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Boycott Qatar 2022

For the good of the game: Boycott Qatar 2022!


17/11/2022

The 2022 World Cup in Qatar is a tournament unworthy of football. So many rules of both sporting and political fairness are being violated that it seems irresponsible to take part in this event, whether as an active athlete, official or just as a TV viewer.

Therefore, we think it is important that football fans protest against the tournament in Qatar and against FIFA’s policies. Please support our initiative #BoycottQatar2022 through your own discussions, actions, events – and last but not least through your support for our call to action.

The following call to action has so far been supported by about 100 groups and several thousand individuals (as of the end of September 2022). You can add your support here:

The 2022 football world cup in Qatar is a project unworthy of football, because it violates the fairness imperative of sport and politics. Hence, we consider it to be irresponsible to participate in the event, whether as an active player, as an official, or as a TV spectator.

THE ABSENCE OF HUMAN RIGHTS

FIFA claims to take human rights seriously. In a May 2017 decision FIFA declared: “FIFA strives to create an environment free of discrimination both within its organization and in all its activities”. According to article four of FIFA statutes this includes the rejection of any kind of discrimination related to religion, gender or sexual orientation. Homosexuality is illegal in Qatar, women are discriminated against by law, and the abjuration of Islam is a capital crime. FiFA’s decision pro Qatar is consequently irreconcilable with “an environment free of discrimination”.

Visitors to the world cup face sanctions if they identify as homosexual or queer, or wear inappropriate clothing such as shorts or strapless tops.

INFERIOR WORKING CONDITIONS

Facilities for the football world cup are being built mainly by migrant workers who drudge under inhuman conditions. They live in substandard housing, are sometimes cheated out of their wages, and work in inferior conditions. They are denied the right to terminate their contracts themselves, and in some cases they were not given leave to even visit their home countries. Several reports claim that several hundred workers have died on the construction sites.

FIFA has officially demanded an improvement of these conditions.

Human rights organizations such as Amnesty International have asserted, however, that this did not result in effective improvements.

NO FOOTBALL CULTURE

Qatar lacks a historically evolved football culture including traditional clubs and an established fan base. Football here is mainly an artificial implant bred by money, and the new stadiums amount to Potemkin villages. Most of them will be partly or completely dismantled after the world cup because homegrown football in Qatar does not need them. It is noteworthy that the Al-Shamal world cup stadium seats 45,000 in a town of only 11,000 people.

COMMERCE INSTEAD OF FOOTBALL

The decision to select Qatar as the site of the 20022 football world cup was taken on commercial grounds and was not based on athletic considerations. Qatar considers the football world cup the culmination of its investment into developing sports as a major national business focus. FIFA, in turn, aims at opening new markets for football in Islamic countries.

Qatar is a compliant partner who will autocratically implement FIFA’s sponsor- and profit-oriented policies. Qatar 2022 will be another example of the internationally emerging tendency to award the most popular big sport events – football world cups and Olympic games – to authoritarian or dictatorial states because the exaggerated demands of FIFA and IOC become increasingly unacceptable to democratic societies.

SUSPICION OF CORRUPTION

The award of the 2022 football world cup to Qatar has been accompanied by rumors of corruption. Several reputable media outlets report that several millions of euros have been paid out as bribes prior to FIFA’s decision pro Qatar. It is possible that these allegations will only be substantiated at a time when it will be impossible to revoke the award of the world cup to Qatar. This would give prestige to a country that is alleged to have obtained the award by means of bribery.

OUR DEMANDS

As football fans we do not live in cloud-cuckoo-land. We are aware that commercial interest and manipulation have been part of football since its pioneering days. These are facts of life we have to live with. However, there are situations when critical commentaries are not enough, when a stance has to be taken. The football world cup in Qatar is such a case, too many principles have been violated. There still is time for FIFA and its member organizations to reconsider, to revoke the decision pro Qatar and to ask another country to host the world cup. Unfortunately, it is very unlikely that this will happen.

It would be the duty of the DFB (German Football Association) to send the right signals. The clearest and most decisive option is for the Germany to withdraw from participation in the world cup as was proposed by the former president of DFB, Reinhard Grindel. If the DFB does not do this, then at least a comprehensive justification of this decision should be given. The DFB needs to take a resolute stance on the human rights situation in Qatar. Furthermore, it should financially support those human rights organizations and fan groups that critically question the action of the government of Qatar in this matter.

Athletes and coaches of the national team are dedicated to football would very much like to participate in the world cup. Nevertheless, they could support statements and campaigns critical of Qatar’s actions in aquiring the pro-Qatar decision of FIFA, and of the inhuman treatment of the migrant workers effectively building the stadiums.

TV stations and other media reporting from the world cup in Qatar should dedicate significant airtime to report on the political and human rights problems of the country.

German companies should abstain from any marketing campaigns linked to the world cup and from selling licensed products. They should not buy airtime for commercials.

ORGANIZE RESISTANCE

As football fans we want to manifest our resistance to a football world cup in Qatar. We will use discussions and statements to highlight the ignoble conditions surrounding the world cup in Qatar and the indifference of FIFA.  Furthermore, we state

  • That we will send FIFA mass mailings to promote our protest
  • That we will not buy any products bearing the world cup logo
  • That we will not buy any product from companies actively sponsoring the football world cup
  • That we will not travel to Qatar, and
  • That we will also not participate in any public broadcasts of the games

It is our goal to interfere with the lucrative interaction of FIFA and sponsors with the undemocratic, authoritarian regime of Qartar. It should not remain attractive for anybody to organise a football world cup in such a perverted way, which will lead to the ruin of the game we love.

A 16-page brochure presents the aims, reasons and ideas of our campaign in a compact way. You can download it here for free.

Life under perpetual violence. Travel report from Palestine

As part of an international delegation, Julia Kaiser took part in discussions and worked with the youth festival of the Palestinian People’s Party. In parallel she visited different locations and got an idea of life under the Israeli occupation.


16/11/2022

“We don’t actually count the injured after a demonstration, normally only the dead”. This was the reply from a comrade in his 40s when I asked whether there were any more injured besides the two youngsters with casts. We were making our way back from the demonstration. The person on the seat next to us shared with us that one youth was now in hospital. They needed to examine whether everything is fine with his head but it looks like everything is alright, no cause for alarm, he said – visibly troubled – to soothe me.

Our collective participation in a demonstration on the third day of the Farkha Festival, organized by the Palestinian People’s Party Youth, is an expression of living solidarity that is characteristic of the festival. We encounter such solidarity when the Palestinian families in the village prepare their rooms us, so that we international guests can sleep in the most comfortable beds, or when they conjure up the best food, enough for 300 people, for those of us from the women’s collective.

The living, vigorous solidarity extends throughout the program: every mid-morning we support the village, together with Palestinian youth, with the upkeep of the infrastructure. One group renovates the municipal school, the next one builds a cement wall and yet another works in the village’s eco-garden. In a flash we come in contact with other festival participants, learn a few words of Arabic, hear how complicated their daily lives are, chat together. In the afternoon, we learn about the living conditions, the struggles of women in Palestinian society, and about the apartheid system in which the Palestinians have been forced to live.

Israeli Settlements in the West Bank

Even before my journey, I found the concepts apartheid and settler-colonialism appropriate, based on my knowledge of the relationship between Palestine and Israel. But until now it was difficult to grasp. In Germany moral outrage is raised in a larger (if decreasing) part of my left political environment, accompanied by an extremely distorted reportage. Following the demonstration and our daily experience as “internationals” side by side with our Palestinian comrades, has caused any kind of insecurity and misgiving about the use of such terms to melt into the air.

What was the reason and course of a demonstration, from which three children with moderate injuries and approximately 30 further participants with tear gassed, red-eyed and sore eyes returned home? And how can it be explained, that all the injuries only surprised us German, Italian, Kurdish and Danish socialists, whereas all the people of the land viewed it as a daily outcome?

The reason for the demonstration in the village of Beit Dajan in the West Bank is the successive encroachments of the fields all around the village by a radical nationalist Israeli settlement. Israeli settlements in the West Bank are classified by the International Court of Justice and the United Nations as a violation of human rights. For the Palestinians settlements are accompanied with a loss of land or houses and an increasing Israeli military presence. For two years Palestinian residents have been protesting against the illegal expansion of a farm of one of the settlers, which may change the life of an entire village.

Machine guns aimed at us

Before the demo, our comrades assume that they will largely proceed freely, because the Israeli soldiers directly recognise us internationals through their cameras and drones. This will make them scale down their violence. However, they recommend us to place ourselves further back because we do not want to get hurt by tear gas which is fired at every demonstration.

When we get off the bus, I have to swallow. We are approximately 60 demonstrators, standing on a field road, with nothing around us but bushes, mounds, and soldiers positioned within them. They are directly in front of our procession and block the road, standing 30 metres away from us on the right and about 100 metres on the left. The machine guns are pointing towards us. The soldiers who are not pointing guns at us take photos of us. I feel fear for the first time in my life.

Ahead of the demonstration, the chants and speeches begin. I can barely make anything out, because I do not trust myself to go further ahead. Suddenly the people from the front rows begin to run. I hear shots – one, two, three tear gas grenades fall. I run as fast as I can, my knees wobble. “Rubber” bullet shots are added to the fray. These are metal bullets coated with rubber – “less lethal” but absolutely capable of inflicting deadly injuries.

When I turn around, all the demonstrators stand around a gas smoked ambulance that we had brought with us from the village. I see a stone flying in the direction of the soldiers. The shots, which have been documented on Youtube, go off again and land in the proximity of the ambulance. Our comrades come to us by the bus, one after the next. Some can barely walk or stand, slumped in front of the bus, disorientated by the teargas. The worst injured are transported away by a car.

Together in sorrow and frenzy

On the one hand, illegal machine gun and drone protected land theft, on the other chants and children throwing stones lifted off the ground. This could hardly be any further from the “Middle East conflict” and “Israel hate demonstrations” described by whitewashed German media reports.

While I sat shocked in the bus, the kids and the teenagers behind me begin to sing, to laugh, to go on with life. For them it was a normal demonstration. In the evening, the teenagers with the casts sit around and listen carefully to a talk. Like every evening, at some point everyone begins to sing, to chat; we dance a Palestinian dance with dozens of people.

The horrors of the day sink into oblivion. Suddenly I think I understand that the hospitality and the collectiveness that we experience here and the indescribable injustice that the people in Palestine experience are indeed two sides of the same coin. You suffer together, you give yourself over together into the exhilaration of the dancing and the singing.

Through the checkpoint to the mosque

The physical and psychic violence against the Palestinians that I encountered at the demonstration, extended from the first to the last day of our two and a half week weeks there. For example, during our day tour to al-Khalil (Hebron), where the oppression of Palestinians becomes visible as if under a magnifying glass. In al-Khalil 800 settlers under the protection of 2000 soldiers have ensconced themselves in the town centre.

We walk through a market street. At its end it becomes bustling. A queue of people begins to form because a checkpoint is located here. This is a turnstile, through which our travel group also must pass through in order to see another part of the city. Over and over, the turnstile pauses. Each time I am stuck for a few seconds until I can turn round. My heart beats faster when I am welcomed on the other side by soldiers with machine guns.

Here I realise that the people who had been pressured through the control like animals were all going to a mosque located right next to the soldiers’ station post. I stand on the small square, on which a few children want to sell us water. It is desolate and tears run down my eyes.

A feeling like imprisonment

The children gather near us and ask my travel companions why I am crying. Here once more, my reality collides with theirs. While I can barely endure the notion that the people here are cooped up by the Israeli military as if they were in prison, life between the soldiers is like a normality for the children of al-Khalil.

Here as well, stones are sometimes flung during disputes, causing the press to fall over itself with relish. Today it became clear in which moments this becomes frequent: the soldiers leave only the 100 metres of the street unblocked for Palestinians and guard the illegally occupied houses in the city centre. Sometimes they close an additional checkpoint without warning. This prevents some children from going to school. Waiting is an option, turning around is another. A third possibility, as rage grows, is picking up and throwing a stone.

Apartheid up close

In al-Khalil witnessed the following “conflict” situation: one side guards illegal settlements and fragments the city into a patchwork of checkpoints. Sometimes this side marches into mosques with boots and shoves the praying Muslims outside. The other side must go through an armed control checkpoint in order to pray. But they are denied access to some streets.

Today Israeli citizens live above Gold Street, and throw their garbage out of their windows. Old plastic chairs, diapers and food scraps are stacked a mete above the street below. Palestinians who can afford to, move away.

A Palestinian throwing a stone can be immediately taken into custody or shot. It is exceedingly uncommon for an Israeli soldier to be convicted for murdering a Palestinian. That is what apartheid means. I ask myself whether all journalists who write so bitterly against this definition have ever been here.

Hopeless in the Holy City

One of our last stations is Jerusalem. Against expectations it is rather calm. Only a day before our arrival hundreds of settlers forced themselves into the grounds of the al-Aqsa Mosque. After two weeks in Palestine our nerves are slowly reaching their limits. The hopelessness is setting in because we have experienced first-hand that anyone who goes on the streets against the illegitimate invasion of the mosque places their freedom or their life on the line.

Our friend leads us towards Sheikh Jarrah. the streets where the previous year an “anti-terror unit” of Israeli police forces and heavily armed soldiers forcibly evicted of a Palestinian family. This sparked off a mass movement to prevent it in Palestine and in the whole word.

Now we stand in front of the house, in which illegal Israeli settlers currently live. On the house is placed a Star of David, an Israeli flag, and about 10 cameras which are observing us. The Palestinian family that lived here sometimes sleeps in a car and at others with relatives. It is unlikely that they will be able to return to their house.

On the other side of the road, an even more drastic picture awaits us. Here, illegal settlers have taken up residence in the front garden of a small house belonging to a Palestinian family. I unsuccessfully try to imagine what it must be like to walk past my previous second house every morning, and not be able to do anything, although it has been illegally occupied for a year, there are no legal means to challenge this.

No religious conflict

An old gentleman walks along the street. Our friend introduces him to us as one of the neighbours. Like most people here, he has witnessed the protests against the forced evictions from start to finish. He explains that his grand-daughter has been sitting in prison for a year. She is accused of having used violence against an Israeli during the protests. She is 17 years old. He does not know when he will see her again.

I recall the speech of a Jewish comrade at the festival from a couple of days ago. He spoke about the difference between Judaism and the State of Israel, and of his solidarity towards Palestinian resistance. He described his anguish every time when Judaism and the Star of David that he wore on his wrist, are equated with Israel or with Zionism by German society. For him his identity is irreconcilable with the injustice that the State of Israel perpetrates against the Palestinians.

He received great applause for his speech. He felt no hint of scepticism based on his Jewish identity. Again and again it was explained to me at the festival that people have Jewish friends and neighbours with whom they live together.

Unending fury and a spark of hope

In the airplane I speculate that the thoughts of the checkpoints and machine guns will circle in my head every day back in Germany. Actually, it is the people who we met at the festival and on the field trips, that I think of the most: those who met us with so much warmth.

I think about the numerous grinning faces when we entered the festival grounds, about the girls and the boys who performed the dances, the collective cleaning of the school, which was interrupted every half hour with a dance, broom in hand. I think of all the families who brought us to the bus or organised for us to be picked up at the next stop by another family, so that nothing happened to us.

Despite the harrowing violence, I have returned with unending fury and a spark of hope. Because the majority of Palestinians radiate so much humanity and positivity that they will under no circumstances let themselves be expelled. One day, as it was repeatedly said to me, Palestine will be free.

This article originally appeared in German in critica. Translation Ali Khan. Reproduced with permission.

Julia will be talking about her experiences and showing film and photographs on Sunday, 20th November from 3pm in Bilgisaray, Oranienstraße 45.

Radio Berlin International #16 – Sounds of Umverteilen

Sounds and music from the Umverteilen demonstration

In this episode, we hear sounds and music from the Umverteilen protest that took place in Berlin this weekend.

This week’s playlist is:

  • Slim Young – Otan Hunu
  • Yasmo & die Klangkantine – Rich
  • The Coup – 5 Million Ways to Kill A C.E.O.
  • Knorkator – Milliardäre
  • Refpolk, Lenkin.hop, Acero Moretti – They Shall Not Pass
  • Bettina Wegner – Kinder (Sind so kleine Hände)
  • Brass Riot, Etu – Heat
  • Iries Révoltés – Fäuste hoch
  • Leikeli47 – Attitude
  • Çav Bella – Grup Yorum
  • Dolly Parton – 9 to 5

The sounds were recorded by Kirsty Pattison and the show was produced and presented by Tom Wills.

Please tell us what you think of the show by emailing radio@theleftberlin.com.

The Nature of Money

A philosophical reflection on the forces that drive inflation


15/11/2022

Introduction

At some point in our childhoods, we have all wondered why, when things get expensive, our national governments don’t simply print more money to purchase them? The nearest adult, probably a parent, responded with the simple explanation: inflation. If you print more money, the prices will rise with the supply of money.

Alongside familiar pillars of ideological hegemony such as the church, monarchy, and the state, the currency is excluded from inclusion perhaps because of its supranational and, simultaneously, instrumental character. For a non-specialist observer, unfamiliar with the opaque jargon and ideological machinations of the world of finance, the question “what is money?” becomes so daunting to answer that inevitably it is left to “the experts”. I wish to provide an explanation of money that is sufficiently accurate, intellectually accessible, and broad in scope so that we may shake off this fear of politicising money.

The Cross of Gold

What came first: debt or money? Our intuitive response to this question reveals the economic assumptions instilled into us. The correct answer, according to David Graeber, is debt. For coinage to become the medium of commerce, it was necessary to develop sufficiently accurate scales that could be used to denominate metal-based coinage into practical quantities for daily commerce. Even once formal currency began to be used for commodity exchange, its adoption was variable and historically contingent. Throughout much of the feudal era, the vast majority of society did not settle obligations with a currency but rather through goods or services in kind. The widespread adoption of currency was facilitated by the growth of the urban economies of Ancient Greece, Ancient Rome, Byzantium, and during feudalism in the free cities that pocketed the vast agricultural economy. Whenever economic depressions occurred, coinage retreated and payments in kind proliferated further.

Coinage had to be acceptable as a form of payment between societies and civilisations for trade of goods and services that were unavailable internally. This transnational acceptance of a unified metal payment system was facilitated by the spectacular conquests of Alexander the Great. He oversaw the standardisation of Persian royal bullion and injected it into the commercial networks of his vast empire, thus bringing a system of payment common in Athenian realms to much of the known world.

Precious metals maintained a psychological grip on civilisations longer than any religion or system of rule. Discovering easily mined reserves of gold or silver transformed the fates of imperial realms, yet their inevitable exhaustion signalled their imminent fall. Within three decades of the end of the Second World War, at a stroke, gold’s dominance was permanently consigned to history when Richard Nixon broke the dollar’s peg to gold. Had Augustus attempted such a policy at the height of Roman power, it would have caused a cataclysmic implosion of the Roman state. Why should Richard Nixon have been so fortunate?

This is the level at which we should approach the currency question as opposed to the more immediate, impenetrable, technically opaque policy debates conducted by economists, central bankers, and finance ministers. It may be attractive to speak endlessly about financial instruments, flows of capital, interest rates, sovereign debts, and much more for the bookish among us. However, to build mass support for a 21st century ecologically oriented, internationalist socialist project we have to cut across the technical minutiae to elucidate the function of money as an allocative force.

In that sense, currency is an imperfect translator. The convertibility of silver mined in Silesia and Sardinia for silk and ceramics produced in China. What is the essential utility of precious metal, mined with such great effort and at great human cost? What is difference in utility between a cup made of silver versus a cup made of porcelain? In a more modern sense, what is the difference in utility between a cup of gold versus a year of academic research? The inherent impossibility of such tasks in a given time, place, and historical context is thus simplified by the magical, fiat value encoded in money, whether backed by precious metal or pegged to the value of a dollar.

As capitalism became more international in scope, a complex system of confidence wagering developed where all major currencies in circulation had to demonstrate convertibility with precious metal – the gold standard. But this replicated the problems of more primitive times. What happens when everyone simultaneously wants to convert cash to gold? In essence, this meant that the world’s economy was held hostage to the amount of gold that could be mined, purified, and locked in a vault; a truly absurd way to conduct economic affairs when seen this way.

The truly intercontinental political and economic integration forced upon the world by the violent convulsions of the Second World War enabled the technical possibility of fiat currency. But the need for magical belief did not die with gold. Instead the burden of responsibility fell on the most potent symbol of security (in every sense of the word): the US dollar. The material source of this confidence, I would argue, is in the potency of the politico-military infrastructure erected by the United States after World War II.

Modernity

The Church contended with the popular pressures of the Reformation. Absolute monarchs gave way to parliaments of societal elites who in turn succumbed to the demands for universal suffrage. In each case there was a serious clash between values and ideas leading to a transformation in the nature of each of these institutions. Monarchs, even where they exist today, first lost their status as divine appointees and then their political power. Parliaments steadily took the sovereign position of the monarchs they replaced and sought legitimacy through popular elections. But money has escaped unscathed from such drastic reformulations of purpose. Except for William Jennings Bryan’s famous attempt to adopt a bimetallic standard, to the best of my knowledge, changes to the currency system have never been the focus of political agitation.

There is no willingness in economics to centre humanistic aims in the allocation and application of money. The shift towards a system of floating, fiat currencies did not facilitate a shift towards a more agile way of valuing socially productive work and commodities, but rather a hyper-flexible system of leveraging that could expand as far as belief would allow i.e. market confidence. Where previously financial systems traced a tether to a discrete reserve of gold, now they only needed to command confidence, which could be drawn from various sources.

Chasing the “confidence fairy”, a term coined by economist Paul Krugman, was more central to governments following the 2008 crash than the very material needs of human development. But in the aftermath of the crash the bourgeoisie undertook a project to re-allocate resources and remodel power relations in society through the levers of money. In doing so they birthed the demons that haunt us today: the far-right, accelerating ecological collapse, war, and disease.

Inflation

With this philosophical scaffolding we can begin to assess inflation as laypeople. Central banks across the world issued new currency in the trillions and reduced interest rates to near 0% in response to the 2008 Crash. Yet consumer price inflation stayed lamentably low. And so we may ask ourselves, where did the money go? Why is there inflation now, over a decade after the sharpest pulses of money were injected into the arteries of the world economy?

Arguably the most pressing case of inflation in the advanced economies of the Global North today is the unaffordability of housing. More generally, the value of assets – the purchasable entities that themselves are a source of money – have risen at an unprecedented pace over the period after the crash. By contrast, the prices of commodities in our daily lives have until very recently stayed relatively stable. This was not an accident.

Where on the one hand, wealth – in the form of non-liquid assets – became expensive, pulling up the draw bridge of “social mobility”, on the other a passive consent was manufactured through low inflation. Vast sums of currency did not “trickle down” into productive investments that could lead to a breakthrough into a new dynamism but instead entrenched an even more static economic settlement.

As a result, wealth inequality is today worse than inequality recorded in the period leading to the French Revolution of 1789. This alarmism ought to be seen in the right context. The value of wealth, in the form of assets that cannot readily be exchanged for cash, is inflated precisely because the post-Crash money issuing was largely allocated to purchasing the same limited pool of assets. Demand for these assets outstripped the supply of their creation, leading to inflation. But this is a paper tiger in the making, leaving entire financial systems at risk of collapse if the value of these assets is brought back to earth. All the credit that was then issued by central banks, lent out by intermediate institutions, incorporated into incomprehensible leveraging schemes, would evaporate – an economic implosion in the making.

This is one example that demonstrates that inflation is a consequence of varying sets of conditions that at their most immediate level manifest as an acute mismatch between demand and supply. But the mismatch itself is an effect, not a cause. Ultimately, it is not the oversupply of money that causes inflation, it is the choice of what that money is allocated for that is determinant. Similarly, the other hallmark of the post-Crash economy – the reduction in the value of human labour through deregulation and insecurity – is a result of the absolute unwillingness to allocate the liquidity injected into the world economy towards productive labour.

The most acute examples of this are in sectors where gender, race, and class intersect: custodial staff, care workers, nurses, fruit pickers, teachers etc. The inability of these categories of workers to purchase more, often in times of historically low unemployment, explains in part the low consumer price inflation of the post-Crash period. If the post-Crash stimulated had stimulated, for example, a green economic renaissance, workers would have been presented with an opportunity to bargain for better incomes. Furthermore, healthy levels of inflation around the 3% per annum mark may have been achieved with the increasing economic demand. But this did not happen precisely because there were no means of exerting popular sovereignty over the issuers of money.

Conclusions

The prevalence of money as a lubricant of commerce was achieved thousands of years ago in part through the violence of conquest. Though monetary practices have evolved over this period, we are yet to develop a popular understanding and purpose for money. But the nature of money is not nearly so esoteric as we imagine once we see it as an allocative force. It is up to the working class to remake the value system according to its own priorities in a world facing ecological collapse. Reformulating the concept of money under a framework of humanist goals will help us develop a modern eco-socialist political program that transcends the bureaucratic centralist shortcomings of 20th Century socialist planning. We must dare to envision a new money fit for a post-capitalist world.

Why I will not watch this World Cup

I will not be able to enjoy the football, knowing about the abuse of human rights which made it happen


14/11/2022

Diana Ross fluffing her lines. Ballon d’Or Baggio muzzled by McGrath. Nigeria announcing themselves. The solo run of Saeed Owairan. Lalas’ hair. Campos’ kits. Maradona’s maw. Dahlin. Hagi. Stoichkov. Romario. Penalties. When I was 9 years old, USA ‘94 made me fall in love with football. Every FIFA World Cup since has been a must-watch for me.

Until now.

That Qatar was awarded the tournament at all was, of course, ludicrous on its face. Qatari organisers initially insisted that the country could host the event in the summer…when temperatures routinely pass 40℃. Thankfully, the dates were moved, but many issues remained. The country is tiny, it has only one international airport for goodness’ sake. It has no football tradition whatsoever. There is no fan culture.

None of those are reasons why I will not be watching.

No, my objections surround the human rights violations of the Gulf state. LGBTQ+ relationships are banned. punishable by fines, jail sentences and even death…by stoning. Human Rights Watch report that the security services regularly arrest gay, lesbian and transgender citizens, who are sometimes forced to undergo conversion therapy. This makes a mockery of Qatar’s claim that, at the World Cup, “everyone is welcome”.

If that is not reason enough for a boycott, how about labour rights? Thousands of foreign workers travelled from as far afield as Ghana and the Philippines to help construct the stadia and assorted infrastructure needed for the tournament. These workers live in appalling conditions, subject to unimaginable privation, and are paid a pittance for the privilege – the minimum wage in the country is the equivalent of about €1 per hour. Still, it could be worse.

They could be dead.

Qatar say that 37 workers involved in stadium construction have died, and that only 3 of those deaths were work-related. UK newspaper The Guardian, on the other hand, used data supplied by embassies in Doha to come up with a figure of 6,500 deaths among World Cup labourers. Which total do you think is more believable?

Much as Israel paints any criticism of its actions as antisemitic, Qatar seeks to handwave away the highlighting of its egregious violations as Islamophobic. As in the case of the former, in which there are unquestionably those whose anti-Zionism is rooted more in antisemitism than a genuine desire for justice, there are doubtless Islamophobes out there who would object to this World Cup regardless of Qatar’s policies. Yes, previous tournaments have had their issues, which could have earned a boycott; the 2018 edition staged in Putin’s Russia comes to mind. Nonetheless, I contend that no World Cup in the last 30 years has been so brazen in its disregard for basic human dignity.

The Qatari regime wants to use the glitz and glamour of the World Cup to put on a pristine picture of life in the Gulf State and hide the desperate inequality and inhumane conditions in which their own people live. This is called ‘sportswashing’. Apartheid South Africa tried to do the same, as did Hitler’s Germany. Indeed, arguably the most successful example in World Cup history was that of Argentina in 1978, where the fascist Junta staged a tournament in which the home team emerged victorious…drowning out the screams of those ‘enemies of the state’ held prisoner in the notorious Navy Petty-Officers School of Mechanics.

It hurts to miss a World Cup. It really hurts. Football is the longest-lasting love of my life, an obsession that has never burnt out or dulled…and such international tournaments provide so much joy and excitement – not just to me, but to literally millions of people around the globe. It unites us, in a way that no other sporting event can.

Qatar 2022, however, cost too much blood to look past.