Rebellious daughters of history #3 by ,,Judy Cox Adelaide Knight – From suffrage to communism Adelaide Knight was born in 1871 and lived with her working class family on Kenilworth Road in Bethnal Green. After a childhood injury she used crutches or a stick for the rest of her life. In 1894 Adelaide married a […]
Adelaide Knight was born in 1871 and lived with her working class family on Kenilworth Road in Bethnal Green. After a childhood injury she used crutches or a stick for the rest of her life.
In 1894 Adelaide married a sailor, Donald Adolphus Brown, born in what is now Guyana.
He shared Adelaide’s political beliefs and supported her activism. They both joined the Independent Labour Party and he took Adelaide’s surname and was widely known as Donald Knight.
The first London branch of the Women’s Social and Political Union (WSPU) was opened in Canning Town in 1906 and Adelaide was its secretary. In June 1906 she was arrested alongside Annie Kenney and Mrs Sparborough, when they tried to see the prime minister, Herbert Asquith.
The women were sentenced to prison for six weeks unless they agreed to be ‘bound over’ for one year and give up their campaigning. It was a difficult decision for Adelaide as she was in poor health, and the couple had two small children to care for.
All three women chose prison. Adelaide said: “I refuse to barter my freedom to act according to my conscience, while my health permits me to fight on.” She sang The Red Flag every morning to keep her spirits up.
Adelaide left the WSPU and joined Sylvia Pankhurst in the militant East London Suffrage Federation which campaigned for working class women. They linked suffrage to economic reform, opposed the First World War and celebrated the Russian Revolution.
In 1920 Adelaide became a founding member of the Communist Party of Great Britain.
The Intransigent Nathalie Lemel
Lemel was a Parisian radical bookbinder. In the 1860s she became one of very few female strike leaders, and campaigned for equal pay. She joined the First International in 1865.
In 1871, Lemel became a leading figure in the Paris Commune. Lemel joined with other members of the First International such as Elizabeth Dimitrieff to establish the ‘Union of Women’ to build support for the Commune among working women.
Every member of the Union was a member of the First International. The Union campaigned for equal pay, for education for girls, for the right to divorce and for work. It became one of the most powerful organisations of the Commune.
When the Commune came under attack, Lemel issued a defiant public address: ‘We have come to the supreme moment, when we must be able to die for our Nation. No more weakness! No more uncertainty! All women to arms! All women to duty! Versailles must be wiped out!’
Lemel was one of many women who fought on the barricades of Paris. After the defeat of the Commune, Lemel was sentenced to exile in the Canadian Nouvelle-Calédonie penal colony. She shared a cell with another great female Communard, Louise Michel.
Lemel had to wait for an amnesty declared in 1880, before she could return to Paris. Unbowed by these experiences, Lemel worked for a radical paper, L’Intransigeant, and continued her fight for women’s rights. She died in 1922.
Frances Wright and Jeanne Deroin
Rebellious Daughters of History #2 by Judy Cox Frances Wright (1795 –1852) Wright was a Scottish-born lecturer, writer, freethinker, feminist, abolitionist. She mixed with radical thinkers and philosophers in Britain and the US. In 1825, she became the only woman to set up a utopian community, the Nashoba Commune, Tennessee. It was the only such […]
Wright was a Scottish-born lecturer, writer, freethinker, feminist, abolitionist. She mixed with radical thinkers and philosophers in Britain and the US. In 1825, she became the only woman to set up a utopian community, the Nashoba Commune, Tennessee. It was the only such community to welcome freed slaves as members and caused a scandal by permitting interracial relationships.
In the late 1820s Wright was the first woman to give public lectures to mixed audiences. Thousands heard her demand radical reforms, such as universal education, abolition of slavery, birth control and sexual freedom for women. She denounced organised religion and was a passionate opponent of capital punishment. Wright was vilified by the church and the press and threatened by mobs.
Unlike other feminists of the time, such as Mary Wollstonecraft, Wright supported working class organisation. She was a prominent supporter of the working men’s associations which sprang up in New York in the late 1820s.
She wrote plays plays, published editions of her lectures and became the first woman to edit a newspaper in the US, first the Free Enquirer and, later, The Sentinel and Working Man’s Advocate. A chartist wrote the first biography of Wright, and the Chartist Northern Star advertised all her works. She had a child but lost custody when she was divorced from her husband. She died aged 57.
Jeanne Deroin: locked up but never silenced
Jeanne Deroin was one of the great women revolutionaries of the 19th century. Born in Paris in 1805, Deroin scraped a living as a seamstress to support her alcoholic husband and four children, one of whom was severely disabled. She became a utopian socialist, committed to the abolition of private property, the replacement of competition with cooperation and gender equality.
In the French Revolution of 1848, she organised women workers and set up a socialist paper aimed at women and sold on the streets, demanding the right to work and to vote. She fiercely opposed the misogyny of radical men like Joseph Proudhon and she became the first woman to attempt to stand for parliament. She was arrested in 1851 and continued to agitate for reform from her prison cell.
On her release, Deroin fled to London where she joined the First International, alongside Marx and Engels and later the Socialist League alongside Eleanor Marx and William Morris. When she died in 1894 the local paper reported on her funeral:
‘The remains of Mdme Jeanne Deroin, the lady who obtained considerable notoriety during the French Revolution of 1848, were laid to rest in Hammersmith Cemetery on Saturday afternoon.
There was a large attendance of sympathising friends, including a contingent of local Socialists, who attended the funeral, headed by their banner. Mr. William Morris, Mr. Sparling, and other well-known holders of advanced ideas spoke at the grave- side.
At the conclusion of the ceremony, one of Mr. W. Morris’s chants for Socialists entitled ‘No Master’ was sung.’
Sojourner Truth & Elisabeth Dmitrieff
Rebellious Daughters of History #1 by Judy Cox Sojourner Truth (1797-1883) was born a slave in New York and named Isabella Baumfree. She was bought and sold four times and subjected to harsh physical labour and violent punishments. In her teens, she was united with another slave with whom she had five children. Between 1826-27 […]
Sojourner Truth (1797-1883) was born a slave in New York and named Isabella Baumfree. She was bought and sold four times and subjected to harsh physical labour and violent punishments. In her teens, she was united with another slave with whom she had five children.
Between 1826-27 Truth ran away with her infant Sophia to a nearby abolitionist family. The family bought her freedom for $20 and helped Truth successfully sue for the return of her five-year-old-son Peter, who was illegally sold into slavery in Alabama. She was the first black woman to sue a white man.
Truth moved to New York City in 1828 where she worked for a local minister. In 1843, she declared that the Spirit had called on her to preach the truth, and renamed herself Sojourner Truth. She met abolitionists William Lloyd Garrison and Frederick Douglass, and it was Garrison’s anti-slavery organisation that encouraged her to give speeches about the evils of slavery.
In 1850, having never learned to read or write, Truth dictated what would become her autobiography— The Narrative of Sojourner Truth—to Olive Gilbert, who assisted in its publication. She survived on sales of the book.
In 1851, Truth began a lecture tour that included a women’s rights conference in Akron, Ohio, where she delivered her famous “Ain’t I a Woman?” speech. In it, she challenged the racism of the women’s movement and asserted the rights of black women.
During the 1850’s, Truth settled in Michigan. She continued speaking nationally and helped slaves escape to freedom. When the Civil War started, she organised supplies for black troops, and after it ended, she helped freed slaves to find jobs and build new lives.
While in Washington, DC, she lobbied against segregation, and in the mid-1860s, when a streetcar conductor tried to violently block her from riding, she ensured his arrest and won her subsequent case. In the late 1860s, she collected thousands of signatures on a petition calling for the provision of land to former slaves, though Congress never took action. Nearly blind and deaf towards the end of her life, Truth spent her final years in Michigan.
Elisabeth Dmitrieff (1850-?) was a Russian-born feminist and revolutionary leader of the 1871 Paris Commune. She was the daughter of a Tsarist official but rebelled against her background and joined the socialist circles of St Petersburg.
In 1868, she travelled to Switzerland and co-founded the Russian section of the First International. Delegated to London, she met Karl Marx and spent months with the Marx family. In March 1871, Elisabeth was aged only 21 when Marx proposed she cover the incredible events of the Paris Commune.
She became one it’s greatest women leaders. Working with the anarchist Nathalie Lemel, Elisabeth helped to found the Women’s Union for the Defense of Paris and Care of the Wounded, and the co-founded of the Women’s Union. She campaigned for women’s education, raised women’s concerns and organising cooperative workshops.
Elisabeth contributed to the Socialist newspaper La Cause Du People (The Cause of the People). After having fought on the barricades during the Bloody Week, she fled to Russia.
Once back in her native country, she married a man who was later convicted of fraud, and in 1878 followed him into exile in Siberia, where she disappeared from view.
This article first appeared in Socialist Review. Reproduced with the author’s permission.
What’s happening in Berlin on May 1, 2020?
Map: Authorised demonstrations on May 1st, 2020. If you want to join a demonstration, contact the organiser first to ensure that particpant numbers are not exceeded. We make no guarantee as to the accuracy of this information. May 1st — International Workers’ Day — is usually a major event in Berlin, with countless protests across […]
Map: Authorised demonstrations on May 1st, 2020. If you want to join a demonstration, contact the organiser first to ensure that particpant numbers are not exceeded. We make no guarantee as to the accuracy of this information.
May 1st — International Workers’ Day — is usually a major event in Berlin, with countless protests across the city and a big demonstration by the DGB trade union federation. This year, things will be different.
The DGB has cancelled its protest for the first time since it was founded in 1949. “This year, solidarity means keeping your distance,” said Reiner Hoffmann, the organisation’s chairman. Instead, the umbrella group, which includes most trade unions in Germany, is planning an online broadcast of online speeches, discussions and artistic performances under the motto “You can’t do solidarity alone” (#SolidarischNichtAlleine). It will take place from 11am to 2pm.
Other protests are planned, however, to go ahead — with suitable health and safety measures including a minimum distance of 2 metres from person to person and a maximum of 20 participants per demonstration.
“We’re taking to the streets not because we think that protective measures aren’t right or because we deny the danger of the virus,” says René Arnsburg of the Network for Fighting Trade Unions (Vernetzung für kämpferische Gewerkschaften). But, he told Neues Deutschland, when fundamental achievements of the labour movement such as the eight-hour day are being chipped away, it cannot be expected that there will be no resistance. Accompanied by other trade unionists, Arnsburg has registered a rally for 11 am near the world clock on Alexanderplatz.
That is one of dozens of demonstrations planned across Germany despite the Coronavirus situation. The initiative “All Out for May 1st 2020” (“Heraus zum ersten Mai 2020”) has been calling on people to register small demonstrations of up to 20 people, which can stay within the law, along the traditional May Day locations and routes.
At 1pm a rally near the Vivantes hospital at Urbanhafen, Kreuzberg. Organised by Berlin Action Against Employer Injustice (Berliner Aktion Gegen Arbeitgeberunrecht), the event will take place under the slogan “We won’t pay for your crisis”. The call-out asks why the ruling class speak of solidarity and acting together, while the working conditions of hospital employees are attacked.
Also registered in Berlin are five rallies of 20 people each in Neukölln organised by Die Linke for 2pm. Those who want to take part are asked to register with info@die-linke-neukölln.de.
Meanwhile, the traditional “revolutionary May 1st” demonstration has also taken on a new form. Organisers have called for a decentralised protest across Kreuzberg from 6pm in order to reduce the risk of infection and remain resistant to state repression.
“Whether alone with a placard, together with friends and comrades, in small groups, with a bike or on foot, or also from rooftoops and balconies: you decide yourselves, what your actions will look like,” organisers said in a statement.
Berlin’s social-democratic interior minister Andreas Geisel has promised to clamp down heavily on the unauthorised protest. “The police will have to intervene early,” he was quoted by the public broadcaster RBB as saying. He reportedly said there would be 5,000 police officers deployed to the city’s streets.
Guernica – a painting of our time
On the 83rd anniversary of the bombing of Guernica, we republish this article from our old Website, originally written for the 80th anniversary.
80 years ago Pablo Picasso painted one of his most famous works in response to the destruction of the Basque city of Guernica. Phil Butland explains why it is one of the most impressive anti-war paintings, and how it was part of a new way of understanding and creating art.
At about 4:30 pm on April 26, 1937, the first German bomb fell on the Basque town of Guernica. It was a Monday, and many inhabitants of the neighbouring villages were visiting the market. Many of the town’s menfolk were already fighting in the Spanish Civil War, so most of the people affected by the bombing were women, children, and the 3,000 war refugees who were already living there.
After a first round of bombing, the Wehrmacht pilots waited until people left their bunkers to look after the wounded. As they scrambled out of their shelters, a second, and longer, wave of bombing began. It was accompanied by low-flying fighter planes, which strafed the streets with machine-gun fire.
Eye-witness Juan Guezureya described what he saw:
“They kept just going back and forth, sometimes in a long line, sometimes in close formation. It was as if they were practising new moves. They must have fired thousands of bullets.”
The bombing and shooting spree by German aircraft under the command of Wolfram von Richthofen lasted over three hours. One hundred thousand pounds of highly explosive and incendiary bombs were deployed. Three quarters of all buildings in the town were completely destroyed. In the Times, the British war correspondent George Steer reported
“Throughout the night houses were falling until the streets became long heaps of red impenetrable debris”.
The power of Picasso’s Guernica
Anyone looking at Picasso’s ‘Guernica’ without any prior knowledge will learn little about the historical events which took place in the Basque town. Picasso’s biographer, the recently deceased John Berger described the picture as follows:
“There is no town, no aeroplanes, no explosion, no reference to the time of day, the year, the century or the part of Spain where it happened. There are no enemies to accuse. There is no heroism.”
Yet we immediately recognize pain and misery, suffering and death. Like virtually no other work of art – a possible exception is Edvard Munch’s ‘The Scream’ – ‘Guernica’ contains no historical facts, preferring to show the pure emotions felt by the victims of a massacre. A woman looks above, crying helplessly, as her dead baby lies still in her arms. A horse screams with fear. The ground is strewed with mutilated body parts.
Berger explains the effect of the picture: “we are made to feel their pain with our eyes”. And all that we can see is monochrome angst. Picasso deliberately used no colour, as he believed that this would distract from the horror. ‘Guernica’ works so well as a piece of art because it speaks to emotions which cannot be put into words. It articulates the horrific by simply showing us horror.
Some critics have made a great deal of effort trying to determine the precise meaning of different parts of the work: what does this bull or that horse stand for? Why is this woman crying? This approach is legitimate, but in my opinion it missed the core of ‘Guernica’s’ magnificence.
Picasso himself explained his choice of imagery as follows:
“this bull is a bull and this horse is a horse… If you give a meaning to certain things in my paintings it may be very true, but it is not my idea to give this meaning. What ideas and conclusions you have got I obtained too, but instinctively, unconsciously. I make the painting for the painting. I paint the objects for what they are””
No accidental attack
In the aftermath of the air attack, apologists for Franco and his German supporters argued that the town had a military significance. The evidence is, however, very flimsy. It is true that there were two armaments factories on the edge of the town, but neither was damaged by the bombing spree.
It is much more likely that Guernica was deliberately targeted to prevent Basque participation in the Spanish Civil War. During the war, the Basque parties were reluctant to clearly take sides.
In October 1936, an autonomous Basque government was formed with the Christian Democrat José Antonio Aguirre as president and the participation of left parties. This government formally supported the Spanish Republic but was also willing to make compromises with Franco. For example, after the fall of Bilbao, it negotiated the Santoña Agreement (also known as the Santoña Treason) independently of the republican forces.
In 1935, German general Erich Ludendorff published the pamphlet ‘Der Totale Krieg’ (The Total War) in which he argued that in war, no one is innocent; everyone is a combatant and everyone a target, soldier and civilian alike. In the same period, Emilio Mola, the Spanish general responsible for the campaign in the North said
“It is necessary to spread terror. We must create the impression of mastery, eliminating without scruples or hesitation all those who do not think as we do”.
Hitler cited Guernica as a template for the bombing of Warsaw in 1939, and Goering spoke of Guernica as a “testing ground”. It is hard to believe, then, that the attack on Guernica was anything other than an attempt to deepen the division between the Basques in the North and the Republicans in the South.
With the aerial bombardment, General Franco showed that he was prepared to kill Basque civilians if their government were to even consider supporting the Spanish Republic.
Picasso responds – to different reactions
Picasso had been living in exile in France since 1901. Some art historians have suggested that he was not political during this time, although his circle of friends always contained a number of leftist activists. In 1938, his good friend Andre Breton wrote the Manifesto for an Independent Revolutionary Art together with Leon Trotsky and Diego Rivera. Picasso’s partner Dora Maar, whose work was essential to the creation of ‘Guernica’, was a member of the French Communist Party (PCF), which Picasso eventually joined in 1944.
In 1937 he produced his first explicitly political work: ‘The Dream and Lie of Franco”. 18 (originally 14) etchings depicted Franco in ridiculous poses. Initially, the etchings were meant to be sold as postcards from the Spanish Pavilion in the 1937 World Exposition in Paris, in order to raise money for the Spanish Republic. After the bombing of Guernica, Picasso decided to make a new picture.
The reactions to his new painting were not universally positive. It was to be expected that Emanuel Paul Frank, art historian from Nazi Germany would write “It is a confusion of incomprehensible symbols and human body parts which looks like it has been drawn by a four-year-old child”.
Yet many left-wing critics were also clearly unimpressed. In ‘L’Humanité’ the newspaper of the PCF, the poet Louis Aragon reported on the Exposition without mentioning Picasso’s painting at all. Some left-wing Spanish officials at the Exposition tried to replace Picasso’s picture with Horacio Ferrer de Morgados’s kitschy ‘Madrid 1937 (Black Aeroplanes)’.
Despite such half-hearted backing, ‘Guernica’ continued to play a practical role in supporting the Republican forces, and was sent on a tour of Scandinavia, England and the USA. The entrance fee was usually the cost of a pair of used boots for a Republican soldier. These boots were sent directly to the Republican army.
Picasso and the Communists – a tense relationship
Why did Picasso’s critics in and around the Communist Party react to ‘Guernica’ with such revulsion? Morgados’s painting was preferable to many communists because the raised fists and red scarves made it easier to understand who the heroes in the picture were supposed to be.
Such blinkered Philistinism was in full accord with the orthodoxy of Socialist Realism which was influential amongst the Left in the 1930s (and still perseveres in some circles). It suffices here to say that Picasso’s experimentation with form was not fully appreciated by some leftist critics.
At the same time, precisely because he had not yet joined the PCF, Picasso was probably allowed more room to manoeuvre than was expected of artists who were party members. As a “Fellow Traveller”, the communists lauded his political engagement and claimed him as one of theirs while seeing much of his art as irresponsibly decadent.
Ironically, John Molyneux is almost certainly correct when he says “I can think of no Socialist Realist painting on any subject whatsoever that has had anything approaching the impact of Guernica.”
None of this is to say that triumphant realist art was incapable of responding to the horrors of the Spanish Civil War. 1937 also saw the making of ‘Aidez L’Espagne’, a superlative painting by the Catalan artist Joan Miro, better known for his more abstract paintings. It shows a Catalan peasant with a defiant clenched fist.
The Spanish Republican government made a stamp using this image which was used to finance their fight against the fascists around Franco. And yet even Miro’s superb painting fails to engage us in the same way that ‘Guernica’ does.
The legacy of Picasso’s ‘Guernica’
It is often said that the destruction of Guernica was the first bombing of a civilian population. This is not, strictly speaking, correct. In 1914, German Zeppelins bombed Antwerp, killing 10 civilians. In the 1920s, Winston Churchill and Arthur “Bomber” Harris developed the strategy of “Aerial Policing”, which involved the deadly bombing of the Arab population in Iraq.
Even during the Spanish Civil War, the German and Spanish Air Forces had bombed population centres in Madrid, Barcelona and Valencia before the first bomb fell on Guernica. Later, other cities would be destroyed – Coventry, Dresden, Hiroshima, and more recently Gaza and Aleppo. Guernica was neither the first nor the deadliest instance of a bomb attack on civilians, but thanks to Picasso it has become a representative of all such war crimes.
During the Iraq war, a tapestry reproduction of ‘Guernica’ was hung in the UN building (let’s pause to think here which other radical work of art has hung in the UN building and the Museum of Modern Art in the US as well as the Prado and Reina Sofia museums in Madrid). Before the visit of US Secretary of State Colin Powell and his deputy John Negroponte, a blue curtain was hung in front of the tapestry so as not to embarrass the warmongerers.
Above all, ‘Guernica’ stands in judgement over the indiscriminate mass killing of civilians. The bombing of Guernica happened 80 years ago, but the massacres continue. After the destruction of Aleppo, Portuguese cartoonist Vasco Gargalo reimagined the picture, saying “The suffering of the Syrian people is not any different”.
Art after Auschwitz
Theodor Adorno said “to write a poem after Auschwitz is barbaric ”. He meant, firstly, that poetry – and art in general – could not prevent either Auschwitz or Guernica – but also that it is impossible for art to directly reproduce unimaginable horror.
In a similar vein, the architect Peter Eisenman has said of his ‘Memorial to the Murdered Jews of Europe’ in Berlin: “it is a little too aesthetic. It looks a little too good. Not that I wanted something ugly, but I didn’t want something that looks like Design. I wanted the ordinary, the banal.”
Some of the excesses of late capitalism – the Holocaust in particular, but also Hiroshima and the bombing of Guernica – are almost literally impossible to comprehend. For many artists, it is insufficient to merely depict this horror – they need a more personal relationship.
This realisation helped produce the artistic movement of Modernism. From Brecht’s plays and James Joyce’s novels to Picasso’s art, this was an attempt to develop an art form for an age in which the reproduction of beautiful landscapes was no longer sufficient.
Modernism did not, of course spring from nowhere. Particularly Picasso’s depictions of the horrors of war have their antecedents in Francisco Goya’s series of pictures ‘The Disasters of War’, made in response to the Napoleonic Wars. The curators of Madrid’s Reina Sofia Museum (where ‘Guernica’ currently hangs) acknowledge this when they say “The grotesque vision that Goya brought to his political critique was not lost on artists as a powerful tool for crafting their own views of the present.”
Nevertheless, the development of Modernism in the uncertain period between the wars marks a qualitative shift and ‘Guernica’ is one of the best and most convincing Modernist works. It is exactly the absence of historical fact and of heroes that allows us to see every war in the picture, and to develop a generalized criticism of the capitalist system.
When Picasso painted ‘Guernica’, he said
“my whole life as an artist has been nothing more than a continuous struggle against reaction and the death of art. In the picture I am painting — which I shall call Guernica — I am expressing my horror of the military caste which is now plundering Spain into an ocean of misery and death.”
Picasso felt this revulsion against the depravity of the caste throughout his life, and this revulsion has inspired his successors in the new Spanish Left, not least in their struggle against forgetting the Civil War and against any new Guernicas.
Suggested reading: John Berger, The Success and Failure of Picasso
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