contact: Louna Sbou, Wayra Schübel – kommunikation@oyoun.de