Samidoun: Palestinian Prisoner Solidarity Network is an international network of organizers and activists working to build solidarity with Palestinian prisoners in their struggle for freedom. Samidoun developed out of the September-October 2011 hunger strike of Palestinian prisoners in Israeli jails, seeing a need for a dedicated network to support Palestinian prisoners. We work to raise awareness and provide resources about Palestinian political prisoners, their conditions, their demands, and their work for freedom for themselves, their fellow prisoners, and their homeland. We also work to organize campaigns to make political change and advocate for Palestinian prisoners’ rights and freedoms.
Samidoun wishes all those who celebrate, especially Palestinian prisoners inside the occupation prisons and imperialist and reactionary jails, a happy Ramadan, toward a future of a liberated Palestine.
Thousands of Palestinian prisoners are marking Ramadan inside Israeli prisons, deprived of their families and loved ones, while their communities and loved ones are kept from these strugglers for freedom by iron bars and prison walls of the occupation. Millions more Palestinians mark the holiday facing home demolitions, land confiscation, systematic racism and apartheid, a killer siege, extrajudicial executions, military occupation, and settler colonialism. For 73 years, Palestinian refugees have been denied their right to return to their homes, lands and properties by the Zionist occupation.
At the same time, Israeli occupation companies are marketing the products of Palestinian land around the world – medjoul dates. 75% of Medjoul dates around the world are marketed as “products of Israel,” grown on stolen Palestinian land. Of those, the large majority are themselves grown on illegal Israeli settlements inside the West Bank. Up to 80% of all of these illegally settlement-produced dates are exported around the world. Israel is the world’s third-largest date exporter, with exports worth $181 million in 2017.
This Ramadan, be sure to not break your fast with apartheid: Boycott Israeli dates! Stand with the Palestinian people.
Many people protested last Saturday against the expansion of the A100 motorway. The bicycle convoy went from the Neukölln slip road to the Tempelhofer Damm exit directly at Tempelhofer Feld – around 4,000 participants were estimated, almost all of them wearing FFP2 masks. Specifically, it is about the 16th construction section of the A100, which is currently under construction and supposed to lead the corridor to Treptower Park, as well as the planned 17th construction section up to Storkower Straße in Lichtenberg. The activists presented their visions of a car-free and liveable city in front of Scheuer’s Federal Ministry of Transport. Source: nd
Rent freeze for the whole country
This decision by the Federal Constitutional Court will affect the entire republic. Quite a few people in Berlin fear that the court will overturn the rent cap because Berlin has no legislative competence, since tenancy law is federal law. But it could also be that the judges will only criticise individual aspects of Berlin’s red-red-green attempt to end the rent madness in the capital. It is positive anyway the Federal Constitutional Court is announcing its decision and thus most likely putting an end to the miserable legal saga that has been going on for a year now. Source: nd
Party tram through the Görli provokes resistance
SPD, Left Party and the Greens agree that a focus on public transport is central to climate policy in Berlin. However, a proposal by the Senator Regine Günther (Greens) to expand the tram network is causing trouble. Specifically, it is about the planned routing of the M10 line, which is to be extended at one end to Beusselstraße in Moabit and at the other from Warschauer Straße via Kreuzberg to Hermannplatz in Neukölln. The extension of the tramway from Weißensee to Pankow threatens to damage the green urban idyll, for instance. Because of it, protests by the well-organised allotment gardeners can be expected. Source: nd
NEWS FROM GERMANY
AfD Out of touch with reality
The AfD, with ever more radical political objectives, is trying to retain core voters and recruit new ones. With deliberate vagueness, it is making space in which as many people as possible can find themselves, from bourgeois conservatives to reactionaries. This anything-goes is evident in decisions such as the one in favour of Germany leaving the EU, decided at the party conference in Dresden. The conservatism of the AfD is exclusively backward-looking. With its advertising campaign, the party suggests that the problems of the present can be solved by taking Germany back to earlier decades. Source: zeit
Doctor on trial because of offering abortions
The next gynaecologist is on trial: Detlef Merchel from Nottuln in Münsterland was charged with Paragraph 219a. This prohibits doctors from providing information on their websites about how they perform abortions. The trial against Merchel will take place at the Coesfeld district court at the end of May. “I have been providing information about abortions online for more than 15 years,” says the doctor. Other doctors, the general practitioner Kristina Hänel and the gynaecologist Bettina Gaber were charged under the new version of section 219a and have filed a constitutional complaint. Supporters said there would be solidarity actions for Merchel, as well. Source: taz
Kurdish activist faces several years in prison
A Kurdish HDP activist in Hesse, “Nazdar“, was to be deported to Turkey. In an interview, she speaks about being almost deported to Turkey. The Federal Office for Migration and Refugees rejected her asylum application in 2017, because she belongs to the Turkish opposition party HDP. There is a suspicion the deportation did not happen because “Nazdar“ offered passive resistance and refused to board the plane. In such cases, pilots sometimes refuse to take a passenger who is to be transported against his will. The Frankfurt district court will examine whether the rejection of her asylum application is legal at all. Source: jW
Stuttgart trial opens: right-wing terror group wanted to “abolish democratic system”
The trial of eleven members and one supporter of the alleged terrorist group “Gruppe S.” began on last Tuesday at the Stuttgart Higher Regional Court (OLG). In the indictment, the Federal Prosecutor’s Office accused the defendants of having founded a terrorist organisation in Alfdorf (Rems-Murr district), Minden (North Rhine-Westphalia) and Berlin. The intention was to murder or kill and to bring about civil war-like conditions, with its first concrete targets as mosques in March 2020. However, the group was arrested one month earlier. The men are said to have arranged to meet via internet chats, and they also made use of connections to already existing neo-Nazi groups. Source: swr
Rent Control overturned: we will not be divided
We must fight the court decision to protect big landlords
“The Mietendeckel wurde gekippt!” Shouted my housemate from his bedroom.
What? Verdammt. I really thought that Berlin could be different.
Who am I? I’m a US-American by birth, and since 2018 I’ve dared to call myself a Berlinerin. Upon my first visit to Berlin, I fell in love. There were ideas here that I was never allowed to explore growing up in the state of Iowa or grinding through my graduate education in rural Pennsylvania. People here in Berlin shunned capital, the role of companies, the protestant work-ethic and thought of the access to housing and creative spaces as a basic human right. We still do. Upon moving here, I read and talked to others as much as I could about the long history of city politics, and hoped and prayed that I could participate in the popular forces that keep this city weird, alive, and vibrant.
And I did. When the rent control (German: Mietendeckel) was passed, I was intrigued, although also confused. I didn’t come from a city like New York, where rent control is part of common working-class knowledge, even where, like most capitalist cities, rents are a never-ending burden.
At the time, I was living in an over-priced, albeit beautiful, Prenzlauer Berg apartment near Mauerpark, a part of the city infamous for what academics categorize as super-gentrification. It was not that I was longing to live in ‘Penzelberg’, even though the turn-of-the-century building style has been beautified nicely for the eye (not for the pocketbook). It was the only apartment I could find in 2018 when we moved to Berlin. We paid 1600 warm a month for 89m2. The apartment was “furnished” with an old tube TV, a decaying sofa (literally stuffed with hay), and a few other miscellaneous furniture items.
Several months later, the rationale behind the dysfunctional furniture in the apartment became clear: furnished apartments were exempt from the failed attempt at rent control from the city of Berlin. We also rented for one year at a time, as the woman who owned the apartment, the resident of the ground floor, claimed that she someday wanted to downsize by moving into our apartment.
Refuge in Wedding
In effect, these one year contracts nullified the tenants’ protections we had under German law. When the new rent control was passed, it became clear that we would be unable to take advantage of it. If we asked our landlord about it, we assumed she would decide it was high time to move into the apartment herself—or simply search for another tenant. So we decided to move to Wedding.
Der Wedding kommt. True, rents aren’t what they used to be in Wedding. You can no longer find an apartment for 200€/month here. But according to the city gentrification researchers, Wedding is the last central part of the city to gentrify. In an essay from 1900, Rothj Werke beautifully writes “Im Wedding hört die Grammatik auf und das Geld auch.”
In Wedding, we found a refuge in the form of a Hinterhaus Altbauwohnung with a long-term rent contract—albeit with a sweating, macho neo-Nazi housing manager. We are certain we got the apartment thanks to our race, family status and class. We are a white, married cis-heterosexual couple with two incomes and no children, and for the application, they asked for a photo of us. Later, the housing manager commented on our need to keep our future children away from the “curly haired children” of the neighborhood.
But with a long-term rental contract, we could call the rent control into effect on our apartment, and in some small way, fight the racist, classist garbage this housing manager and his company perpetrate. And we did, through hours of letter writing, free-legal consultationprovided by the red-red-green Berlin Senate, and hand wringing, and a bit of a rush at finally having success. The result?
Today, the rent control was overruled.
We will have to pay back one year of so-called underpaid rent. Luckily for us, we saved back the sum, and it was small enough for our apartment, which has never been renovated except to add a 2m2 bathroom. Many other Berliners weren’t able to save back the money that they could potentially pay back. The rent was just too high to begin with.
I have hope that Wedding, but also Berlin, will remain red. In our Kiez, several new buildings are going up which will contain one-room furnished micro-apartments, which the sign on the building boasts are “a fantastic investment”. Although the character of Wedding may change, the exploitation of the working class here will not. Those who will move in there will likely be white students and white-collar workers moving to the city who could not find anything else before the start of the semester or their new job.
But the biggest mistake we as residents of the Kiez can make is to fall for the lie that these newcomers are the ones ruining our Kiez, moving to Berlin, making rents rise, pushing out racial minorities, and bringing a Denns Biomarkt to the corner where it was never wanted. Yes, they (or better said, we) are complicit in this system by living in it, but we did not create it and actively reject it. We, like the original residents of the neighborhood, are forced to live in it.
In reality, it is not the fault of the family which cleans up litter in the park or the vegan-feminist-antiracist artist which pastes-up her latest creation for driving prices up in the neighborhood. That fault lies alone with the failure of the city of Berlin to protect her residents from unbridled profiteering on a basic human need. Now it also lies with the constitutional court.
I will fight it with every tool I have. Granted, the tools I have at the moment are limited. As a foreigner with an Aufenhaltserlaubnis, I cannot vote in any German elections. I will influence my spouse’s vote, just as women did in the days before our suffrage was won from the patriarchy. I will go to the demonstration tonight on Hermannplatz. I will write this article.
I write this from under an obsidian veil, a solemn tear rolling down my cheek. A jet black armband encircling my bicep. The union flag is flying at half-mast and a mournful dirge breaks the bleakness with yet more bleakness. For dear old Prince Philip has died. Farewell, sweet Prince.
Just kidding, I’m not an establishment columnist! Manufacturing a mood of national mourning has never felt so contrived. At the time of writing, the BBC (UK public service broadcaster) has received at least 110,994 complaints over its fawning wall-to-wall coverage of his death, which began with a tearful announcement by a news presenter and followed with the cancellation of normal programming in favour of a non-stop Phil-fest. This unsurprisingly saw a big drop in viewer numbers.
UK cities, including London and Birmingham, replaced the adverts and COVID advice displayed on electronic billboards with huge images of the Prince’s pampered visage. Mourn, you ungrateful plebs! You might be getting fed up with all the craven ham-fisted attempts to get you to mourn the death of this old rich geezer by now. If so, read on for my republican Prince Philip obit.
Philip Who?
Prince Philip, who has died aged 99, was the husband of Queen Elizabeth II. He was also known as the Duke of Edinburgh. Royals tend to hoard titles. Born into the Danish and Greek royal families, his is a story of riches to riches. With a sprinkling of Nazis. Three of his four older sisters were active Nazis, there is an embarrassing photo of Philip at the funeral of his sister Cecilie flanked by uniformed Nazis. Although Philip did not become a Nazi, he minimised his sibling’s Nazism and consistently expressed racist opinions throughout his ‘career’ as the Queen’s consort.
Philip first met his cousin Elizabeth when he was 18 and she was 13 and they started writing to each other. After a stint in the Navy during the Second World War, on the non-Nazi side unlike his sisters, he married Elizabeth, who was crowned Queen a few years later. It’s the posh sort of inbreeding so it’s socially acceptable.
After marrying his cousin, his job was to be married to the Queen. It pays quite well and is fairly light on actual work. Amidst all the media fawning and mourning, there have been a couple of truly bizarre articles that have argued that he “turned traditional gender roles upside down.” A stay at home father who was happy to take a backseat to his wife’s career. Yes, really. He was apparently an unlikely feminist hero who “allowed his spouse the spotlight”. Well yeah, she’s the bloody Queen in a hereditary monarchy. I remain unconvinced by these painfully laboured portrayals.
Ah Him. Didn’t he say loads of dodgy stuff?
Philip spent much of his time as the Queen’s consort making rude and often racist comments. These are now being repainted by the unctuous media and political class as hilarious gaffes, charming quirks and attempts at humour. They probably were deeply unfunny attempts at humour, as well as instances of pointedly getting away with being a racist tosser.
UK Prime Minister Boris Johnson excused them in this manner saying that his “politically incorrect” remarks were his way of “trying to break the ice, to get things moving, to get people laughing.” This is unsurprising given Johnson’s own reputation for saying racist things.
Here are a few of Philip’s racist remarks:
“If you stay here much longer, you will go home with slitty eyes.” To a group of British students in China.
“You managed not to get eaten then?” To a British student who had visited Papua New Guinea.
“Do you still throw spears at each other?” To an Aboriginal leader in Queensland, Australia.
“It looks as though it was put in by an Indian.” About a fusebox, during a tour of a factory.
And here are some more crass remarks:
“In the event that I am reincarnated, I would like to return as a deadly virus, to contribute something to solving overpopulation.” In an interview to the Deutsche Presse Agentur in 1988.
“If a cricketer, for instance, suddenly decided to go into a school and batter a lot of people to death with a cricket bat, which he could do very easily, I mean, are you going to ban cricket bats?” After the Dunblane school shooting in 1996 in which 16 primary school children and their teacher were shot dead.
“Young people are the same as they always were. They are just as ignorant.” At the Duke of Edinburgh Award Scheme 50th Anniversary.
“You could do with losing a little bit of weight.” To a 13 year old child with ambitions to be an astronaut.
There are numerous other examples, demonstrating that as well as being an extremely rich and privileged old man, he was openly racist, reactionary and unpleasant in his public interactions. We can only imagine what he must have been like in private. Remind me why we’re mourning him again? Oh, the Queen’s husband/cousin thing. Right.
Don’t Mourn Shirkers, Organise Workers!
Eight days of official mourning have been declared in the UK. When ordinary people lose a loved one in the UK they often get less time off work than this. National Rail turned their train information and ticket buying website grey “as a mark of respect”. This caused accessibility problems for visually impaired users, but mourning an old bigot was more important than such trivial considerations. A public backlash made them reconsider this odd decision after a couple of days. Must we all make similarly embarrassing public displays of sorrow? Must we tug the forelock as the politicians have scrambled to, even those in the so-called Labour Party?
Labour leader Keir Starmer was in such a hurry to lick the royal boot that he ‘breached royal protocol’ by offering his condolences before the Prime Minister and got a ticking off from the tabloid Daily Mail. The House of Commons (the democratically elected house of the UK Parliament) devoted seven hours to tributes to the Prince. Seven hours of cringing deferential speeches from our democratic representatives. Political parties suspended their local election campaigning as a ‘mark of respect’. When it’s a choice between monarchy and democracy in the UK, clearly monarchy comes first. It absolutely should not.
The Prince’s dreadful paedophile-adjacent son, Prince Andrew, was wheeled out to tell us that old Philip was the “grandfather of the nation”. That was probably a bad idea in terms of getting the public onside.
The attempt to create a national mood of collective mourning serves a purpose. It reinforces the unequal status quo; these people are important, it says. This Prince who died of natural causes at the age of 99 is more important than the 127,000 people who have died of COVID during the pandemic in the UK. They don’t get eight days of public mourning. The rich bigot does, because he’s a Prince and they’re not, they’re just ordinary beautiful people. Don’t look at them, look up at the glitzy gems and palaces and identify with that. That is British, it says, and so are you. Be proud of your racist Prince. He was ‘traditional’ and you like tradition. He was ‘of his time’; a euphemism for racist. Embrace the rose-tinged nostalgia. Embrace it.
The ruling class attempt to get us to ‘buy in’ to the system that oppresses us with this over the top royal pantomime. Know your place subjects, celebrate and mourn your betters! God Save the Queen (and her husband). Or let’s scrap the whole charade and remember those who are worth remembering. Our nurses, doctors, bus drivers, shop workers, bartenders, baristas, carers: thousands and thousands of our loved ones. Organise and fight for the things worth fighting for and ignore the royal distraction.
I hope the over-the-top coverage of Prince Philip’s death leads to an anti-royal backlash. The viewing figures for the coverage and much social media commentary suggest that the establishment media may have pushed it too far. Forgive me if I break the eight days of mourning early, I have things to be getting on with.
My final thought is, if this is the media reaction to the death of a 99 year old notoriously racist Prince, when the Queen snuffs it, I’m throwing my phone and telly into the sea.
Film Review: Ma Rainey’s Black Bottom
5 Oscar nominations – but is it any good? Our reviewer on why it works on both an artistic and political level
To introduce Black History Month, Netflix aired “Ma Rainey’s Black Bottom” last December. It was indeed a great choice to celebrate and pay tribute to the Black heritage of the United States, as marked by the work of two exquisite African Americans: theatre writer and “Poet of Black America” August Wilson and the “Mother of the Blues” Ma Rainey – the woman who shaped the blues and influenced an entire generation of musicians as diverse as Louis Armstrong and Janis Joplin. The film was produced by Denzel Washington and is his second August Wilson play. His first was the drama “Fences” (2016), which he directed and starred in along with Viola Davis – a role that won her the Oscar prize for best leading female role.
So “Ma Rainey’s Black Bottom” opened to high expectations. Viola Davis plays Ma Rainey, and four African American actors, as the members of her band, carry a vital part of the plot of the film. They are session musicians who bring the musical tradition of the South to conquer the scene in the North. Chadwick Boseman is stunning in the role of inspired trumpet player Levee, which sadly turned out to be his last performance, as he passed away of cancer shortly after the filming. He was only forty four.
Behind the camera, George C. Wolfe is a guarantee for sustaining the theatricality and – in a way – the queerness of the film. After all, he is the man who first directed on stage “Angels in America” (1993), Tony Kushner’s epic play on the human condition and LGBT struggles in the aftermath of the AIDS era.
Who was Ma Rainey?
The film starts with Ma Rainey’s frenzied shows, first in her home state, Georgia and then in Chicago. Although she performs the same song, these are two different worlds. In Georgia, a humble tent on a plantation hosts a Black audience looking for recreation and comfort listening to the music of their roots. On the contrary, in Chicago one watches an impressive spectacle, with female dancers moving hedonically to Ma Rainey’s Black Bottom style as well as a different audience: more urban and more affluent.
What has happened meanwhile is described by the Black and white newspaper advertisements that follow, all of them offering workplaces to Black people: Domestic servants, butlers, seamstresses, industrial workers in what was called the “great migration” of African Americans from the South to the North. They were pursuing the dream of welfare and especially of the equality promised to them by the capitalist development that was taking place in the Northern and East northern states. They carried in their baggage the blues, their music that had been born out of gospels and spirituals on the plantations of the South and fused with the musical currents emerging at the time in the urban metropolises.
Ma Rainey’s work was influential in the development of blues in its primal form. Born Gertrude Pritchett in Georgia, she became known after performing with her husband Wil “Pa” Rainey (from whom she only retained her nickname). With powerful vocal abilities and her unique style, Ma operated in several musical ensembles, which combined the mostly white folk show vaudeville (the equivalent of cabaret in the 19th century) with the Black music of the South. She acquainted the white audience with Black culture by bridging the gap between them and confirmed to the Blacks the power of their cultural heritage.
Far from being a mere performer, Ma Rainey played an active role in composition, imbuing musical pieces with the depth and richness of her own experiences as well as Black women’s stories: fear, anger, euphoria, love, sexual desire. Angela Davis in her book “Blues Legacies and Black Feminism: Gertrude “Ma” Rainey, Bessie Smith, and Billie Holiday” writes that “Rainey’s songs are full of women who explicitly celebrate their right to conduct themselves as expansively and even as undesirably as men.”
Ma Rainey challenged in practice the morals and sexual norms of her time. Her songs talk about “sissy men” and “butch” – mannish – women and she herself danced on stage incredibly provocatively in the most unashamed way. Off stage as well, she did not bother hide her sexual orientation. She organized legendary “women-only” parties, occasionally broken up by police raids on gross indecency charges.
“Prove it on me blues” is the most famous of her rich anthology of homoerotic songs and is identified as the first ever song with a lesbian reference:
They say I do it, ain’t nobody caught me Sure got to prove it on me; Went out last night with a crowd of my friends They must’ve been women, ’cause I don’t like no men
It’s true I wear a collar and tie. Makes the wind blow all the while.»
The poster published by Paramount to promote the song (below) leaves no space for misinterpretations. It shows Ma, also a fashion icon, wearing a suit, tie and a fedora hat, arm in arm with two cute women.
The film
How can such an exciting life be conveyed on screen? It just can’t. Not only the film, but also August Wilson’s play, makes more a wry commendation of the times of “Ma Rainey’s Black bottom” than her biography.
It’s a hot summer day of 1927 at the studio of a record company (Paramount is implied) in Chicago. The (white) producer is waiting for the diva of the blues, Ma Rainey and her band to record. In the first part of the film we watch the members of the orchestra who have arrived on time, three old school experienced musicians and the younger trumpeter Levee (Chadwick Boseman), heading for a rehearsal in the basement of the building.
Their descent into the sunless, gloomy room underscores directly the social position of Blacks at the bottom of American society and they can not help but comment on it. After all, despite their well-groomed appearance and elegant attire, they noticed the way whites were staring at them as they got off the railway.
Levee dreams of escaping living life hand-to-mouth, obscured under Ma Rainey’s shadow. The yellow fancy shoes he just bought on the money he had made beating his friends in a game of cards symbolize his ambitions. Levee wants to modernize Ma’s classic blues by adding playful solos to the introduction and between the verses and he has convinced producer Sturdyvand that this is what the (white) audience needs in order to chill out listening to the blues. This is the music he will play with the new band he has in the works and he feels confident about them being recorded.
The other musicians, trombonist Cutler, pianist Toledo, and Slow Drag on double bass, all blow him off, but Levee would not change his mind. Neither would the stories they narrate about someone who sold his soul to the devil, nor Toledo’s pessimistic monologue, which uses food and cooking as a parable for the plight of African Americans: “The colored man is the leftovers”. On the contrary they have the opposite effect.
Levee carries his own tragic story with him: he’s from the plantations of Tennessee, where he was stabbed by white racists who had invaded his home in his father’s absence and were harassing his mother. His conclusion from the experience was that there is no god, and the objective is to achieve success, money and fame.
Ma’s late arrival at the studio leaves room neither for creative renewal, nor for negotiation. Majestic and assertive, with her mistress Dussy Mae on her arm and her little nephew Sylvester at the wheel of her brand new car, they make an eye-catching trio that clearly shows Ma’s agenda.
It is not so much the volume of make-up and blush on Ma-Viola Davis’s face, but her authoritarian attitude towards the musicians and the possessive demeanor towards Dussy Mae (who is flirting unabashedly with Levee) that make Ma a rather negative figure. But she is not naive – that’s how she has learned to survive.
In this way she dictates not only that the music pieces be recorded in the original version (her own), but also that Sylvester will be paid to introduce them, despite his obvious problem in articulating his speech. She is aware of his weakness as much as she knows that it’s the correct timing for her to get what she wants. Like her session musicians, Ma bears the burden of surviving in adverse conditions, and this portrayed as the root of her cynicism.
At the end of the day, after performing her pieces they way she wishes, Ma receives her salary in full, plus pocket money for nephew Sylvester. Levee is left with the bitter taste of an unjust rejection and ends up sell his scores for five dollars to Sturdywand, who will eventually record them with a swing all white orchestra.
The price of the transition from blues to swing is soon paid by Ma Rainey herself, who will be left without a record label when Paramount unilaterally terminates their collaboration. She will be left with the bus she bought with her name painted on it.
The film may not enlighten us about Ma Rainey herself and this probably disappointed those who wished to know about her fascinating life. Nevertheless, it is a dense work with deep and penetrating dialogues, and while it unfolds almost in real time, it is a lot more than a cinematic theatrical performance. It is an essay on American history, racial oppression, the power of music, and how all these intertwine and compose the mosaic of modern America. And from this point of view it speaks not only of its time but also of today.
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