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What’s the Story Behind Israeli Settler Farms?

The new US and UK sanctions were imposed mainly on settlers from the “farms” in the West Bank.


11/03/2024

On February 20, 2021, the secretary general of the Israeli settlement movement Amana, Ze’ev (Zambish) Hever, admitted that Amana had established more than 30 settler “farms” in the West Bank, and explained that the impact of these farms is much larger than their buildings area, as the herds that are kept in them need extensive grazing land. The settlers’ farms, Hever explained, “has more than twice the area of built-up settlements… each farm can guard an area of thousands of acres”, and he promised to establish 10 more farms.

Hever was right and indeed, the new farms, through violence and with the help of the Israeli military and police, manage to take control of many of the last grazing and agricultural areas that are available to Palestinian communities. Many suchß communities were already suffering from high rates of poverty, food insecurity, inadequate water supply and unsafe drinking water, lack of electricity, fuel and other basic services. These communities were chosen by the settlers exactly because they have no ability to survive other than grazing their herds and farming their lands.

The settler farms, of which dozens more have been established throughout the West Bank in recent years following the pilot project south of Mount Hebron in the late 1990s, are reminiscent of the “Potemkin villages”, the villages allegedly set up by Prince Gregory Alexander Potemkin during a tour of Tsarina Catherine II in order to create the false impression that he was indeed successful in developing prosperous villages in southern Russia.

Contrary to the story that the Israeli far-right is selling to the Israeli public, these are not young “pioneers” who one day set out on their own initiative to wander and decided to settle the “no-man’s land” of the West Bank, but rather a staged and well-financed performance.

Usually, a young settler couple is deliberately “parachuted” near Palestinian shepherds and farmers communities and in the heart of their pastures and agricultural lands. Much like children receiving a “LEGO Farm” set, the happy settler couple is given an assembly package (worth hundreds of thousands to million of shekels) of mobile residential buildings that later become permanent, tools and vehicles, connection to water and electricity infrastructure, herds of cows, goats or sheep that are supposed to graze in farmland and pastures previously cultivated and grazed by Palestinian farmers for generations. At least with regard to some of the settlers in these farms, it is very doubtful that they were previously involved in any kind of grazing and farming. It seems they jumped at the opportunity to get a farm and land for free, acting instrumentally for apartheid ideology.

The package also includes “Hill Youth”, designed to violently control local Palestinian communities. Their control methods are, among other things, throwing stones at the Palestinian herds, shepherds and farmers; driving vehicles or riding horses into the herds and cultivated fields; sending attack dogs after Palestinians and their herds; beating the shepherds and herds with sticks and whips; setting fire to fields or threatening to set them on fire; threating to stab or otherwise cause bodily harm, and conducting threatening “night visits” to the residential compounds of the Palestinian communities.

In view of the enormous impact of these “farms” on the West Bank, sanctions on individual settlers who operate them are not enough and the sanctions should be extended to target the economic and political actors in Israel who enable establishment of the farms and their operation. The immediate dismantling of these farms must be one of the main demands of the international community from Israel.

Palestine and international solidarity

Notes of a Catalan immigrant in Berlin


10/03/2024

7 October 2023 marked a turning point for many of us. My name is Itziar and I have lived in Berlin for two years. Since I arrived in Germany as a Catalan immigrant, of Jewish descent and committed to the Palestinian cause, I have witnessed the brutality, repression and censorship by the German state against its migrant population, at police, institutional and cultural levels.

To contextualize and explain why Germany (and its population) has a totally unconditional position of support towards the state of Israel, I will highlight a conversation I had the first week of arriving, with a new roommate. She was a sociology student and all afternoon we talked about feminism, antiracism, gentrification, queer movement, etc. Until I mentioned that I had been a member of the BDS (Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions in Israel) group of my university a few years ago. Her reaction was a pale face followed by a “Why?”. She wondered why I was a member of a group like the BDS after having been two hours talking about anti-colonialism. With some perplexity I explained to her that I, as a Jew, felt that I had the responsibility to contribute to the fight for the Palestinian cause. She replied “I know that my grandparents fought for the Nazis, and for this reason I cannot speak about this issue.” I thought “just you – more than anyone – should talk about it”.

This situation has been repeated time after time at work, and in social and political situations. The reflection I have is that Germany has not understood or overcome the Holocaust. The deeply racist structures of German society remain as valid as before. What has changed now is the political subject: if yesterday it was the Jews, today it is the Arabs. The identity policies of a so-called ‘left’ (more like progressive liberalism, than a true anti-fascist left) abandons a minority that does speak of Palestine and opposes the existence of the state of Israel.

In the first weeks after 7 October, the German state armed a massive institutional and media campaign to suppress the movement that emerged mainly from the Palestinian community. Germany is the European state with the most members of the Palestinian diaspora in Europe. During the first demonstrations responding to the bombings in Gaza, the Berlin police, illegally carried out a massive campaign of violent indiscriminate arrests. Targeting those wearing the Palestinian Kufiya, flew Palestinian flags or simply called out ‘Free Palestine’. Once the police even violently arrested a nine-month pregnant woman and pulled the hijab off another. Just a few of  many cases of police violence. Another chant still banned today is “From the river to the sea Palestine will be free” where any individual shouting this slogan in public is automatically arrested. The pretext is they deny Israel’s existence which is therefore an antisemitic chant. Arrests were concentrated, during demonstrations, but also in the Neukolln neighbourhood in the Arab neighbourhood. The police presence continues to grow and patrol there to now.

In the initial demonstrations, the state also banned the existence of the Samidoun collective – categorized as a “terrorist organization”. The police carried out a coordinated attack, with the media present, of three of the social premises where various feminist and anti-racist groups meet. This included the much-loved Cafe Karanfil, a social coffee house especially by the Palestinian and migrant community, organize cultural and political activities. The attack took place during the early hours of the morning. These images circulated throughout Germany, reinforcing the Islamophobic and anti-Palestinian discourse.

The other sector in which the Arab community has suffered (and continues to suffer) systematic discrimination is the education sector. In schools there was a very strong wave of racism, perpetuated by both teachers and students. The state forbade students from carrying the Palestinian flag and the Kufiya in class, as symbols that ‘instil antisemitism’. Teachers were threatened with being firing if they did not adhere to the regulations or if they showed support for Palestine to pupils. This culminated in a teacher’s assault of a high school student with a Palestinian flag on their back, at a school in Neukolln. A few weeks later a girl was assaulted in the toilets of another high school outside Berlin, for carrying a chain around her neck under the name of Allah. The girl was taken to hospital in serious condition. In Wedding, a Muslim student was expelled from class for praying in silence in a corner of the classroom. Yet legislation dictates to have rooms to pray for students who want it. This school had previously been awarded as an educational institution committed to the anti-racist struggle.

Obviously, there was a strong response to this wave of discrimination, which strengthened the movement among students. However, on February 2, the police began another campaign of racism in schools. They presented themselves at the gates of schools to distribute flyers urging teachers and educators to call the police if hearing children and students state aloud that “Israel is committing a genocide”. This state-made steering of Zionist propaganda, includes how media lies when covering demonstrations or actions in solidarity in Palestine. It accuses protesters of antisemitism (although most of these calls are organized by Jewish groups among others). It empowers part of the German population to assault people in public space with complete impunity, simply for bringing a Kufiya or an adhesive of a watermelon.

With others, I was flyposting on the occupation in Palestine on the doors and walls of the street, when we were suddenly attacked by a man who came at us from behind running with the sheet in his hand. We had to hide in the  subway, behind a column, to avoid aggression, while the man searched for us along the train platform. A friend was verbally and physically assaulted in a supermarket, by a couple claiming to be from Israel, shouting that the Kufiya he was carrying was a “threat to his existence” after pushing him through the corridor. And another colleague (also with a kufiya) was also assaulted by three people who took him by the jacket, broke the buttons and drove him out of the wagon pushing him while they called “auslander raus” (immigrants outside). These are just cases that I have witnessed or experienced first-hand. The story is repeated by every person involved in the movement for Palestine here in Berlin.

On 22 February, the President of Germany, Frank-Walter Steinmaier of the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) met with the President of Israel, Isaac Herzog, to ensure more military and economic support for the Palestinian genocide. To prevent demonstrations to reject Herzog’s presence, the police fenced off the entire Tiergarten area. Tiergarten is a park converted into a memorial area for the victims of the Second World War. It is no coincidence that Germany invited the person responsible for a current genocide to broadcast live on TV, to meet in a space full of sculptures and memorials to honour the victims of Nazism. In this same concentration, which finally took place next to the park, one of the protesters leading the chants was arrested for shouting “Zionism is Fascism”.

Before this meeting, on 3 February, the state promoted a public day against the rise of the extreme right led by the AFD (Alternative für Deutschland) party, which took place in front of the Bundestag with hundreds of thousands of attendees. Some of the groups in solidarity with Palestine convened a block to have a presence and denounce the hypocrisy of parliamentary parties and self-called “left” sectors, in supporting Israel and silence the Palestinian voices within the anti-fascist movement.  From the outset, the police banned Palestinian flags under the pretext of ‘you cannot show national flags’ (while Israeli flags with rainbows were flying unpunished). The Palestinian flag is not a national flag, but a symbol of indigenous and anti-racist resistance. One of the organizers of the block and recognized activist, Rachel Shapiro, of Jewish origin – suffered an assault by a German man. He spat in her face while accusing her of antisemitism. Is there anything more antisemitic than a German spitting at a Jewish person in the middle of 2023? At the end of the act I heard one protester talking to another saying, ‘I don’t understand why these people should come with Palestinian flags to the demonstration against the AFD’. This phrase seemed to me to be very conclusive of the problem with the German left.

This is an absolute tokenization of antisemitism, so obsessive as an excuse to expand their discourses of anti-Arab hatred and Islamophobic racism. I would like to highlight the slogan “Nie wieder ist jezts” (or ‘never again is now’) refering to the Holocaust. It is on the lips of the entire German population which is currently legitimizing the genocide against the Palestinian people. It has the aim of evading the historical responsibility that Germany has both for the crimes of Nazism, and for the participation in the foundation of the state of Israel. Germany is an imperial power interested in the geo-resources of Palestine, just as the United States, Great Britain and all the Western powers that continue to legitimize an illegal, genocidal, supremacist and fascist state.

Despite this, solidarity with Palestine has grown substantially since October 7. Street protests have gained ground, thanks also to international pressure and solidarity throughout Europe and other countries. Especially in the cultural context, where groups of artists and activists have coordinated a movement to publicly denounce all institutions giving voice to the Zionist narrative. These actions on occasion, resulted in institutional crisis, or being forced to rethink their pro-Israeli policies. For example, the Berlinale film festival, which at the request of the mayor of Berlin of the CDU (Union Christian Democrats of Germany) Kai Wegner, included representatives of the extreme right AFD in the program. These were disinvited because of protests. Later, Wegner criticized the speech of an Israeli filmmaker who called for equality with the Palestinians, which Wagner called antisemitism.

Another action was a performative activity at the Hamburger Bahnhof gallery which exposed the artist Tania Bruguera. The organisers of the action, Thawra and Palästina Spricht accused Bruguera of expressing “unconditional support for Israel” and of supporting a demand by the government in the state of Sachsen-Anhalt that applications for German citizenship must sign a loyalty oath to Israel (this demand has since been withdrawn).

As a final reflection I would like to emphasize two points: the first is to consider the Zionist ideology as something inherently antisemitic. This given the current context and witnessing how the German extreme right (and all other parties) silences, delegitimizes and attacks any Jewish voice critical of Israel. A radical opposition between Judaism and Zionism is needed. Zionism has stripped the Jewish identity and used it to carry out ethnic cleansing in the service of the West. Germany remains in the same historical role as it did 80 years ago. And the second is the relevance of organizing, being present at the demonstrations, talking about Palestine in our environments and always questioning racist discourses. The situation in Germany is critical but thanks to international solidarity our movement has been able to consolidate, grow and confront the state, the police and the dominant narrative. For this reason I encourage each and every reader of this article to participate in your local calls and continue with BDS, and thus strengthen the struggle for the liberation of Palestine and all the oppressed peoples of the world.

This article was originally published in Catalan in El Septembre

“It’s So Berlin!” 8: Tourist Attraction

The eighth installment in our series of photographs and cartoons about Berlin.


09/03/2024

Photo: Rasha Al-Jundi

 

People visit the city for its history, infamous rave or night life and quirky punk-rock identity… They choose to see what they want to see and ignore the increasingly visible “uncomfortable” sightings , such as the homeless… Nonetheless, an accurate census of this group is not easy to come by. Old estimates put the population at 10,000 individuals in Berlin alone.

 

Cartoon: Michael Jabareen

 

Like other sister European cities, the homeless community in Berlin make up a core part of the urban dwellers. Visibly, they can come from any background and many struggle with drug and alcohol abuse. Albeit being a frequent sight on the streets, under bridges and on trains, it is very common for them to go completely unseen by the rest of the people in those spaces.

On the other hand, tourists flock Berlin in large numbers, and in recent years, they are also frequently seen crowding the streets almost all year long. People visit the city for its history, infamous rave or night life and quirky punk-rock identity. Just like typical tourists though, visitors don’t really see the city. They choose to see what they want to see and ignore the increasingly visible “uncomfortable” sightings , such as the homeless.

In this image, the abandoned item is a sink, that seems to have been left for so long that graffiti artists included it in their works that cover the wall in the background.

Titled “Tourist Attraction”, we decided to tackle the issue of the highly visible yet invisible homelessness and ignorant tourism in one frame. A homeless man is featured sitting on the side of the pavement with his scarce belongings while tourists focus on the graffiti on the wall. They directly ignore his presence that he almost seems a part of the graffiti, a typical Berlin “tourist attraction”.

Many civil society organizations work to support the homeless population around the city. Hot meals, donations and psychosocial support are regularly offered. Shelters are also available. Nonetheless, an accurate census of this group is not easy to come by. Old estimates put the population at 10,000 individuals in Berlin alone. Activists also report a visible increase in homelessness among migrants. State sponsored shelter options are hardly enough.

When we asked a few Germans what they thought about the homeless population, their general replies usually took an accusatory tone, stating that people choose to be homeless. Drug or alcohol addiction and mental illness enhance negative stereotypes. While kindness is present among some, reflections among others reek of white privilege.

Living on the streets is a harsh reality and each homeless person has a story behind their reality. As Palestinian poet Mahmoud Darwish wrote “Think of others”. The privileged have a roof over their heads to do just that.

Image taken in Friedrichshain, Berlin (2023).

Of Women and Resistance in Kashmir

On International Women’s Day, we highlight today the struggle of women in Kashmir living under military occupation.


08/03/2024

Content note: Discussion of military violence and rape

The following text is an excerpt from the book Do You Remember Kunan Poshpora? by Essar Batool, Ifrah Butt, Munaza Rashid, Natasha Rather and Samreena Mushtaq, first published by the New Delhi-based feminist press Zubaan in 2016. The book chronicles a case of mass sexual assault and rape committed by the Indian Army in the villages of Kunan and Poshpora in Kashmir, in February 1991. The day, 23rd February, is also commemorated as Kashmiri Women’s Resistance Day.

What is it like to be a Kashmiri woman today? For any woman, fighting the dominance of men is hard enough, no matter where you come from, but in Kashmir we carry the burden of living two oppressed identities. We grow up learning two realities of life, which, however hard you might try, cannot be separated from each other. To begin with, there is silence, unfortunately taught as a survival technique to women across society. Patriarchy seems natural and eternal, it is the governing principle of the lives of women, imbibed through society, religion, tradition and culture. But we bear another burden: the silences of an occupation are even more deafening.

We must not just fight back against the everyday threats, like street harassment and sexism, but also against an occupying force that closely monitors every attempt to speak against it and the multitudes of its uniformed representatives dotting our valley. All Kashmiris of our generation have vivid, early memories of guns, the sounds of bullets, of Hindi-speaking army men entering their homes, and those humongous green, terror inducing, armoured vehicles that often announce ‘rakshak’ in screaming white letters. The earliest memories of her teenage years that any young Kashmiri woman will have are that of angry-looking armed men at street corners, heads covered in black bandanas, staring at any passing girl and jeering and making lewd remarks. To someone asking why we’re accusing the Indian Armed Forces when Kashmiri men in their position might do the exact same thing, we are tempted to say, try and talk back to someone, the muzzle of whose gun is staring at the tiny space between your eyes.

The historian Uma Chakravarti quotes a Manipuri woman who was raped by the armed forces:

“They have the power and they have the guns! I think we better stay silent.” [1] The gun, a symbol of power for them and of fear for the people, is enough to silence voices of dissent, however legitimate they might be. The first thing a Kashmiri woman is taught is to be aware of her vulnerability, to understand the many struggles she will have to undergo to prevent herself from becoming a victim. Dr Yakin Erturk, former UN Special Rapporteur on Violence against Women, has pointed out, “Militarized environments empower both public and private patriarchy.”

The women of Kashmir have borne many losses. Some have lost their lives, becoming the collateral damage of conflict. Others have lost their loved ones, watched them disappear into oblivion, sometimes to have them returned tortured, broken, and destroyed. Many live under the threat of imminent loss and that much dreaded word, rape. Rape has been used as a weapon of war and terror in Kashmir. Kunan-Poshpora is just an obvious and blatant example of the sexual violence that is committed with impunity against women in Kashmir. We live sexual violence in the subtlest forms every day. We stand at the gate waiting for loved ones to return, apprehensive and anxious. We are mothers, daughters, wives and sisters, worried sick for the safety of our families, asking our men for the nth time if they have checked that they’re carrying their I-cards, reminding them to avoid any green/khaki human form, urging them not to get into any trouble; and telling our young women to always be very careful, to only go out if they must, and not alone, and to come home before dark. Avoid the bunkers that house the uniformed men. Take an alternate road. Don’t use that road unless you have to. Apprehension is what we feel on a daily basis. This is how we live. We have had lullabies of bullets drifting us to sleep, the smell of blood waking us up, fear keeping us busy and hope keeping us alive. We Kashmiri women have been at the centre of the conflict, even though we have almost always been portrayed as victims, on the sidelines of the armed uprising. We too have resisted and survived.

We have chosen to resist in ways that range from a simple curse or a kangri thrown at an armed officer trying to molest us, to participation in stone throwing, street protests, and mass funerals, to supporting the armed struggle and organizing and working in civil society to express our political opinions and affiliations.

Anjum Zamrooda Habib, an eminent political, social and women’s activist and author of a jail memoir, Prisoner No. 100, spent five years in the infamous Tihar jail, held on fabricated charges. In an interview with Mushtaq ul Haq Sikander, she remarks on the non-recognition of the sacrifices made by women: “When resistance is amalgamated with politics only power seems to be the concern, plus in the war zone memories are short lived, add to this the fact that the whole world is male dominated and men don’t want to acknowledge the sacrifices of women and all these factors add up to foster this apathy.” The fragility of memory coupled with the general patriarchal nature of society tends to make us forgetful or at least ignorant of the participation of women in resistance.

Aasiya Jeelani is a name known to many Kashmiris: a young journalist and human rights activist who lost her life fighting for justice while on an election-monitoring mission in 2004. She edited and wrote in Voices Unheard, a magazine that was dedicated to the issues and struggles of women in Kashmir. As Suemyra Shah says in her tribute to Aasiya [2], “Aasiya was one of the many ‘behind the scenes’ women who was a living example of the strength of Kashmiri resistance in the face of many ugly years of tyranny and oppression imposed by outside intruders.” There are other such examples of individual women resisting publicly in a strong political voice.

However, there are thousands of other nameless and anonymous Kashmiri women who have together become a single and strong voice of resistance. In her account of the lives of Kashmiri women, Gita Hariharan writes:

“All the women spoke of the unbearable odds against conducting such safe, healthy, normal lives. But all of them, without exception, also spoke, in one way or the other, about their battles against these odds. About their anger and frustration; their protests; their plans of action; their travel in search of support. These women have had to make the language of resistance their mother tongue.”

The younger generation of women in Kashmir has become increasingly participative in the discourse of dissent and resistance.

All of us vividly recall moments from 2008 and 2010 when killing young Kashmiri men seemed to be the favourite pastime of the Indian Army. Protests were held in the women’s colleges we studied in. Nobody stopped us, we were only asked to be non-violent and not indulge in sloganeering of any sort. Anger manifests itself in various ways: joining a protest in a college was one of them. We marched all in white, protesting the brutal, cold-blooded murders; shouting slogans of ‘azaadi’, though we were warned not to, and we rejoiced when similar slogans echoed from the neighbouring boys’ college.

But you don’t have to be a college-going, middle-class Srinagar girl in a protest march to have a political opinion about the occupation. Women have resisted through more traditional cultural channels and have voiced their feelings quite clearly. We have been told of women glorifying those killed by the Indian Army as martyrs, through wanwun, the songs sung at moments of celebration in Kashmir. Seema Kazi states, quoting Rita Manchanda in her book, Gender and Militarisation, that as a cultural expression of resistance, “women would break out into a wanwun, the traditional Kashmiri song of celebration, intertwining couplets in praise of local mujahideen (freedom fighters).” [3] Women have mourned for the men they lost, for the sons who never came back, for the daughters who were raped, and for their beloved and beautiful land under the siege of tyrants. When the women of Kunan Poshpora speak, whether publicly or privately, it is clear that they believe that they were attacked because they are Kashmiri – in the same way as young Kashmiri men are martyred – and the women’s sacrifices are as great as those of any male martyrs.

Yet for years the women of Kashmir and of Kunan Poshpora have been portrayed as victims rather than survivors. The Indian media has shown them as weak burqa-clad women who are passive and voiceless. But lately, even in mainstream media accounts, the Kashmiri woman has been seen in a new avatar, brandishing a stone in her hand, defiantly challenging the Indian Armed Forces on the streets. Sanjay Kak, in ‘The Last Option: A Stone in Her Hand’, remarks:

Until the other day, Kashmiri women were little more than a convenient set of clichés, shown as perpetual bystanders in houses that overlook the streets of protest. When seen outside of that protected zone, they were cast as victims, wailing mourners, keening at the endless funeral processions […] but now an unfamiliar new photograph of the Kashmiri woman has begun to take its place on newspaper front pages. She’s dressed in ordinary salwar-kameez, pastel pink, baby blue, purple and yellow. Her head is casually covered with a dupatta and she seems unconcerned about being recognized. She is often middle aged, and could even be middle-class. And she is carrying a stone.

Kashmiri women are taking over street protests, hurling stones, while breaking traditional stereotypes and inhibitions, and creating a new kind of expression of resistance. Kashmiri women have always been part of mass rallies, and political funeral processions against killings. Soutik Biswas writes, “The coming out of women in the Muslim-dominated Kashmir valley has been helped by the fact that they have been traditionally freer than their counterparts in many parts of the world.” Thus while Kashmiri political life continues to be male dominated, Kashmiri women are coming to the forefront of the articulations of dissent, of resistance, and of freedom.

One such woman is Parveena Ahanger. Parveena lost her 14-year-old son to the elusive, yet much documented phenomenon of ‘enforced disappearance’ back in 1990. While fighting her case in the Srinagar High Court she, the human rights lawyer, advocate Parvez Imroz, and some relatives of the disappeared persons formed the Association of Parents of the Disappeared Persons (APDP), an organization that advocates the cause of those like her son who ‘vanished into thin air’. Parveena is the voice of resistance, and of the relentless search for justice. She transformed her grief into a resolve to fight not only for herself but for hundreds of other parents. The women of Kunan Poshpora speak the same language of resistance; they have been speaking it for 24 years now, fighting it out every moment of the day in numerous ways.

We, a group of young, professional women from Kashmir, resisting in our own ways, have a story to tell: the story of Kunan Poshpora that remains a part of the valley, a story that continues to flow with the streams, fall with the rain, and sleep on the restless earth like the snow.

We are five different girls, born and brought up in the land that is the clichéd ‘paradise on earth’; the place they show on Indian television where girls are dressed in embroidered pherans and decked up in heavy silver ornaments, happily singing bumbro bumbro, and dancing the rouf by the Dal lake, with snow-covered mountains in the backdrop. Well, that is not quite the truth. We breathe air that is heavy with the smell of blood mixed with mud, air that resounds with the noise of army boots and gunpowder. We live in a place where the Indian Army mass raped women in Kunan Poshpora in 1991, and describe any protest against the crime a conspiracy to defame them. The valley is full of cries and wails, of the songs of mothers about their sons who are dead, of women who found their world destroyed overnight, raped by Indian Armed Forces, the men in those hideous green uniforms, the sight of which makes you cringe if you are a Kashmiri woman. It’s not easy for us young women to tell this story of the women and men of Kunan Poshpora. This book is our attempt to tell their stories and build on the struggle that they have started. We are the narrators of this story, members of the support group for Kunan Poshpora, and among others, witnesses to the conflict.

The conflict that has seen a brutal military occupation, countless cold-blooded murders, mass rapes, endless enforced disappearances and creation of mass unmarked graves, has nurtured us. We have been brought up in an environment where words like rape, molestation, and any word with ‘sexual’ as a prefix was not to be mentioned ever. We have grown up learning the ‘safe’, and the ‘politically correct’ language, in our offices and universities. Words like ‘conflict’ have to be replaced by ‘development’; we are taught to be blind to the facts. We have gone through a rigorous grind where we are taught that there is no such thing as a ‘human rights violation’ and that you have to be apolitical to survive. This is a place that is free of the freedom of speech. In Kashmir, any expression against the state is met with stern action and hence the success in creating a mass silence. That is just how it is here; life in a cage where you talk only when it is certified as ‘state language’.

We have studied in universities that don’t allow you to choose politically loaded ‘explosive’ topics for research; where researching about the kangri and pheran is seen as Kashmiriyat, the unique sense of being Kashmiri, and where analytical abilities and political organizing by students are kept in check by making campuses absolutely ‘controlled’.

Yes, this is how we have grown up – women kept oblivious of the atrocities committed on the people of our land in the name of our ‘protection’ in the familial sphere, and of ‘national integration’ in the public sphere. It is important that we tell this story no matter how hard it is, for there have been repeated attempts to bury it, to erase it from public memory. That is precisely why we are writing, why we are narrating the tales of that night and the subsequent 24 years – lest we forget. In a conflict-torn place, the repetition of atrocities by the occupying forces is so systematic that you commemorate all the dates of a calendar by some massacre, killing, disappearance, encounter or rape. Public memory tends to become fragile. It is easier to forget than to remember and live each of these atrocities every day. We might choose to push the memories into dark corners of our mind, but the survivors have no such choice; they are forced to live with their memories, day in and day out. This book is a remembrance, a tribute, a movement against forgetting, a way of preserving and giving our memories back to ourselves, of telling the story of Kunan Poshpora as it happened and the continuing attempts of the Indian Army to obliterate the case and its memories.

1 Chakravarti, Uma (2014). “‘They Have the Power, They Have the Guns – We Better Remain Silent’: The Meaning of Impunity on the Ground” in Patrick Hoenig and Navsharan Singh (eds.), Understanding Impunity: Patterns of Human Rights Violations in India. New Delhi: Zubaan.

2 Shah, S. 2014. ‘A Queen of her Times: ‘Aasiya: Martyr of Peace’. Pp. 38–41. Kashmir. Jammu & Kashmir Coalition of Civil Society.

3 Kazi, Seema. (2009). ‘Gender and Militarisation in Kashmir’, pp. 135–53. Between Democracy and Nation: Gender and Militarization in Kashmir. New Delhi: Women Unlimited.

 

Letter from the Editors, 7th March 2024

International Women’s Day


07/03/2024


Tomorrow is International Women’s Day, which is a public holiday in Berlin. To celebrate the day, a number of demonstrations and rallies have been organised between today and Saturday. There are too many to list here, but you can find links to most of them on our Events page.

We would like to particularly recommend 2 Events, both taking place tomorrow:

  • 11am at Oranienplatz Trade Union Demo Feminist, in solidarity, as trade unions organised by a broad alliance of trade unions.
  • 2pm at Under den Linden 21, Down with Imperialist Feminism organised by the Alliance of International Feminists. Colonial and neoliberal powers construct a single model of feminism: the feminism of the oppressors that is limited to a so-called “women’s rights’” framework to serve their interests. This feminism is an accomplice in the system of oppression. Their “democratic” saviorism justifies their wars, occupation, detention centers, murderous borders and walls. This is Imperialist Feminism. CIS men are allowed on the demonstration but asked to march at the back.

Our Palestine Reading Group is back. The next meeting is on Friday at 7pm, where we will be discussing Palestinians in the Diaspora. You can find the selected reading here. The Palestine Reading Group takes place every week, on either Friday or Sunday (partly depending on room availability). Check the page of Events which we’re organising for the coming dates and subjects under discussion. If you’d like to get more involved in the group, and suggest and vote on future subjects, you can join our Telegram group and follow the channel Reading group.  Meetings are currently in the Agit offices, Nansenstraße 2. There is a meeting for moderators (open to anyone who’s interested) half an hour before the meeting starts.

On Saturday, there’s a demonstration Freedom for Palestine. No impunity for Genocide. Since October, the Israeli state has murdered 30,000 Palestinians in Gaza. The genocide in Gaza is a continuation of the Nakba, the ethnic cleansing of Palestinians which began over 76 years ago and is still continuing today. The German government is making itself an accomplice to the genocide in Gaza in its military, political, and financial support for the Israeli State. Come with us on 9th March onto the streets of Berlin to raise our voice for Palestine. The demonstration starts at 3pm at the junction of Kantstraße and Wilmersdorfstraße.

On Saturday evening, there is a solidarity Event Intifada Bazaar. For this revolutionary 8M, you are welcome to join our post-demo, mini fest, solidarity event for a day of art, music, and live performances. All proceeds will go to different mutual aid and ground relief efforts in Palestine. Kicking off the event, you will be able to enjoy food & drinks and cruise through the bazaar, then we’ll carry on with evening panel discussions curated by @palestinespeaks and another by Dolls4Palestine (& guests!) and a movie room takeover by @berlinmigrantstrikers. The night continues with performance & poetry interventions followed by live acts and a drag show finalising with DJ sets featuring femme power on the decks curated by Thawra. To find the address, contact @diaspora.rising on Instagram.

On Sunday, theleftberlin website (that’s us) will have our latest face-to-face editorial meeting. The editorial board normally has an online meeting to discuss what we want to publish. Every so often, we have meetings like this for longer-term planning The meeting will be from 3pm – 6pm in the Agit Offices, Nansenstraße 2. It is open to anyone who is interested in the website. If you would like to help contribute in the future, this would be a good place to start. There’s a proposed agenda here, but feel free to come along and ask questions and make suggestions of your own.

On Wednesday at 7pm, there’s an online meeting What is happening in Argentina #2? A conversation with representatives of the alliance Frente de Izquierda y de Trabajadores – Unidad. Since December 10th of last year, Javier Milei, an ultra-liberal economist, has been the President of the South American country. How should his victory be understood in the national and regional political context? What has changed in the first few months of his term of office and what can we expect for the future? The International Politics Department and the Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung Buenos Aires invite you to a meeting with four representatives of the Frente de Izquierda y de Trabajadores – Unidad (FIT-U) – currently one of the most important left-wing movements in Argentina. The meeting will be in Spanish with translation into German. Please register at: international@die-linke.de

There is much more going on in Berlin this week. To find out what’s happening, go to our Events page. You can also see a shorter, but more detailed list of events in which we are directly involved in here.

Some dates for your calendars:

  • On Saturday, 16th March, we will be showing the film Aisheen, Still Alive in Gaza in oyoun. The film was originally scheduled for 10th February. The film starts at 5pm, and will be followed by food and then a discussion with Palestinian activist Ramsy Kilani.
  • On Friday, 22nd March, the Berlin LINKE Internationals are organising a public meeting Neosovereignism in the West African Sahel: Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger with Prof. Dr. Baz Lecocq, Franza Drechsel (Rosa Luxemburg Foundation), and Dr. Lamine Doumbia. It’s at 7pm in Karl Liebknecht Haus. More information in future Newsletters.
  • Please note: the LINKE Internationals Summer Camp has now been postponed to avoid clashing with a big demo against the AfD. Summer Camp will now take place on 21-22 September, still in the Naturfreundehaus Hermsdorf.

This week’s Campaign of The Week is Schule fürs Erinnern / School for Remembrance. As parents and educators in Berlin, we are deeply worried about the Neukölln Bezirksamt’s decision to introduce a brochure titled “Mythos#Israel1948” to the schools’ program. The document, produced and published by the external association “Masiyot,” claims to dispel common myths about Israel-Palestine. In effect, this association promotes a vicious kind of historical revisionism. The brochure at hand claims a false and one-sided narrative that trivializes the violent events of 1948 – the Nakba – and exempts Israel from its responsibility for the ongoing displacement and dispossession of the Palestinians since 1948. Share this petition in person or use the QR code for your own material.Download QR Code

If you are looking for Resources on Palestine, we have set up a page with useful links. We will be continually updating the page, so if you would like to recommend other links, please contact us on team@theleftberlin.com. You can also find all the reading from our Palestine Reading Groups here.

In News from Berlin, Berlinale prize winner Yuval Abraham receives death threats, demonstrators for Palestine accused of incitement, Stop Fossil Subsidies group blocks Elsenbrücke bridge, and forest around the Tesla plant in Grünheide occupied.

In News from Germany, Federal Statistical Office reports that migrants are disproportionately in low-paying jobs, and more train strikes announced.

Read all about it in this week’s News from Berlin and Germany.

New on theleftberlin, Nathaniel Flakin reports on Der Spiegel’s transphobic attacks on a Jewish student for showing solidarity with Palestine, in Rasha Al-Jundi and Michael Jabareen’s latest cultural contribution, they look at “friendly” German neighbours, we show a gallery of photos and videos from last Saturday’s demo for Palestine, Ciaran Dodd looks at Eurovision’s complicity in Israel’s terror, Dimiitra Kyrillou in Athens looks a Greece’s decision to legalize same-sex marriage, and Phil Butland argues that Gaza is a Health Workers’ issue, and that the Syndikat pub was wrong to ban a meeting of Health Workers for Palestine.

This week’s Video of the Week shows the info talk Rafah: What’s at stake? organised by Palästina Kampagne with Egyptian Diaspora Resists and Egyptian journalist Lina Attalah, editor in chief of Mada Masr.

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If you would like to contribute any articles or have any questions or criticisms about our work, please contact us at team@theleftberlin.com. And please do encourage your friends to subscribe to this Newsletter.

Keep on fighting,

The Left Berlin Editorial Board