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Letter from the Editors, 8th February 2024

Film, discussion and Küfa on Gaza


07/02/2024


Hello everyone,

This week’s Palestine demos start this afternoon (Thursday) at midday, around the same time as this Newsletter goes out. The demonstration End the Lies and Hypocrisy! Freedom for Palestine! is organised by the Palestine Committee at the FU. It starts at Otto-von-Simson Straße 26. Tomorrow there is a rally Give Access to Aid, protesting against the defunding of the UNRWA aid agency by Germany and other countries. The rally takes place at 12.30pm to 2pm at the Ministry of Economic Cooperation and Development, Stresemannstraße 94. On Saturday, there’s a demonstration Boycott Siemens! Freedom for Palestine! starting at 2pm at Hermannplatz.

There is a change to the schedule for this evening’s Film On Israel in Café MadaMe, Mehringplatz 10 at 7pm. Instead of the advertised film, tonight you can see Voices from Gaza. Voices from Gaza was shot in 1987/88,  during the first intifada. In the film, the people of Gaza (most of whom are refugees) tell their story. Palestinian men, women, and children speak frankly about the effect of Israel’s occupation on their lives, but also about the work of local “popular committees,” through which they provide each other with alternative education, health care, and welfare services, even under the daunting conditions of occupation.  Although screened internationally at the time – also in the USA —  television stations in the USA refused to air the film.

On Saturday at 3pm, the Museum Charlottenburg-Wilmersdorf is organising a talk Indian Anti-Colonialism in Weimar Berlin: Transnational Networks and Revolution from a Distance with Dr. Ole Birk Laursen. In 1920s Berlin, the German capital was a hub for anti-colonial revolutionaries in exile, including many Indian veteran revolutionaries as well as newcomers. They established new anti-colonial organisations, sometimes in collaboration with other exiled revolutionaries, sometimes with their own national agenda; they organised social events and fierce protests against racism and imperialism; they negotiated transnational networks, global politics, repression, and deportation; and they plotted revolution from a distance.

Also on Saturday, the POC Art Collective and LINKE Berlin Internationals are organising a Film and discussion on Gaza. At 5pm, you can see the documentary, “Aisheen, Still Alive in Gaza”. “Where is the ghost town?”, asks the little boy to the theme park attendant. “It’s there, right there. But it has been bombed… Do you want to see it?” It is with these words that the film, Aisheen, begins – an impressionist journey through a devastated Gaza after the war in 2009. And the ghost town? Gaza is the ghost town. Food will be offered at 6.30pm followed by a discussion with Gazan socialist and feminist Fida’a Al-Jaazin about the current situation in Gaza. The event takes place in Bilgisaray, Oranienstraße 45.

On Sunday, at 3pm (NOTE: an hour later than the normal start time), it’s the latest Berlin LINKE Internationals Walking Tour: This City Kills Fascists. Horst Wessel was a young leader of the Nazi Party in the working-class neighborhood of Friedrichshain. On January 14, 1930, he was shot in his apartment, and he died a month later. Joseph Goebbels turned him into the Nazis’ principle martyr. Our tour will be meeting in front of Kino International, Karl-Marx-Allee 33, U5 Schillingstraße. We will meet at 15:00 and leave by 15:10. The tour will end two hours later near Rosenthaler Platz. We will not be using public transportation — the tour will be entirely outside. If you register by e-mail, you will receive handouts for the tour some time on Saturday.

Also on Sunday, it’s our latest Palestine Reading Group, this time on How other Countries were liberated. Click here to register and to view the recommended reading. The Palestine Reading Group takes place every week at 7pm in the Agit offices, Nansenstraße 2. This means that the next group (on Violence of the Oppressed) will be on Friday, February 16th, Future dates for Reading Groups are posted on our Events page. You can also join our Telegram Group to keep up with the debate and suggest future subjects or readings.

On Tuesday, the Tech Workers Coalition is organising an online Event Bringing Palestine Solidarity to Your Workplace. A panel of tech workers from 3 differently-sized companies will share their experiences and reflections on engaging their executive leadership. As the meeting is mainly for an audience in the US, the starting time is 2am, but people in Berlin can register here.

There is much more going on in Berlin. To find out what’s happening, go to our Events page. You can also see a shorter, but more detailed list of events in which we are directly involved in here.

If you are looking for Resources on Palestine, we have set up a page with useful links. We will be continually updating the page, so if you would like to recommend other links, please contact us on team@theleftberlin.com.

This week’s Campaign of the Week is Fund Healthcare not Warfare, whose Berlin branch was launched this week. Whilst our government’s budget drastically increases, healthcare services continue to be precarious. This is in tandem with the relentless politicisation of and assaults on trans and reproductive healthcare, the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic, and the housing crisis. Our governments must FUND HEALTHCARE, NOT WARFARE. Palestinians deserve to live with freedom and dignity. Everyone deserves access to healthcare. The next ‘Fund Healthcare Not Warfare’ Berlin chapter meeting will be announced ASAP. Please follow @danglassmincer for updates.

In News from Berlin, the Berlinale is under fire for inviting AfD politicians, and memorial plaque to “euthanasia” victims of the Nazis is vandalised.

In News from Germany, hundreds of thousands demonstrate throughout the country against the AfD, Lufthansa ground staff set to strike, and Letzte Generation plan new strategies.

Read all about it in this week’s News from Berlin and Germany.

New on theleftberlin, Nathaniel Flakin argues that homelessness in Berlin is a deliberate government plan, Egyptian activist Heba Attia Mousa calls on White German activists to recognise the exclusion of the victims of racism from anti-racist demos, the latest photo and cartoon from Palestinian artists Rasha Al-Jundi and Michael Jabareen, Dr. John Puntis critiques the Labour Party’s plan for health care in Britain, Phil Butland asks how can we stop the AfD?, we interview Chris Denson from the National Executive of the British teachers’ union about trade unions and Palestine, the “asamblea en solidaridad con argentina” look at the latest protests against Argentinian president Javier Milei, and Jewish socialist Rowan Gaudet examines the latest statistics about rising antisemitism in Germany.

In this week’s Video of the Week, Jewish socialist Rachael Shapiro reports on the abuse which she experienced on last week’s demonstration against the AfD.

You can follow us on the following social media:

If you would like to contribute any articles or have any questions or criticisms about our work, please contact us at team@theleftberlin.com. And please do encourage your friends to subscribe to this Newsletter.

Keep on fighting,

The Left Berlin Editorial Board

Distorted statistics do not help the fight against antisemitism

Recent methodologically unsound reports released by RIAS foster a distorted view of antisemitism, which has been repeated by German politicians and media.

Two recent reports by the Bundesverband der Recherche- und Informationsstellen Antisemitismus (RIAS) have claimed that antisemitism has skyrocketed in Germany since October 7th. These numbers have been reported on by German media, who have taken RIAS at its word, most recently in a documentary by the public television broadcaster ZDF. In a political climate where even slogans such as “stop the genocide” are made controversial, these statistics appear to provide methodologically-sound justification for claims of rampant Jew-hatred. Looking at the content of the reports, however, leaves serious doubt as to the reliability of RIAS’ claims.

On October 20th, RIAS published a preliminary report claiming 202 verified antisemitic incidents between October 7th and 15th. At the end of November, they then released a second, more thorough report which reported 994 verified antisemitic incidents across Germany between October 7th and November 9th. This second report includes the incidents from the first, and adds further analysis and a longer time-frame in its consideration. These incidents were mostly reported through local bodies, of which Bundesverband RIAS acts as the umbrella organisation.

Antisemitism statistics come primarily from two different sources in Germany. One is police statistics which, as Israeli-German activist Iris Hefets noted in a recent speech, will be drastically manipulated by the widespread arrests of Palestine-solidarity activists over the past months. This includes Hefets’ own multiple arrests, which would likely count as multiple antisemitic incidents.

Even under better circumstances, there are reasons to be wary of police hate-crime statistics. This makes an honest appraisal of RIAS’s work – which is the other source for such statistics – all the more important. RIAS is also important for its connections to the German federal government, which regularly uses its statistics in its strategies against antisemitism. The government funds RIAS through the Federal Government Commissioner for Jewish Life in Germany and the Fight against Antisemitism. The reports themselves note that they receive funding from the federal “Live Democracy!” program, and the Federal Ministry of the Interior and Home Affairs. 

 

Problems with RIAS’ Methodology

RIAS’ methodology suffers for its lack of clarity. The first obvious issue is to consider what they mean by “verified” antisemitic incidents. At no point in either report do the unnamed authors specify what this verification process entails, what standards are used, or who is carrying it out. This lack of clarity casts doubts over their numbers altogether.

Similarly, there is no attempt to clarify or define what constitutes “Israel-related antisemitism”, which the second report states was present in 87% of incidents. This is reflective of the reports’ lack of description regarding what antisemitism is. In fairness, this is at least partially the result of the total lack of citations or bibliography.

Looking at older RIAS publications, it becomes clear that they support the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance definition of antisemitism (IHRA definition), and have openly used it in past reports. It seems a reasonable assumption that they use the IHRA definition for this report as well.

The many issues with the IHRA definition have been discussed elsewhere, with the European Legal Support Center (ELSC) releasing their own report – with transparent methodology, I would add – which documented 53 cases when the definition was used to repress Palestine solidarity. The IHRA definition recently gained notice here in Berlin when protests and widespread criticism forced the city’s Senate to withdraw a proposed clause which would have forced artists with state funding to sign onto it.

The use of the IHRA definition to decide what would constitute an antisemitic incident risks inflating the numbers. This has been seen in the Canadian context, as written about by the sociologist Sheryl Nestel in her research report about the antisemitic statistics gathered by B’nai Brith Canada. 

Nestel also critiques B’nai Brith for its lack of transparency regarding the content of reported incidents. She compares this to the American Anti-Defamation League’s antisemitism statistics which includes an online database listing all the incidents they report (although Jewish Currents has written critically about the ADL’s statistics for other reasons, it is worth noting). In this regard, RIAS is intransparent as in the Canadian example.

RIAS could be forgiven for not giving a detailed description of each of the 994 incidents they claim to have verified, and instead, could have provided a large sample of fleshed out cases or examples. Instead, they only quickly mention various incidents in-text and provide selective examples to the reader. 

To put it in numbers, of the 202 incidents in the first report, they provide 21 examples, just over 10%. For the second report they give 25 examples of 994 incidents. Considering that the incidents which make up the first report are included in the larger scope of the second report, we can be generous and combine the examples from the two reports (none of which overlap). We find that between the two reports RIAS provided 46 examples for the 994 antisemitic incidents they report, meaning they only provide the reader with 4.6% of incidents. Currently, there is no published information regarding the other 95.4% of incidents the reports claim to be about.

This lack of transparency means that RIAS’ process for deciding what constitutes an antisemitic incident is incredibly important. Unfortunately, we have already seen how intransparent this process is as well. Even with this limited base of examples to evaluate how RIAS decides what constitutes antisemitism, though, we find extremely problematic examples. For instance, there are cases which might be distasteful, but it is unclear how they are to be considered antisemitic. 

To quote one such case in full, on October 8 in Kiel: “At a solidarity rally with Israel, several participants were spat at by a group.” The fact that this is one of the only 46 examples of the antisemitic incidents which RIAS is reporting, highlights how unhelpful their few descriptions are. Here, RIAS presents no information that those attacked were Jewish, and so seems to claim that any person attacked for their participation in a pro-Israel event is in fact the victim of antisemitism. Given their opaque verification process, it is also unclear how they know this actually happened, as no sources are mentioned.

A similar thread can be seen from many of the examples of antisemitic gatherings/assemblies, of which RIAS states 177 took place. In their first report, RIAS admits that at “individual smaller events, greater care was taken to avoid antisemitic statements, either by the organizers or due to assembly requirements and bans.” RIAS says that this shows that “differences in the articulation of antisemitism could […] be observed”. Reading between the lines, it appears that some of the rallies did not include utterances which RIAS considers antisemitic language, but were nonetheless counted as antisemitic incidents, presumably due to their pro-Palestinian nature. Of course, if RIAS had released the full list of incidents, it would be clear whether or not this was the case.

RIAS’ understanding of antisemitism is also visible through its focus on attacks against the Israeli flag, literally an Israeli-state symbol. Of the 46 examples given, 7 are attacks on the Israeli flag. RIAS even tells us in the second report that “140 incidents were reported in which Israeli flags […] were damaged or stolen.” These are included as antisemitic incidents, the statistical equivalent to an attack on an actual Jew. By their own numbers, 14% of RIAS’ antisemitic incidents are about the Israeli flag.

It must be said that RIAS’ emphasis on attacks against the Israeli flag being considered antisemitic feel particularly ironic, considering that for several weeks there were de facto bans on waving Palestinian flags throughout much of Berlin. Those who dared to publicly hold these flags were frequently arrested by the police.

Even when discussing actual and dangerous antisemitism, such as when molotov cocktails were thrown at a Berlin synagogue, RIAS’ reports have methodological problems. The reports fail to differentiate between such serious incidents and verbal antisemitic attacks or online statements in their overall numbers. The latter deserve to be taken seriously, but they are vastly different in their severity from physical attacks. The methodological choice of combining all these together in their numbers allows RIAS to create dramatic statistics, but at the cost of clarity regarding antisemitism in Germany.

These methodological questions and issues are largely sidestepped throughout the reports. The first report opens by stating that October 7th “will go down in history as the day with the most Jewish casualties since 1945.” Readers are left to decide for themselves whether references to the Holocaust are an accurate substitute for methodology.

 

Why are these statistics so dangerous?

There is real antisemitism in Germany, and there have been real antisemitic incidents since October 7th. We do not need RIAS’ reports to know this. Methodologically flawed statistics such as these, though, have the effect of mystifying the state of antisemitism in Germany. The blatant flaws in these statistics could be used by someone to argue that there is no real antisemitism here, that it is all made up. 

Simultaneously, by stuffing the numbers with attacks on Israeli flags and the like, their overblown numbers create a climate of fear which makes accurate assessments of Jewish safety in Germany difficult. Especially considering the familial trauma of many Jews living here, fear mongering about antisemitism is emotionally harmful.

Flawed statistics also mean that we are left with little to no reliable information about the actual number or origin of antisemitic incidents. Instead, we have claims – such as the one in RIAS’ first report – that 2% of antisemitic incidents come from a far-right political ideology. A vague and dangerous statement, it could be used to dismiss right-wing antisemitism, just as the AfD are posed to win regional elections in various German states.

But reports such as this one are arguably most dangerous for other minorities, especially Palestinians and Muslims, who are regularly scapegoated by German media and politicians as the source of hatred towards Jews. These reports are published in a context of skyrocketing Islamophobia and anti-Palestinian racism, after all. In focusing on Palestine-solidarity, these reports contribute to a racist atmosphere which justifies the calls for mass deportations, whether they come from the AfD or the SPD. As Anna-Esther Younes has shown, claims of “imported antisemitism” date back to the early 2000’s, when Germany’s new citizenship rules provoked a crisis regarding who could become German. It seems unlikely to be a coincidence that debates over citizenship are prominent again today.

These divide-and-rule tactics between Jews and Palestinians/Muslims – arguments which claim to protect the former by attacking the latter – are harmful to genuine anti-racist movements. Within the actual Palestine-solidarity movements in Berlin, though, people have seen through these claims. The Berlin-based Jewish Antifascist Bund released a statement to this effect back in October, around the same time RIAS published the first report, under the appropriate title, “You Do Not Protect Us”. The Bund’s statement critiqued the same claims that RIAS attempted to support with statistics. In the end, though, statistics devoid of methodology are not better than claims devoid of statistics.

Mass protests against the reform package of Javier Milei’s right-wing populist government in Argentina

Statement by the asamblea en solidaridad con argentina


06/02/2024

Since last Tuesday the Argentine parliament has been deliberating over a controversial law package as thousands of demonstrators protested before the house of representatives, sometimes being confronted with massive police violence.The press union in Buenos Aires and other local media outlets report more than 25 instances of Journalists injured by the police through rubber bullets, water cannons, and an unknown, extremely aggressive irritant spray.

The “Anti-Demonstration Protocol” introduced by Minister of Social Security Patricia Bullrich means that by declaration of a state of emergency, rights and guarantees enshrined in the constitution are suspended, vastly restricting the legitimate right to protest and freedom of expression. With the help of special security technologies, lists were compiled of activists and social security benefit recipients were compiled who must contend with sanctions should they partake in demonstrations.

Due to these circumstances, yesterday left-wing and Peronist representatives demanded the session be cancelled. The request was not granted and the debate resumed on Friday afternoon. Should a majority in parliament vote for the reform package, the senate must also agree. Particularly contentious points which pose an exceptional risk to democracy are the privatisation of more than 30 public companies and the transfer of special powers to the government in case of economic crisis.

In December of last year, the Assembly for Solidarity with Argentina consisting of activists from Bloque Latinoamericano and over 50 independent Argentine citizens was launched in Berlin. In cooperation with similar initiatives in six european cities they created the international network ‘Argentinia no Se Vende’ (Argentinia is Not for Sale), which contributes to reporting on the danger in Europe.

This statement originally appeared in Spanish. Translation: Shav MacKay. Reproduced with permission

“Palestine should be central to every trade union around the world”

Interview with Chris Denson, National Executive member of the British teaching union NEU ahead of tomorrow’s union Day of Action for Palestine

Thanks for speaking to us. Could you just start by introducing yourself?

I’m Chris Denson. I’m a teacher in England. And I’m also a member of the National Executive of the National Education union (NEU).

The union executive recently passed a resolution on Palestine. Could you tell me what was in that resolution?

Well, we’ve passed several resolutions over the past few months, because as educators, as people who represent teachers and support children, we see that destruction that’s happening every single day. We see what’s happening to children in that area. We see what’s happening to schools.

So the resolution is quite lengthy. It talks about the fact that over 22,000 Palestinians have been killed – over 7,700 children since this war in Gaza began. It also notes that within two months, not only has every single hospital in Gaza been destroyed, we also believe that every single school has as well.

So no child in Gaza is being schooled at all, never mind the killing that’s going on. In the West Bank, access to schools is really difficult for Palestinian children. They’re routinely stopped on their way to school at military checkpoints. They’re held at gunpoint. They have bullets fired above their heads routinely. The terror that they’re facing is enormous.

As a union, both at local and national level, we’ve agreed that we should be at the forefront of this battle when we see such genocide unfolding in front of our eyes. When we see such human catastrophe, then, as teachers or support staff, as educators, we absolutely can’t stay silent.

Our union has been at the centre of the national demonstrations in Britain. In many of our towns and cities, our members have been talking on those demonstrations. Our General Secretary and President have spoken at the national demos. Key activists have been at the front and centre of those demonstrations to try to push back on what we see happening every day.

We have called a workplace Day of Action for 7th February. At the last workplace day of action, quite a number of our schools did things. We want to widen this and make sure that these activities are happening in as many workplaces as possible. So we agreed to publicize this nationally, to our half million members.

We have put out some ideas for what schools can do. For example, in Coventry, where I work, we had our general meeting last night. Part of the meeting was set aside to discuss what we can do in our schools around Palestine. We’ve also vocally encouraged members to attend demonstrations wherever they can, and to take union banners.

We believe that unions should be at the centre of these pushbacks and are building a series of resources that members can use in schools to educate their students on what’s unfolding in front of their eyes, to support them through it, and to build some kind of resistance to the killing that we’re seeing every single day.

Some people would say that what’s happening in Gaza is tragic, but you’re a British trade union. You should be looking after your members in Britain. What’s Palestine got to do with British teaching unions?

I think Palestine should be central to every trade union around the world.. We don’t look at things in a narrow sectarian way. Within Britain, if we see any other union which is under attack, we support them. Last week, the rail unions were threatened with minimum service levels. We acted on that and sent our solidarity. When we see that migrants in our country are being treated appallingly, as educators and trade unionists we have to roll in behind that.

As a trade union, we should be looking beyond our own national borders. If we see people around the world who are suffering, denied their rights, killed, and brutalized, whether it’s in Palestine or anywhere else, it’s our duty to stand up and be part of the pushback, Many people across the movement would say that if you’re silent, then you’re complicit.

Trade unionists in Britain and Germany, and anywhere else in the world should be shouting from the rooftops when they see what’s unfolding in Gaza.

You mentioned the day of action on 7th February. Could you say a bit more about what will happen? How many people will be involved?

It’s really difficult to say how many people it will involve. We have half a million people in our union across around 25,000 schools. We are writing to every single member and every single group to try to get things going on in those schools. We don’t know exactly how many will do that. But we hope that thousands of schools will get involved.

They could do various different things. When we had our discussion at a big meeting yesterday, we talked about what I’ve done in our school. We’ve run a series of assemblies for the children. We’re setting up working parties with student leaders to raise money for Save the Children in Gaza. We’re setting up safe spaces, so children can come and speak to us and speak to each other about it.

Where that’s not possible, we can call members’ meetings, get the whole staff together and show videos from the General Palestinian Teachers’ Union. We can look at how staff can start to raise money for Gaza. Whenever we speak to people from Gaza or the West Bank, they always tell us that aid and support is brilliant. But the biggest thing they want from us is to not stay silent – for Palestine to be a part of everybody’s conversation.

If the conflict continues, we hope for future days of action that will build and build. The more places we can get those conversations going, the more pressure we can apply to hopefully end the
the abuse that we’re seeing every single day. The treatment of the Palestinian people goes far beyond what happened in October. It’s 75 years of brutal occupation.

Your resolution mentions Prevent. For people who aren’t closely following British politics, could you explain what Prevent is and what it has to do with Palestine?

Prevent is something that was brought in under the last Labour government. It is supposed to be an anti-radicalization tool. If children are being radicalized, then schools are supposed to report any problems. This then gets picked up by the government and the police.

In reality, it doesn’t work that way. Many of the Prevent referrals are not to do with radicalization. They are about children in school with Palestine flags or badges, or parents raising money for Gaza. If you have a level of humanity, you want to do something to protect or to raise money for people who are undergoing the worst humanitarian crisis in the world. Absolutely none of this is anywhere near radicalization.

We know that when our children are seeing images every single day on the mainstream news and TikTok, they will want to come in and talk to people that they trust about those issues. The chilling effect of Prevent is that it drives these conversations underground. Children do not feel able to come to school and talk to their teachers.

It isn’t just the NEU saying this. Amnesty International has been absolutely clear that the Prevent agenda within Britain has had an absolutely chilling effect on human rights. We’ve seen instances over many years now where children have raised things, and tiny conversations that should happen in schools end up with police knocking on their parents’ door.

One child drew a picture of their family in their house, and wrote on the paper: “terrorist house”. The police turned up at their door, and terrified them and their parents. What actually happened was the child meant to write “terraced house”, but spelt it wrong. We know that if that was a white child who made a spelling mistake, there is no way that the police would have been involved.

We had another child who drew their dad holding a banana in his hand. The teacher thought it was a gun. Rather than having the conversation with the child. It was reported to Prevent, and the police ended up knocking on their door.

Prevent has an absolutely chilling effect on stopping the kinds of conversations that should be happening in our schools. If children are seeing these things, or even if they are being radicalized, the best thing for us to do is to provide spaces for them to come and talk to us as highly qualified professionals.

Prevent silences that. It is an absolutely blunt tool which is used to target Muslim communities and to try to police any kind of views that veer away from the government accepted norm. NEU feels that it does enormous damage to our communities and to the children in our schools.

Back to the NEU resolution. You helped introduce an amendment talking about Yemen. What does Yemen have to do with Palestine?

Yemen has a huge amount to do with Palestine. One of the things that concerns us the most is that we’ve seen children being murdered every single day. Children are being bombed on a tiny strip of land in Gaza. In the space of two months, we’ve seen one and a half times the destructive power of Hiroshima and Nagasaki combined dropped on Gaza.

We’ve seen every hospital destroyed. We’ve seen every school destroyed. We see people killed every six minutes. We see five children die every hour. Two mothers die every hour. Ten children every day are having amputations without anaesthetic, and our government is doing nothing to intervene.

Yet in the same time frame, Houthi rebels who are trying to disrupt ships carrying arms to Israel are seen worthy of military intervention. A bit of trade trumps children being murdered every single day.

If this was about upholding international law, we wouldn’t have been selling arms to the Saudis to drop on the Houthis for years. We wouldn’t be standing by and watching children being massacred, day after day after day in Gaza, Our government intervenes because it’s clearly an attempt to assert who really is in charge in the Middle East.

That is why the link to Palestine is so key for us, we can see clearly what is happening. It’s not about international law. It’s about international control of that entire area. It’s no surprise that the US and the UK getting involved in this while letting the destruction of Gaza happen every single day.

What can trade unionists in Germany concretely do about Gaza?

It’s a very difficult situation. But things move all the time. In Britain, what we’ve been able to do in trade unions and beyond has moved significantly. In the immediate aftermath of October 7th, it was much more difficult. But people now see the destruction happening in front of their eyes every day. I’ve heard it called a genocide that’s being live streamed.

Whether we’re in Germany or Britain, we have to look at the situation that we’re in. I know that Germany has a historical contexts that makes it more difficult, and that the discussion isn’t as widespread, but we always have to look at how can we push the boat a tiny bit further.

It’s one thing to go from nothing to mass demonstrations. but can you start to have small meetings in schools, where people start to talk about Gaza? Can you start to have discussions in the wider trade union movement about what can be done? It’s just important that everybody looking at this tries to think what is the next step that I can move to?

Not everyone has to be at the exact same point within a week. But every single person who’s involved in the movement can think: “what is the one thing I can do to shift it on a little bit further? Can I get a meeting set up in my school? Can I get a meeting of staff going in our university? Can we work with students in the university to get meetings on this issue?”

Whatever it is, those steps need to be taken and the more the dialogue shifts, then the more bigger organizations like trade unions can start to make ground on this as well.

Is there anything that German trade unionists can do to support the NEU and your day of action?

Messages of solidarity are always good, particularly with issues like this where there is such a fight back. Even something as simple as a message saying “we back your action. We believe that you’re doing the right thing” is really powerful.

Obviously, if days of action can be proposed in other countries, then those would go down incredibly well. But on the most simple level, from members or trade union groups in workplaces or trade unions as a national body, solidarity is so important. Not just for us, but these actions will be seen by the people of Gaza. This makes such a difference.

300.000 demonstrate in Berlin. What next to stop the AfD?

The demonstration was a success, but building the unity which we need will not come automatically


05/02/2024

On Saturday, February 3rd, 300.000 people marched in Berlin against the AfD. Other regional events were held throughout Germany. The demonstrations follow the “Remigration” scandal, when AfD politicians took part in a meeting in Potsdam with neo-Nazis and members of the Identitarian movement to discuss mass deportation of people “with a foreign background”.

Since the Potsdam meeting became public knowledge, there has been growing concern about the AfD, where Nazi Björn Höcke is plays an increasingly powerful role. Höcke is seeking closer connection with citizen forces responsible for anti-migrant PEGIDA demonstrations over the last decade, and for over 200 racist murders since reunification in 1989.

At the end of January, hundreds of thousands demonstrated against the AfD in Hamburg and Berlin. Many more demonstrations have taken place throughout the country. But these demonstrations have not been without issues. Some have been dominated by members of the ruling coalition, which has doubled the military budget, raised fuel prices, and failed to reach its own minimal targets for fighting climate change.

While increasing poverty, the Ampel coalition (SPD, Die Grünen, FDP) has been attacking migrants. In October, in an interview about Palestinian protests in Germany, Chancellor Olaf Scholz (SPD) was quoted on the front page of the best-selling Spiegel magazine saying “we must finally deport on a large scale”.

This has led to a discussion in my branch of die LINKE (and elsewhere), where someone asked whether there is a difference between the deportation plans of the AfD and those of the current governing parties. Many more argue that the policies of the Scholz government are paving the way for the AfD. But the scale of deportations discussed by the AfD dwarves anything considered by the German government at present.

It would also be a mistake to see deportation as the only issue with the AfD. This misconstrues the threat posed by a party whose Nazi core is becoming increasingly influential. Hitler’s attacks on racial minorities were preceded by the destruction of any possible opposition, including moderate social democrats. If Björn Höcke came to power, Olaf Scholz would also be sent to a concentration camp.

Palestinian demonstrators finally included

In several instances over the last weeks there Palestinians—currently the victims of the most prevalent form of racism in Germany—were excluded from demonstrations against the AfD. Charges that Fridays for Future actively collaborated with the police to remove the Palestine block from last week’s demo appear to be unfounded. Nonetheless, police did exclude Palestinians, and individual demonstrators, including stewards, abused and spat at people in the block.

Non-German demonstrators have had similar experiences at other demonstrations. Egyptian activist Heba Attia Mousa, who lives in Bonn, reported being racially abused and accused of antisemitism for carrying a home-made placard which read: “Arab in Deutschland, the AfD wants to deport all of us, SPD & CDU want to deport 50% of my friends, The Green Party & SPD are financing bombs that kill my friends in Gaza”.

This week’s demonstration saw the potential for similar divisions after the Berlin police banned Palestine flags from the demonstrations at the last minute. This time, though, organisers welcomed the presence of Palestinians from the stage and there was a lively Palestinian block in the middle of the demo.

One of the speakers at the demo correctly said: “at some demonstrations, the block in which many refugees and migrants were taking part, carrying Palestinian flags or wearing a kuffiyah, were excluded by the police and some of them were attacked by other demonstrators. We need to talk about this, criticize it, and learn from it.”

This does not mean that Germany’s Palestine problem has gone away. Even at this week’s demonstration, Jewish socialist Rachael Shapiro reports: “in general the mood was very friendly—a lot of solidarity especially compared to the last few weeks where there were numerous extremely intense attacks on the Palestine movement and those in solidarity with Palestine from the police but also from Zionist demonstrators…an older German man came up to me and asked me quite aggressively; ‘What are the similarities between Zionism and the AfD?’ I could already see that he didn’t want to have a real conversation. Regardless, I tried to explain and after a few words, he rolled his eyes and half spit in my face, said: ‘ What do you know?’ I said: ‘my family was exterminated by Nazis. I think I am perfectly capable of explaining the similarities between Zionism and fascism’.”

Such behaviour has caused some Palestinians and migrants to consider boycotting the anti-AfD demos. Socialists have a task, both to persuade the victims of racism that their place is in the centre of the movement against fascism, but also to communicate to the White German Left that we need unity to force back the AfD.

Ban the AfD?

There is now a strong discussion about what the movement against the AfD should do next. Many people, including speakers at Saturday’s demo, are calling for a campaign to ban the AfD. A benefit of doing so is that the AfD would lose access to state funds paid to MPs and the people who work for them in the Bundestag. There are, however, some problems with this strategy.

Any attempt to ban the AfD would take years and has the potential to demobilise a movement which is already on the streets. Secondly, it would strengthen the AfD’s ability to position itself as being outside the political mainstream, an alternative to the corrupt government parties.

Furthermore, a ban would give power to the German state which has historically shown more interest in banning left-wingers than Nazis. If we call for a ban on the AfD, we cannot be sure that it will not use this power to ban socialist organisations. There is a precedent for this in Germany; in 1952, the SRP—successors to Hitler’s NSDAP—was banned. Four years later, the same ban was used against the German Communist Party.

What now?

The AfD is hoping for massive gains at the EU elections in June. In September, there are regional elections in 3 of the 5  East German states—where the AfD has been so far most successful. The AfD could become the strongest party in some or all of these states.

Despite the “remigration”-plan revelations, the AfD is currently polling around 20% nationally—higher than any of the parties in the governing coalition and second only to the conservative CDU. In some Eastern States its polling figures are well over 30%. Membership has risen by a third in the last year to total 40,000 members.

Rather than hoping for a state ban, we must ensure that the movement against the AfD stays on the streets, and refuses to allow the AfD to be normalised as a “party like any other”. Every time they attempt to show their face—whether through meetings, demonstrations or election stalls, they must be opposed and physically confronted.

Saturday’s demonstration was a great step forward, but one demonstration will not remove the AfD, nor the conditions which caused them to rise. Germany still has a neoliberal government which supports genocide in Gaza and attacking living conditions at home. We need to intensify the fight, both against the rise of the far right and for redistributative politics which will prevent impoverished people seeing the AfD as any alternative.