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What is Cancel Culture? And Does it Matter?

Everyone’s talking about ‘cancel culture’, although there is no clear definition about what it actually is. This discussion is, to a large part, down to an article published in Harpers magazine and signed by various prominent writers ranging from Noam Chomsky via Francis Fukuyama to J.K. Rowling. [1] Although the article does not mention cancel […]


17/07/2020


Everyone’s talking about ‘cancel culture’, although there is no clear definition about what it actually is. This discussion is, to a large part, down to an article published in Harpers magazine and signed by various prominent writers ranging from Noam Chomsky via Francis Fukuyama to J.K. Rowling. [1] Although the article does not mention cancel culture by name, both its supporters and detractors are convinced that this is what it’s ‘really’ about.

That Harpers Article

The article lists a number of recent events which its authors believe are a sign of “a dangerous trend” in modern society:

  • “institutional leaders, in a spirit of panicked damage control, are delivering hasty and disproportionate punishments instead of considered reforms.
  • Editors are fired for running controversial pieces; books are withdrawn for alleged inauthenticity;
  • journalists are barred from writing on certain topics;
  • professors are investigated for quoting works of literature in class;
  • a researcher is fired for circulating a peer-reviewed academic study;
  • and the heads of organizations are ousted for what are sometimes just clumsy mistakes.” [2]

When I first saw this charge sheet, what sprung out was the lack of specificity. This was probably deliberate. A list of misdemeanours is given without any context or background information. But it is relevant to know, who is punishing/firing/barring/investigating/ousting whom and why. This information was not deemed important enough to include in the article.

Other journalists have saved me some work by researching the cases that are being alluded to here:

  • The editor “fired for running controversial cases” was presumably James Bennet, who resigned from his post as editorial page editor at the New York Times. This after the publication of an incendiary column by Arkansas Senator Tom Cotton – which called for the military to be used to crush BLM protests. [3] The Times itself admitted that the piece was not up to its own editorial standards; and its publisher said in a letter to staff [4] that the piece was emblematic of a “significant breakdown” in the editing process. [5]
  • The book “withdrawn for alleged inauthenticity” could be American Dirt, a book by Jeanine Cummins, who recently began identifying as Puerto Rican [6]. But American Dirt was not actually withdrawn and is a bestseller. So maybe – it was Apropos of Nothing, Woody Allen’s book that was dropped by Hachette, a major publisher, after employees protested Allen’s history of sexual assault allegations. [7, 8]
  • We can assume that the professor “investigated for quoting works of literature in class” is a white teacher at UCLA who used the n-word repeatedly in class while quoting Martin Luther King Jr. Even after Black students asked him to stop. [9, 10]
  • The researcher fired was almost certainly David Shor, who may or may not have been fired, for posting a study encouraging protesters to be non-violent [11] (because of a Non-Disclosure Agreement, he has never claimed that he was fired).
  • The claim that “heads of organizations are ousted for what are sometimes just clumsy mistakes” is, as The Objective says “so vague that it seems hard to pick out a specific example” [12]. It could be the president and board members of the National Book Critics Circle who resigned after accusations of racism. [13] Maybe it’s ‘Bon Appetit’ chief Adam Rappaport, who resigned after a photo of him in brownface circulated. [14] Forbes has a longer list [15] of CEOs who stood down in the wake of the Black Lives Matter protests.

The other claim in the Harpers article is that “journalists are barred from writing on certain topics”. This is hardly news. The press are run by the rich and the powerful who have always set the agenda for what is allowed to be printed. 80% of the UK´s press is controlled by only five billionaires, and other countries record similar figures. This is, of course, a scandal, but it is nothing new.

Now you may think that some of these acts are justified and some are not. I know I do. Most cancellation comes from above, and accusations of improper conduct are often instrumentalised to get rid of “unruly employees”. On the other hand, examples of bosses falling when their racism becomes common knowledge do not cause me any lost sleep.

It is possible to simply believe that we should not try to “cancel” anything. I believe that this is the position of one of the signatories, Noam Chomsky. It is not mine. If a group of Nazis want to march down Unter den Linden, I’ll get together with as many people as I can to stop this happening. This is because their performative act has consequences, particularly for Blacks and other minorities.

You may disagree, but let’s have a discussion about what we should get rid of and what should remain, rather than hysterically decrying a “culture” of increasing irrational censorship which seems to be at odds with anything that is happening in the real world.

Who signed the Harpers article?

Let’s now look at the people who signed the article. They are described by Hamilton Nolan as “people who have been yelled at a lot on Twitter” [16]; and by Jessica Valenti as “a who’s who: political luminaries, columnists, authors, and professors — people with powerful platforms, and access to large audiences” [17] And no, this is not just about JK Rowling.

Martin Amis is best known in recent years for his racist thought experiment, saying in an interview “There’s a definite urge – don’t you have it? – to say, ‘The Muslim community will have to suffer until it gets its house in order.’ What sort of suffering? Not letting them travel. Deportation – further down the road. Curtailing of freedoms. Strip-searching people who look like they’re from the Middle East or from Pakistan” [18]

Bari Weiss, according to Glenn Greenwald “channels whatever prevailing right-wing grievance exists about colleges, Arabs or Israel critics (ideally, all of those) into a column that’s supposed to be ‘provocative’ because it maligns minority activists or fringe positions that are rarely given platforms on the New York Times op-ed page.” [19]

Weiss has already used her NYT space to endorse an inaccurate smear campaign against Keith Ellison, the first Muslim elected to the U.S. Congress. [20] She has also accused multiple Arab professors critical of Israel of being antisemites, although an investigative committee found “no evidence of any statements made by the faculty that could reasonably be construed as antisemitic.” [21] Weiss also appears to have reported a Black editor to the Times leadership for politely declining to get coffee with her. [22]

David Frum coined the term “axis of evil” that helped to “rationalise” the invasion of Iraq. [23] Olivia Nuzzi recently wrote a fawning obituary of a woman known for harassing a leading Black journalist and his family. [24] Cary Nelson began a campaign to persuade the board of Illinois University to rescind an offer of work to Steven Salaita because of Salaita’s pro-Palestinian views. [25] Roger Berkowitz runs the Hannah Arendt Center at Bard College, where criticizing Israel can get you fired. [26] Ian Buruma lost his job as editor of the New York Review of Books two years ago, after he published and defended an article that violated the new spirit of the #MeToo movement. [27] Katha Pollitt has excluded major trans writers from her journalism listserv. [28]

I tend to agree with Jonathan Cook when he argues that “some of those signing – like Frum, a former speech writer for President George W Bush, and Anne-Marie Slaughter, a former US State Department official – would be facing a reckoning before a Hague war crimes tribunal for their roles in promoting “interventions” in Iraq and Libya respectively, not being held up as champions of free speech”. [29]

Harpers publisher, John “Rick” Macarthur also signed the letter. Macarthur has viciously restricted Harpers’ employees right to unionize, sacking whoever stood in his way. [30, 31] Harpers also refuses to pay its interns, [32] and has shown a limited understanding of free speech for all. Only a third of articles published by Harpers are written by women. [33] This may be better than some other media outlets, but its not an example of equal opportunities for all.

And yes, amongst all these names and more, you can see the names of Noam Chomsky and Margaret Atwood. Chomsky has always held a principled (if wrong-headed) libertarian position on free speech, arguing for freedom of speech, even for Holocaust deniers. [34] This article is not primarily about this viewpoint, but we should at least note that most signatories of the article did so for quite different motives.

Indeed original signatories like Jennifer Finney Boylan withdrew their names as the list of co-signatories made it clear that the article would be used to attack the left. Boylan tweeted: “I did not know who else had signed that letter. I thought I was endorsing a well meaning, if vague, message against internet shaming. I did know Chomsky, [Gloria] Steinem, and Atwood were in, and I thought, good company. The consequences are mine to bear. I am so sorry.“ [35]

Whatever one can say about this motley crew, it seems that most of them are only interested in free speech for some people, while maintaining their own right to insult minorities without anyone taking them up on it. In fact no-one is preventing their right to be heard. Indeed, some people like Rowling have been ubiquitous in the media since the Harpers article was published.

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So what is “cancel culture”?

In its article on ‘cancel culture’, the Website dictionary.com reports “Canceling spread as a term and phenomenon in the public consciousness with the #MeToo Movement, as major public figures— from Harvey Weinstein to Matt Lauer to Louis C.K. and R. Kelly—were getting canceled due to credible allegations of sexual violence in their past. Other figures were getting canceled for past racist and anti-LGBTQ remarks, such as Shane Gillis and Kevin Hart, respectively. [36]

Jonathan Cook argues that “’cancel culture’ started as the shaming, often on social media, of people who were seen to have said offensive things. But of late, cancel culture has on occasion become more tangible, as the letter notes, with individuals fired or denied the chance to speak at a public venue or to publish their work.” [37]

It may be worth noting two things here. Firstly, the people who are firing individuals are, by definition, bosses. Similarly, those who are denying people the chance to publish or speak at a public venue are those who own the media outlets or organise the venue’s programme. They are, in short, people with power.

Secondly, it is true that some student bodies have inadvisedly attempted to “no platform” speakers with whom they disagree (of which more later). But if I’m asked to choose between the people who are appalled by the behaviour of sexual predators and those who defend their right to carry on as before, I know where my sympathies lie.

Besides which, it is not only liberals who are attacking “cancel culture”. In his now famous Mount Rushmore speech, Donald Trump attacked “the ‘cancel culture’ of those who toppled monuments” [38] during recent anti-racist protests. He went on: “one of their political weapons is ‘cancel culture’ — driving people from their jobs, shaming dissenters, and demanding total submission from anyone who disagrees. This is the very definition of totalitarianism” [39]

You could take a quite different view of what “cancel culture” really is. In the wake of the Harpers letter, Alexandria Ocasio Cortez tweeted: “The term ‘cancel culture’ comes from entitlement — as though the person complaining has the right to a large, captive audience, and one is a victim if people choose to tune them out. Odds are you’re not actually cancelled, you’re just being challenged, held accountable, or unliked.” [40]

In the New York Times, Te-Nehisi Coates argues that “cancel culture is not new. A brief accounting of the illustrious and venerable ranks of blocked and dragged Americans encompasses Sarah Good, Elijah Lovejoy, Ida B. Wells, Dalton Trumbo, Paul Robeson and the Dixie Chicks. What was the Compromise of 1877, which ended Reconstruction, but the cancellation of the Black South? What were the detention camps during World War II but the racist muting of Japanese-Americans and their basic rights? ” [41]

More recently, argues Coates, Colin Kaepernik’s whole NFL career has been cancelled after he took the knee against racism. “This is curious given the N.F.L.’s moral libertinism; the league has, at various points, been a home for domestic abusers [42], child abusers [43] and open racists [44].”  [45] Kaepernik, however, has not been allowed to play for three years.

Before we wring our hands about the dangers of “cancel culture” we need to be clear about what we’re talking about – people throwing offensive statues into the harbour – or internment, Big Football punishing anti-racist campaigners and McCarthyite witch hunts? And does it really help to see these quite different actions as being part of a single “culture”?

Who is cancelling whom?

In an unconvincing article for Jacobin, Leigh Phillips argues that “to suggest that ordinary people cannot participate in censorship or inculcation of an illiberal environment is to be blind to the ways that such attitudes can operate at multiple levels in society.” [46]

Phillips provides an impressive list of attempts to control speech. And almost every single one of them is an action by the state or other power élites. So, he mentions bans of BDS activists, the effective sacking of Steven Salaita and Norman Finkelstein, governments muzzling climate scientists, Donald Trump using the National Guard to teargas protestors, the Turkish government censoring comedians, China convincing tech giants, the NBA, and even Hollywood imposing censorship, Barack Obama prosecuting Edward Snowden and Chelsea Manning, bans of women wearing the veil or headscarf, the French government prosecuting school students. LGBT-free zones in Poland, busking bans in the UK, planes from the West bombing TV stations in Iraq, Stalin’s purges, the Chinese Cultural Revolution, the Killing Fields of Cambodia. [47]  You could go on (and indeed Phillips does).

And what are his examples of censorship from the left? What Phillips calls the “de-platforming of ‘hate speech’” and the Salem Witch Hunt, of which he argues that the key dynamic came from the people, not the authorities who imposed and encouraged the hysteria. You may notice a slight imbalance here.

Phillips disingenuously argues that “contra the arguments that non-state actors cannot engage in censorship or illiberalism, neither Hollywood studios that fired or no longer hired left-wing actors, screenwriters, and directors, nor the trade union bureaucracy that purged alleged Communists as part of that process, were agents of the state.” [48]. Indeed, he says “there are many cases that involve independent schools, so this plainly cannot be the action of a state, even as this is quite clearly censorship”. [49]

In passing, it is interesting that Phillips is using the same specious arguments as reactionary Islamophobic drunk Nick Cohen, who says: “occasionally, you can see them raise the exhausted excuse from the grave that only the state can censor. On this reading, Islamists killing cartoonists at Charlie Hebdo, or CEOs firing whistleblowers, are not censoring because they are not civil servants.” [50]

Phillips appears to believe that the people running independent (private) schools somehow embody the ‘will of the people’. Similarly, while the Hollywood studios and trade union bureaucracies may not be agents of the state, they wield an awful lot more power than a few people getting upset on Twitter. If you don’t understand the power dynamics of who is cancelling whom, you draw an equivalence between two very different things.

“Cancel culture” and political power: the example of Palestine

If you want to look at how things can get cancelled, just look at the current debate on Palestine. Jeremy Corbyn’s attempt to become British prime minister was stopped by a systematic campaign trying to label him an antisemite because of his pro-Palestine views. [51]

Ironically, the attacks against Corbyn were often led by the Guardian, whose editor Katharine Viner ironically has had her own experience of censorship. In 2005, Viner and Alan Rickman co-wrote the play My Name is Rachel Corrie [52]. It was based on the diaries of the US-American peace activist who was killed by an Israeli bulldozer.

In the UK, My Name is Rachel Corrie won the Theatregoers’ Choice Awards for Best Director and Best New Play. When it was due to move to the US, it was postponed indefinitely because of its content. [53] Rickman reacted: “calling this production ‘postponed’ does not disguise the fact that it has been cancelled. This is censorship born out of fear, and the New York Theatre Workshop, the Royal Court, New York audiences – all of us are the losers. [54]

The attack on the right to speak about Palestine is not just a relatively niche debate about which plays are staged in New York. A recent document listed over 100 recent meetings on the Middle East which have been cancelled in Germany. These were organised by groups as diverse as evangelical academies, theatres and Amnesty International.

Let’s just look at some of the cases that I’ve been directly involved in. In 2014, a report-back from journalists David Sheen and Max Blumenthal (for what its worth, both Jewish) on the Russell Tribunal [55] was due to take place in the Volksbühne, a well-known left-wing theatre in Berlin. After intervention from MPs like the Green ultra-Zionist Volker Beck, the meeting was cancelled at the last minute (we managed to move it to a local café).

More recently, I have organised two meetings with black women: Jackie Walker – herself Jewish – and Danielle Obono, a French MP, who was speaking about the political situation in France (i.e. not even on Palestine). Both times, anonymous people rang the venue, stated without proof that the speakers were antisemites, and demanded that the meetings be cancelled. On these occasions, the venue owners would not give in to intimidation, but others have.

Around the same time, I tried to organise a showing of Jackie Walker’s film [56] about how she has been systematically bullied for standing up for Palestinian rights. The cinema, which has consistently showed films defending Palestinian rights, said it would love to help but it was financially unviable. If they showed a film like this, they would receive threats of violence and would have to employ extra staff which they could not afford to do.

Last year, I organised a meeting with former Knesset MP Haneen Zoabi [57] – an Israeli Arab politician, who is a proponent of a binational secular state and vocal critic of premier Netanyahu. Booking a room was almost impossible. All venues which had any state funding said that they supported us ‘in principle’, but if Haneen were to speak in their venue, their funding would inevitably be challenged. In the end, the meeting took place in an independent Christian meeting room.

These are just my personal experiences of trying to organise meetings for justice in Palestine in Germany. Anyone else who has tried to organise something similar has similar reports – and worse. These episodes were all before the German Bundestag passed a resolution condemning the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement as being antisemitic. Although the resolution has no immediate legal validity, it will be used to further close down discussion on Palestine.

Anyone who wants to moan about “cancel culture” and does not address these incidents of real censorship is simply being either inconsistent or insincere. And yet the debate is often framed as if the worst censorship derives from people being rude to each other on social media.

“Cancel culture” on the Left?

As the ability to cancel usually depends on the possession of power, “cancel culture” is, by and large, a weapon used by the powerful against the powerless. As I don’t own a right wing newspaper – or even a liberal publication like Harpers – I am in no position to decide who may or may not be allowed to speak.

It has been contested that the political Left has also restricted debate. Right wing speakers have been excluded using a variety of methods – some better than others. Media reports have tended to conflate several very distinct issues, so it is best to approach this on a case-by-case basis.

First there are the cases of the ‘dog that did not bark’. The National Union of Students (NUS) LGBT representative refused to share a platform with Peter Tatchell, accusing him of racism and transphobia. Tatchell spoke anyway. 3,000 students petitioned Cardiff University to cancel a lecture with Germaine Greer after Greer said trans women are not women. The lecture still took place. [58] In neither case was anyone banned.

Then there are the campaigns by some student unions for a ban on “TERF” speakers (Trans-Exclusionary Radical Feminists – itself a contested term). [59] Here again, we must draw a distinction. Student unions do not have any responsibility to invite anyone to speak. If they decide not to invite Greer or Rowling because they disagree with their views, this is their right.

It becomes more complicated, however, when student activists invoke the principle of ‘No Platform’ against voices of which they disapprove. ‘No Platform’ is a very specific strategy which emerged in the 1970s in the fight against the Nazi National Front and later the British National Party (BNP).

The campaigning journalist Paul Foot explained ‘No Platform for Fascists’ on the following basis:

“the connection between saying and doing. If an organised party goes around preaching race hatred against Black people, as the British National Party does, that race hatred is bound to overflow into deeds. Every single survey in and around the Isle of Dogs in East London since the BNP won a council by-election there last year has proved the rise in attacks on Black people, and the connection between those attacks and the election. It is as though all those who felt like beating up isolated and defenceless black people felt encouraged, from the election, by a surge of legitimacy.”[60]

In the same article, Foot makes the point that “the central aim of fascism is to destroy democracy. This is not speculation, as it might have been before Mussolini came to power in Italy in 1922 or Hitler in Germany 11 years later. Now we know without any shadow of doubt that the aim of fascism is totally to destroy democracy and to remove the rights and freedoms of everyone except themselves.” [61]

In other words, the argument that allowing a platform to fascists only serves to expose them just doesn’t wash. It gives them a legitimacy that allows them to establish themselves and their antidemocratic views and actions.

In my view, there is a sharp distinction between how the left should deal with transphobia and neo-fascism. While it can be argued that having a so-called TERF speak at a University might possibly increase the number of transphobic attacks, this is not comparable with neo-Nazi organisations whose very purpose and strategy is tied to physically attacking ethnic or religious minorities and their political opponents.

There are some on the Left who insist that trans women are not women. I personally believe that they are fundamentally wrong – but I do not think their opinion represents a form of neo-fascism. We should oppose these ideas with political arguments. For this reason, I believe that no platforming so-called TERFs is a political mistake. At the same time, insinuating that this misguided attempt to fight transphobia is equivalent to the control that the right wing media exert over what we are allowed and not allowed to hear is fundamentally mistaken.

The politics of boycotts

One of the apparently objectionable aspects of “cancel culture” is that “the mob” deprives ‘hard working writers’ – like JK Rowling – of a decent living by refusing to buy Harry Potter books (spoiler: I do not think Rowling will be filing for bankruptcy in the near future). And yet boycotts have been a legitimate left-wing political tactic for a considerable time.

I know plenty of people who refuse to see films by Woody Allen and Roman Polanski, or the comedy of Louis C.K., because they do not want to finance someone who they believe to be a sex pest and/or child abuser. Cultural consumption is an individual choice and no-one should be required to see artists whose views they find offensive. Indeed, I would question what the opponents of indvidual cultural boycotts are proposing. Should we all be forced to read shitty children’s books about public schoolkids and wizards?

Outside the realm of culture, boycotts have also been an important instrument of progressive political campaigns, ranging from the from the demand that our government stop selling weapons to despotic (or other) regimes to the boycott campaign against South African apartheid in the 1970s and 1980s.

Throughout this period, and partly as the result of excellent campaigning by activists like Peter Hain, South African cricket and rugby teams were treated as pariahs: no country would play against them in official matches. This caused a considerable dent in South Africa’s self-image, and helped stop the normalisation of the Apartheid State.

I have fond memories of picketing Barclays bank, as well as entering supermarkets and asking customers not to buy South African oranges. This was not just a defensible action: it was the right political strategy to battle apartheid. It played its small part in bringing down an unjust state which was violating fundamental human rights.

More recently the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) campaign against Israel has been a way of showing concrete solidarity with Palestinian people who have very little power to change their desperate situation. BDS has the support of trade unions [62], academics [63] and artists [64] and is an international mass movement, comparable to the Anti Apartheid movement organised by the previous generation.

Consumer boycotts has long been a weapon in the political Left’s armoury. But we should be prepared to engage in a debate about who we should be targeting – for example, should JK Rowling be singled out when prominent men like Ricky Gervais [65] or Dave Chappelle [66] are more obviously transphobic? This is a discussion to be held within the movement, and, if anything, is an argument for extending a boycott, or changing its target, but not for lifting it.

While I was writing this article, an invite was posted in the Labour Berlin WhatsApp group, asking people to request that “bars I know in Berlin who sell Tyskie, Zubr and Lech beer … should boycott these brands as the brewers, Kompania Piwowarska, have sponsored a right wing PiS supporting newspaper who distributed “LGBT-free zone stickers” and supported Duda’s reelection.” Responses were, of course, universally positive.

Political Correctness gone mad?

For those of us who are old enough to remember the hysteria around Political Correctness (PC), the debate around “cancel culture” sounds depressingly familiar. Accusations of PC were initially used to demonise supporters of affirmative action/positive discrimination in the USA. Later, the attacks widened to criticizing British leftists` and liberals` attempts to change the way we spoke.

Some of these changes were common sense: for example, with more women entering the profession, it made sense to to use the term “fire fighter” instead of “fireman”. Other accusations were just made up. Right wing newspapers like the Sun hysterically printed fictional stories about how schools had forced children to sing the rewritten nursery rhyme “Baa, baa, Green Sheep” (instead of “Baa, baa, Black Sheep”), and mocked the apparently widespread use of terms like “vertically challenged” for short, and “follically impaired” for bald. Yet, as John Molyneux asks “Have you ever actually heard anyone use ‘vertically challenged’ or ‘follically impaired’ other than ironically?” [67]

But the point of the attacks was not to reflect anything that was going on in the real world, but to create an atmosphere in which the new right could win the support of some people to their left. This led “the way that certain liberals and old-school leftists joined the neo-Conservatives in making several of the arguments as something new and perhaps quite significant, since previous debates tended to observe a chaste division of left and right” [68]

What was the transgressive language that was being attacked for Political Correctness? Often it was just people being polite, or rejecting everyday racism and sexism. White Riot, Rubika Shah’s excellent film about the first year of Rock Against Racism, describes what you could expect to see on 1970s British television:

“black face, colonial racism, and a white man complaining about “nig-nog” neighbours, all from tv programmes shown in prime time. This was the tip of the iceberg (remember the language school set ‘comedy’ Mind Your Language, whose only joke was that foreigners are funny?). Apologists may claim that these shows were just being ironic, but whatever their motivation, they ended up normalising racism”. [69]

At worst, PC was a defensive attempt by a left which had endured over a decade of right wing government in the UK and USA. People who had survived Thatcherism and Reaganism were saying, “we may not be able to change broader society, but at least we can change how we behave”. At its best, PC was a way of affirming “we are better than this”.

There was another element which was politically important. “Black and White unite and fight” is a nice and necessary slogan, but such unity is difficult to achieve if one half of the equation is systematically referring to the other half with derogatory language. Inasmuch as PC was recognising that there is a problem in using terms like “nigger” and “bitch”, it was an entirely positive thing.

But while PC was an important part of challenging the racism and sexism that are endemic to capitalist society, it was less effective at uprooting such ideas from people’s heads. This requires not just a change of language but a campaign which unites people with different backgrounds. As Marx says, “ideas change with struggle”.

As with “political correctness” so with “cancel culture”: it may be very satisfying to call out bigots on Twitter, and it can help show the victims of the bigotry that they are not alone. But without a united fight for ideas that involves all the people who lose out from the way society is currently organised, it is a strategy which is limited in its effectiveness.

Why now?

The discussion around political correctness moved from a debate about affirmation / positive discrimination in the USA, via one about language in Great Britain, to the phrase being used as a catch-all insult used by right wingers against anyone who was trying to improve the world. I fear that something similar is happening in the discussion about “cancel culture”.

The term “cancel culture” was originally used to describe how young Twitter users reacted to celebrities who had suddenly gone out of favour. Just about every report that I read about the Harpers article contained the phrase “although it isn’t mentioned in the article, this is about cancel culture” (or something similar). And yet the debate is no longer primarily about what happens on social media.

What has happened in between? Significantly, we have seen the birth of two powerful social movements: #MeToo and Black Lives Matter. New actors are taking centre stage and starting to make their own demands. Some of these demands are to remove offensive aspects of the old society which has oppressed us for so long.

This is a process. Virtually no one complained when Harvey Weinstein got cancelled in 2017, certainly not liberals or leftists. The convicted sex offender wielded too much power in the film industry and obviously had it coming. There was a public debate, but it was less concerned with defending Weinstein and more on asking how he could have got away with it for so long.

It is a credit to all involved that #MeToo brought down Weinstein and other sexual predators. And yet this was always a mainstream movement. Black Lives Matter is something else. It is more militant, more working class, more – how shall we put this? – Black. Middle class liberals may be finally prepared to accept a movement whose figureheads are white middle-class women. One led by working-class black kids is different.

Black Lives Matter still has the potential of getting out of official political control: to turn the world upside down. Now statues are being despatched into the harbour and defunding the police – an idea that sounded utopian and revolutionary a few months ago – is being seriously discussed.

Black Lives Matter has shown that mass protest involves a new, more democratic and inclusive, form of politics. The old way has been tried to often, and we have seen that waiting for the great and the good to change society has not worked. As Anthony Reddie remembers

“we campaigned for an apology for Britain’s involvement in the Slave Trade and Blair gave us deep sorry but no apology because the slave trade, sanctioned by greedy white mercantile interests, said it was legal at the time. So no apology and certainly no reparations. Once again, we were not hectoring or behaving like a mob. We made arguments, some of us wrote books, essays and articles and it still made no difference.”  [70]

In the end it was a mass demo and near-riot that condemned Edward Colston’s statue to a watery grave. As Billy Bragg notes,

“we may have been angry about Thatcherism, but our ability to sway mainstream public opinion was limited. Today, a 22-year-old footballer with a Twitter account can force the government to make a U-turn in less than 48 hours. Darnella Frazier, whose smartphone footage of four Minneapolis police officers killing George Floyd provoked outrage around the world, is just 17 years old.” [71 ]

This is all to be welcomed.

Many people with an interest in the old politics from above are pushing to return to the old methods. These people who have appropriated the “cancel culture” debate and are using it to push their own agenda.

What is to be done?

In this context, we need to consider three arguments. Firstly, it is not illiberal to demand the right to “cancel” what never belonged in a civilised and democratic society. We have no need for sexual abusers in Hollywood, nor for statues of colonialists or a police force that systematically harasses black people and other minorities. They all must go.

There are some things which just should be cancelled. I can only concur with Professor Anthony Reddie when he says “we continue to live with the psychological and spiritual damage of witnessing monuments to the people who made millions from peddling the Black flesh of our ancestors, and this is before we even get to the tangible manifestations of economic hardship and the social deprivation facing Black bodies in postcolonial Britain.” [72] The statues must come down.

Secondly, when our side asserts its democratic authority, this is not the same as censorship from above. Donald Trump has threatened to jail people for a year for burning a US-American flag [73]. The Polish government has announced that it is creating LGBT-free zones [74]. To use one term to describe both these acts, plus the unfriending of celebrities on Twitter and mass democratic movements is to stretch that term beyond any useful meaning. Yes “cancel culture” does exist, but it is currently used to describe so many different contradictory things that it has become a hindrance to any useful debate.

Finally, our strength lies in our numbers and social weight. Appealing to the state or an Internet Moderator to shut down our opponents rarely works, and often strengthens them to shut us down in the future. Calls on the state to ban neo-Nazis has often led to laws which have been used against the left.

Yes, it is a problem that some people obsess on the misdemeanours of minor celebrities who have transgressed in what they have said or thought. But where does this come from? Firstly from a society which we do not control, and secondly from a feeling that we are unable to fundamentally change things. In these circumstances is it really surprizing when someone thinks “I may not be able to overthrow capitalism, but at least I can make a snarky statement on facebook”?

It is by united struggle that we will usher out the old society and build a new one. Movements like Black Lives Matter are creating the terrain for such a struggle. If this means that a few more statues get swimming lessons or fewer racists dominate our media, all the better.

I’ll leave the last word on Free Speech to Vladimir Lenin:

“We must say to you bourgeois individualists that your talk about absolute freedom is sheer hypocrisy. There can be no real and effective “freedom” in a society based on the power of money, in a society in which the masses of working people live in poverty and the handful of rich live like parasites. Are you free in relation to your bourgeois publisher, Mr. Writer, in relation to your bourgeois public, which demands that you provide it with pornography in frames and paintings, and prostitution as a “supplement” to “sacred” scenic art? This absolute freedom is a bourgeois or an anarchist phrase. One cannot live in society and be free from society. The freedom of the bourgeois writer, artist or actress is simply masked (or hypocritically masked) dependence on the money-bag, on corruption, on prostitution”. [75]

Phil Butland is the joint speaker of the LINKE Berlin Internationals. He would like to thank Georgiana Darcy, Dimitra Kyrillou, Carol McGuigan, John Mullen, Jacinta Nandi, Emily Pollak and Mark Porciani who all made useful comments on an earlier draft of this article. All mistakes are, of course, his own.

 

Footnotes

1 https://harpers.org/a-letter-on-justice-and-open-debate/

2 Ibid

3 https://www.nytimes.com/2020/06/07/business/media/james-bennet-resigns-nytimes-op-ed.html

4 https://www.nytimes.com/2020/06/07/business/media/james-bennet-resigns-nytimes-op-ed.html

5 https://theobjective.substack.com/p/a-more-specific-letter-on-justice

6 Ibid

7 https://www.theguardian.com/books/2020/mar/05/hachette-woody-allen-memoir-protest-ronan-farrow

8 https://theobjective.substack.com/p/a-more-specific-letter-on-justice

9 https://www.wsj.com/articles/ucla-faces-probe-over-review-of-lecturer-who-used-n-word-in-class-11593114216

10 https://gen.medium.com/cancel-culture-is-how-the-powerful-play-victim-e840fa55ad49

11 https://www.currentaffairs.org/2020/07/the-right-wing-myth-of-the-left-wing-mob

12 https://theobjective.substack.com/p/a-more-specific-letter-on-justice

13 https://www.latimes.com/entertainment-arts/books/story/2020-06-15/book-critics-circle-officials-resign-citing-privacy-breach

14 https://www.npr.org/2020/06/09/872697289/chief-editor-at-bon-app-tit-resigns-after-racially-offensive-photo-surfaces

15 https://www.forbes.com/sites/jemimamcevoy/2020/07/01/every-ceo-and-leader-that-stepped-down-since-black-lives-matter-protests-began/#17dcc21d5593

16 https://inthesetimes.com/article/22648/free-speech-labor-journalism-harpers-coddling-elites

17 https://gen.medium.com/cancel-culture-is-how-the-powerful-play-victim-e840fa55ad49

18 http://www.ginnydougary.co.uk/the-voice-of-experience/

19 https://theintercept.com/2017/08/31/nyts-newest-op-ed-hire-bari-weiss-embodies-its-worst-failings-and-its-lack-of-viewpoint-diversity/

20 https://theintercept.com/2017/08/31/nyts-newest-op-ed-hire-bari-weiss-embodies-its-worst-failings-and-its-lack-of-viewpoint-diversity/

21 https://theintercept.com/2018/03/08/the-nyts-bari-weiss-falsely-denies-her-years-of-attacks-on-the-academic-freedom-of-arab-scholars-who-criticize-israel/

22 https://gen.medium.com/not-all-opinions-matter-4f2605165dd0

23 https://www.theguardian.com/world/2003/jan/28/usa.iran

24 https://gen.medium.com/cancel-culture-is-how-the-powerful-play-victim-e840fa55ad49

25 https://www.aaup.org/sites/default/files/Warrior.pdf

26 https://www.counterpunch.org/2020/07/10/harpers-and-the-great-cancel-culture-panic/

27 https://gen.medium.com/cancel-culture-is-how-the-powerful-play-victim-e840fa55ad49

28 https://twitter.com/Lollardfish/status/1085541619292688384

29 https://www.jonathan-cook.net/blog/2020-07-09/letter-cancel-culture-free-speech/

30 https://www.politico.com/media/story/2015/06/harpers-staff-to-decide-union-fate-003916

31 https://nymag.com/intelligencer/2011/01/whats_the_matter_with_harpers.html

32 https://harpers.org/about/internships/

33 https://www.vidaweb.org/the-count/2019-vida-count/

34 https://twitter.com/YesThatAnna/status/1279780405902802944

35 https://twitter.com/JennyBoylan/status/1280646004136697863

36 https://www.dictionary.com/e/pop-culture/cancel-culture/

37 https://www.jonathan-cook.net/blog/2020-07-09/letter-cancel-culture-free-speech/

38 https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-us-canada-53284607

39 https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefings-statements/remarks-president-trump-south-dakotas-2020-mount-rushmore-fireworks-celebration-keystone-south-dakota/

40 https://www.pinknews.co.uk/2020/07/10/alexandria-ocasio-cortez-cancel-culture-tweet-harpers-magazine-jk-rowling/

41 https://www.nytimes.com/2019/11/22/opinion/colin-kaepernick-nfl.html

42 https://deadspin.com/this-is-why-nfl-star-greg-hardy-was-arrested-for-assaul-1739117634

43 https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/early-lead/wp/2014/09/12/the-details-of-adrian-petersons-arrest-are-disturbing/

44 https://deadspin.com/eagles-wr-riley-cooper-at-concert-i-will-fight-every-979470075

45 https://www.nytimes.com/2019/11/22/opinion/colin-kaepernick-nfl.html

46 https://jacobinmag.com/2020/07/cancel-culture-harpers-letter-free-speech

47 Ibid

48 Ibid

49 Ibid

50 https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2020/jul/11/the-spectre-of-censorship-and-intolerance-stalks-todays-left

51 See, for example https://www.middleeasteye.net/opinion/antisemitism-claims-have-one-goal-stop-corbyn-winning-power

52 https://www.theguardian.com/stage/2005/apr/08/theatre.israelandthepalestinians

53 https://www.nytimes.com/2006/02/28/theater/newsandfeatures/play-about-demonstrators-death-is-delayed.html

54 https://www.theguardian.com/world/2006/feb/28/usa.israel

55 http://www.russelltribunalonpalestine.com/en/

56 https://witchhuntfilm.org/

57 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Haneen_Zoabi

58 All examples from https://www.theguardian.com/education/2016/may/05/boris-tatchell-greer-were-they-actually-no-platformed

59 https://www.pinknews.co.uk/2018/03/02/university-of-bristol-students-vote-to-ban-transphobic-feminist-speakers/

60 https://www.marxists.org/archive/foot-paul/1994/05/nazis.htm

61 Ibid

62 https://www.bdsmovement.net/trade-union-solidarity

63 https://www.bdsmovement.net/academic-boycott

64 https://www.bdsmovement.net/cultural-boycott

65 https://www.indiewire.com/2019/12/ricky-gervais-goes-on-transphobic-twitter-rant-sparked-by-j-k-rowling-1202198933/

66 https://www.theguardian.com/stage/2018/jan/04/dave-chappelle-comedy-standup-transgender-netflix

67 https://www.marxists.org/history/etol/writers/molyneux/1993/xx/polcorr.htm

68 Berman, cited in Molyneux op. cit.

69 https://cinephil.home.blog/films-by-date-seen/2020-2/february-2020/white-riot/

70 https://www.theleftberlin.com/post/kick-over-the-statues

71 https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2020/jul/10/free-speech-young-people

72 https://www.theleftberlin.com/post/kick-over-the-statues

73 https://edition.cnn.com/2020/06/01/politics/flag-burning-supreme-court-trump/index.html

74 https://balkaninsight.com/2020/02/25/a-third-of-poland-declared-lgbt-free-zone/

75 VI Lenin: “Party Organisation and Party Literature” https://www.marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1905/nov/13.htm Thanks to Judy Cox for making me aware of this quote.

Jack Charlton – the footballer who fought fascism

Obituary


16/07/2020


Former coal miner, Jack Charlton, of Ashington, Northumberland, has died at the age of 85. Jack, of course, was also a World Cup winning footballer with England in 1966 (alongside his brother, Bobby Charlton) and, later, much loved manager of the Irish National Team.

Born to a footballing family in Ashington, in North East England, on 8th May 1935, Jack started his working life at the age of 15, going down the pit with his father, Bob. Jack’s mother Cissie was a big football fan and it was she who played football with her young sons, rather than their coal miner father. Jack’s uncles were footballers – Jack Milburn (Leeds United and Bradford City), George Milburn (Leeds United and Chesterfield), Jim Milburn (Leeds United and Bradford Park Avenue) and Stan Milburn (Chesterfield, Leicester City and Rochdale) and his mother’s cousin was the Newcastle United legend Jackie Milburn.

Jack was offered a trial at Leeds United football club aged 15. At first he turned it down in order to work down the pit, but soon found he didn’t like working down the pit and reconsidered. The trial was successful and Jack spent his entire club career at Leeds, he is fondly remembered as a Leeds Legend.

Jack was called up to the England team aged 29 and went on to score six goals in 35 international games, and to appear in two World Cups and one European Championship. He played in the World Cup final victory over West Germany in 1966, and also helped England to finish third in Euro 1968. After his playing career, a successful career in management followed. Jack managed Middlesbrough, Sheffield Wednesday and the team he supported, Newcastle United – before taking charge of the Republic of Ireland national team in 1986. Jack led them to their first World Cup in 1990, where they reached the quarter-finals. He also led Ireland to successful qualification to Euro 1988 and the 1994 World Cup. In 1994 he was made a Freeman of the city of Dublin, and in 1996 he was awarded Honorary Irish Citizenship.

Jack was proud to take a stand against fascism. He, along with Brian Clough, was a sponsor and founding member of the Anti-Nazi League, signing the organisation’s founding statement in 1977. This was a significant boost to the Anti-Nazi League at a time when the fascist National Front was having an impact on British political life, and overt racism was widespread in English football.

Despite his successful footballing career, Jack never forgot his working class mining roots. Jack was a supporter of the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM). During the Miner’s Strike of 1984-85 he supported the strike, lending his car to striking miners so they could travel between picket lines. Jack’s brother Gordon was a miner and NUM activist during the strike. Arthur Scargill, leader of the NUM during the strike, remembers Jack with fondness. [1]

In a 1984 TV interview with Terry Wogan, Jack said that if it wasn’t for his footballing career, he’d have ‘gone down the pit’. When Wogan asked him if he’d be on strike, Jack replied indignantly: “Of course I would. Those lads, they’re just trying to save jobs and their communities”. [2] Jack sometimes attended the Durham Miner’s Gala, a celebration of North East working class community, held every July in Durham, North East England and was honoured by this year’s Gala organisers.

Jack remained a valued and engaged part of the Ashington community until the end of his life. He was supportive of the local football team, Ashington AFC, and could often be found giving after dinner speeches and taking part in benefits for the club, free of charge. A campaign is now underway for a statue of Jack to be erected in Ashington. He loved, and was loved by, his community and will be remembered with great affection.

Farewell, Wor Jackie.

John (Jack) Charlton, footballer and manager, miner and anti-fascist, born Ashington, Northumberland, 8 May 1935, died 10 July 2020.

Footnotes

1 https://morningstaronline.co.uk/article/arthur-scargill-pays-tribute-unswerving-jack-charlton-miners-strike-solidarity

2 Quoted in: https://www.theguardian.com/football/2020/jul/11/jack-charlton-a-footballing-giant-who-was-forever-a-man-of-the-people

Sir Keir Starmer can do 50 Push-ups

Keir Starmer can do 50 push-ups [1]. Keir Starmer has a floppy haircut and a reassuringly droning voice. Keir Starmer is a grown up politician. Keir Starmer wears a forensic blue suit. Keir Starmer is a knight so if you want a dragon slaying he’s probably your man (though I’d likely be on the side […]


13/07/2020


Keir Starmer can do 50 push-ups [1]. Keir Starmer has a floppy haircut and a reassuringly droning voice. Keir Starmer is a grown up politician. Keir Starmer wears a forensic blue suit. Keir Starmer is a knight so if you want a dragon slaying he’s probably your man (though I’d likely be on the side of the dragon). If you want to slay inequality, he’s probably not.

Starmer is the leader the right of the Labour Party have been waiting for: slick haircut, lawyer; looks a bit like a Prime Minister in a Rom Com. They pine for Tony Blair (at least Lord Adonis does) but Sir Starmer will do, anyone but that dreadful, beardy, vegetarian Corbyn. Under Corbyn, the right-wingers in the party screamed that “any other leader would be 20 points ahead (in the opinion polls)!” So far the forensic knight seems intent on proving them wrong, with the latest Yougov poll putting Starmer’s Labour ten points behind the shambolic Tory government. [2]

I confess that am not the biggest fan of Keir Starmer. This is probably not a surprise to anyone. I’m a socialist and I joined the Labour Party, enthused by Jeremy Corbyn and the opportunities for change that seemed to arise under his leadership. I have tried to get on board with the new ‘grownups in the room’ style leadership. But so far the grownups aren’t inspiring me and I’m hovering on the platform. All the good will and enthusiasm I had for the Labour Party is evaporating. Every time Sir Keir says something like “We support the government”, or “defunding the police – that’s just nonsense”, or “we can’t afford that at the moment” – I step back a little more.

Under Corbyn the party was not perfect by any means, but the leadership had a clear plan on how we would go about tackling the big problems of the day: climate change (Green New Deal); aging population (national care service); housing (building one million homes in 5 years, half of them council houses); lack of opportunity for young people (scrapping tuition fees, equalising and increasing the minimum wage); childcare (increased free provision), and so on. I, and millions of others, had hope for the future.

Starmer is keen to break with the Corbyn years, but has shown little in the way of a vision for the future. He is moving the party rightwards at an alarming speed, keen to be seen as “professional”, “electable”; “a Prime Minister in waiting”. I think this is a dangerous strategy that will lose the support of many young and black and ethnic minority voters. I cannot see Starmer doing well in our Leave voting seats, despite the cunning shift to the right, as he was the architect of the disastrous ‘second referendum Brexit’ policy. The liberal commentators in the media like this rightwards shift and have been keen to praise him as sensible and forensic; a real opposition. Despite this favourable media, and a government massively screwing up its response to a pandemic, he cannot pull the Party ahead in the polls.

To me, as a working class member of the Labour Party, it looks like it is back to politics as usual. Politics as practiced by a political class removed from, and not concerned with, the likes of me. Boring, dry, uninspiring, narrow, procedural, gate-kept, elitist. So far Starmer’s leadership has been weak on a number of key issues, and downright awful on some others. Below are a few of the issues I have an issue with. A bunch of sour grapes, if you will.

Corona pandemic response

A Labour opposition should be tearing into a government as incompetent and callous as this one, yet Sir Starmer prefers to offer his support. I suppose this position would be fair enough if the government were doing a sterling job, but they are not. From the failure to lockdown quickly enough; the failure to protect vulnerable people in care homes; the failure to provide PPE to health workers; awarding PPE contracts to their mates; the Dominic Cummings saga; this government has done a terrible job. The number of “excess deaths” in the UK during the pandemic currently stands at just over 65,000 [3].

Starmer even offered his support for the reopening of pubs on Saturday 4th July, stating “I do support it…I support the easing of restrictions but, unlike the Prime Minister, I am not blind to the risks”. [4] Here, supporting something that you can see is dangerous is seen to be the correct and sensible position. I would prefer my Labour leader to oppose the risky and dangerous proposals of the government, but maybe I’m not sensible or grown up enough.

The cringing support for the government means, that when the dust settles, Labour will be associated with the inadequate response, with the devastatingly unnecessary loss of life. With murderous and criminal incompetence. I struggle to see how this will be a vote winner. Get out your lance and skewer this government, Sir Starmer.

Cummings

Starmer refused to call for Johnson’s chief advisor Dominic Cummings to be sacked following his breach of lockdown rules. Instead he gave a mealy mouthed response of “well I’d sack him” in response to a direct question from a journalist. Cummings is deeply unpopular, this timidity helps no one except the Tories.

Transgender rights

Starmer has tried to ‘both sides’ the debate over transgender rights. [5] We should not be sitting on the fence here, minority rights should not be up for debate.

Renters

Labour wrote their policy on housing during the Corona virus pandemic after after discussion with the main landlords’ body, the National Residential Landlords Association (NRLA), but without consulting tenants’ organizations. The idea of a rent waiver for tenants during the pandemic was dismissed as “Un-Labour” and “really regressive” by the Shadow Housing Secretary. [6] Labour proposed instead granting renters two years in which to pay back any corona-related rent arrears, meaning renters would be shouldering the burden. Oh how generous, a load of debt to help my landlord pay his mortgage on one of his buy-to-let properties. Labour should be supporting renters not landlords. This should not be a controversial position.

Climate Change

The biggest threat to our continued existence on Earth. Starmer’s spokesperson stated that Labour could drop the 2030 net zero climate target that was in Labour’s manifesto, as Labour did not win the election. [7] This is bizarre. Climate change is not going away even if voters do not yet feel the urgency of the situation. A weak equivocal response. Labour should be fighting hard for A Green New Deal and aiming to convince voters of the urgency of the situation. The school strikes for climate show that there is an audience for this message.

Racism

Keir Starmer was slow to take action on the leaked Labour report. That detailed a toxic culture of anti-Black racism by senior Labour staffers towards Black Labour MPs, with Labour losing Black members and supporters due to this. [8] Starmer has finally announced an investigation into the leaked report.

However, a recent statement issued by the Labour Press office in response to a query from a journalist said:

“These were messages exchanged between co-workers in the expectation that they would remain private and confidential and the tone of the language used reflects that.”

The party added that it was “po-faced” to characterise the messages as “infantile”. [9] This does not give me confidence in the outcome of the investigation.

Keir Starmer took a knee for ‘Black Lives Matter’ (BLM), it was a good photo opportunity but might have upset some racists. Keir Starmer was interviewed about BLM on TV and referred to it as a “moment, not a movement”. He called the key demand of defunding the police “nonsense”, perhaps to pacify said racists. After angering many Labour members with this tone deaf response, he backtracked again and called BLM a ‘defining moment’. In a typically managerialist turn, Starmer has signed himself and all Labour MPS and Peers up to a 20-30 minute online ‘Unconscious Bias’ seminar. That’ll fix it, thanks Sir Keir.

Kashmir

Starmer released a statement in which he re-positioned the Labour Party on Kashmir. This ignored the position taken at Labour Annual Conference in 2019 to stand in solidarity with the Kashmiri struggle for self-determination. Shamefully he stated that “Kashmir is a bilateral issue for India and Pakistan to resolve peacefully”, essentially withdrawing Labour’s support for Kashmiris to decide their own future.

Statues

Starmer condemned the tearing down of the statue of slave trader Edward Colston as “completely wrong”. It was then reported that Labour would give their support to a plan by the government to jail people who deface monuments for up to ten years. Ten years for defacing a statue. Come on.

Trade Unions

As the education unions urged caution over government plans to re-open schools during the Corona pandemic, the Labour leadership sought to distance itself from them, and instead talk about the importance of reopening schools. A lone front bench voice in support of the education unions was Rebecca Long-Bailey. Starmer sacked her from his front bench as soon as he could, on a spurious charge of anti-Semitism. This charge consisted of retweeting an article that had contained an inaccuracy about Israel. This lack of support for the education unions was frankly disgraceful. Anonymous senior Labour sources briefed the Telegraph that Long-Bailey’s replacement must “Stand up to the Unions”, and complained that ‘she (Rebecca) wasn’t open to working with the Tories’. [10] Well done Rebecca.

Unity

Starmer promised that he would prioritise Party unity during his bid to become Labour leader. He has done the exact opposite. He has acted swiftly and ruthlessly to side-line the left of the party. If only Corbyn had been so ruthless. His response to anti-Semitism allegations against MPs has varied along factional lines. It seems that by ‘unity’, Sir Starmer means that the left must fall into line or be side-lined. It is interesting to note the voices calling for unity under Starmer who were vocally critical of, and refused to unite behind, Corbyn.

So many forensic disappointments, such a short period of leadership. Forensically, I wonder, what else does the sensible centrist future hold? As a socialist within the Labour Party, I am facing a difficult decision. Stay and fight, or leave and organise elsewhere? There are good people in the party who I am loath to leave and NEC seats to fight for, but with each attack on the left, each betrayal of those the party is meant to represent, I am finding it more difficult to stay. Starmer has won the support of odious racists Nigel Farage and Jeremy Clarkson and is not unhappy about it. The wrong people are enthused by his forensic opposition to opposition, and I am fearful of the future direction of the party. I’m leaning towards leaving but for now I’m perching uncomfortably on the fence, Starmer style. Sour grape, anyone?

Anna Southern is currently still hanging on in there as a member of Labour Berlin. She wrote this article for www.theleftberlin.com

 

Footnotes

1 Keir Starmer, fluffy TV interview, Good Morning Britain, 29th June 2020.

2 https://yougov.co.uk/topics/politics/articles-reports/2020/07/10/voting-intention-con-46-lab-36-8-9-jul

3 https://www.ft.com/content/44a72fd9-4e20-40c3-a0a6-c8d0a73aca13

4 Keir Starmer, PMQs, 1st July 2020.

5 https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/labour-stands-back-from-gender-debate-nd730zrnf

6 It really isn’t, see: https://www.jacobinmag.com/2020/07/labour-party-history-private-landlords-housing

7 https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/politics/keir-starmer-net-zero-target-2030-labour-climate-change-a9586971.html

8 https://www.huffingtonpost.co.uk/entry/leaked-labour-report-sees-black-voters-quit-party-over-final-straw_uk_5ea70e55c5b6a30004e62cc0?guccounter=1

9 https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/opendemocracyuk/were-labours-antisemitism-failures-really-corbyns-fault/

10 https://www.telegraph.co.uk/politics/2020/06/26/sir-keir-starmer-urged-replace-rebecca-long-bailey-moderate/

The Chocolate Women’s Strike and The Atlanta Laundresses Strike

Rebellious Daughters of History #44 by Judy Cox Inspired by the Tower Hamlets Unison Strike: The Chocolate Women’s Strike Clementina Black, secretary of the ‘Women’s Trade Union League’, organised a meeting for the young women working at Messrs Allen’s chocolate factory on 10 July 1890: “Twelve girls came, and their dread of being followed, watched […]


12/07/2020


Rebellious Daughters of History #44

by Judy Cox

Inspired by the Tower Hamlets Unison Strike: The Chocolate Women’s Strike

Clementina Black, secretary of the ‘Women’s Trade Union League’, organised a meeting for the young women working at Messrs Allen’s chocolate factory on 10 July 1890: “Twelve girls came, and their dread of being followed, watched and subsequently discharged was pitiful”.

The next day, the ‘Women’s League’ sent Miss James, a full-time organiser and former confectionary worker, to leaflet the workers.

“To her amazement she found the girls standing about in a crowd, though it was not yet seven o’clock. They surrounded her, telling her that they were ‘out’ and asking anxiously, ‘What shall we do?’ ‘Is there anybody who will help us?’ Miss James led them to the office of the ‘Women’s Trade Union Association’, 128 Mile End Road.”

A young woman had fallen at work and had been fined. She refused to pay the fine and was threatened with the sack. The other women stopped work and demanded her reinstatement and raised other grievances. They were forbidden to leave the factory in the dinner hour, forbidden to eat between eight and one, and were subject to “vexatious” fines.

A meeting was held at ‘Mile End Liberal and Radical Club’, at which a committee was elected and all those present joined the union.

The following Monday morning, union organiser John Burns and Miss James were at the factory gates before 8am, and picketing began. Solidarity donations were popular with dockers at Woolwich Arsenal lining up to put money in a bucket.

By Wednesday, Allen agreed to meet the women. They demanded reinstatement for the young woman, a right to leave the factory at lunchtime, an end to fines, an end to the practice of suspending those who were absent for a further two or three days, and a promise of no punishment for those who had joined the union.

Allen agreed to all the demands – except the abolition of fines for lateness – which he agreed to reduce. An agreement was finally signed on 22 July, and work at the chocolate factory resumed.

Inspired by the women unison members striking in Tower Hamlets this week: The Atlanta Laundresses Strike (summer 1881)

The Atlanta Laundresses Strike

Less than two decades had passed since the Emancipation of the slaves, Atlanta had only primitive water and sewer systems.

In the 1880s, some 98 percent of the city’s black working women were domestic workers and most were laundresses. Laundry work was the most difficult of domestic jobs, with long hours and low pay. Laundresses carried gallons of water for washing, boiling and rinsing clothes.

In July 1881, 20 laundresses met to form a trade organization, the ‘Washing Society’. They demanded higher pay, and autonomy over their work and established a uniform rate at $1 per dozen pounds of wash. They held a mass meeting and called a strike to win higher pay at the uniform rate.

The Washing Society, or “Washing Amazons,” as their opponents called them, organised door-to-door canvassing to recruit members, and urging laundresses to join the strike. They also involved white laundresses, who were less than 2 percent of laundresses in Atlanta—an extraordinary sign of interracial solidarity.

In three weeks, the Washing Society grew from 20 to 3,000 strikers.

By August, municipal authorities began arresting strikers and fining members. The City Council proposed that members of any washerwoman’s organization pay an annual fee of $25, several months of wages. The strikers responded with a letter to the mayor, agreeing to pay the fees rather than be defeated.

The striking laundresses inspired other domestic workers. Cooks, maids and nurses began demanding higher wages. Hotel workers also went on strike.

The following week, the City Council rejected the proposed fees. The laundresses had won.

The strike not only raised wages, more importantly, it established laundresses—and all black women workers—as central to the South’s economy. The white establishment was forced to acknowledge that black women workers, who were former slaves, were not invisible but were workers with collective power.

Germany has a Nazi problem

Kill-lists and Commandos


11/07/2020


Seventy-five years after World War Two, far-right extremists have re-entered many parliaments across Europe in suits and ties. But their dark presence can also be found in other, equally worrying places – including Germany’s intelligence services and its military, the Bundeswehr. As a new global economic crisis unfolds, the neo-fascist threat inside and outside parliament should be taken very seriously indeed.

On June 30, mere hours before assuming the rotating presidency of the European Council, Germany announced the drastic overhaul of its elite military special forces, the Kommando Spezialkräfte (“Special Forces Command” – KSK) due to links with right-wing extremism. The KSK has been suspended from any further deployments and exercises until at least October, and one of its four battalions – the 2nd Company – is to be disbanded entirely. Making the announcement, German Defence Minister Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer told the Süddeutsche Zeitung newspaper that the KSK had “become partially independent” from the chain of command, creating a “wall of secrecy” around itself, and had a “toxic leadership culture”.

A decisive move against the KSK was long overdue. The 1,400-strong commando force has been under the spotlight for years now over its links to far-right and neo-Nazi elements. In 2017, a farewell party for a KSK commander from the 2nd Company was investigated after attendees threw pig heads, and played music by far-right rock band “Sturmwehr” while giving Nazi salutes (a punishable offence in Germany). Despite credible evidence of the incident – none of the soldiers present admitted to seeing the Nazi salutes. So the Bundeswehr concluded that the charge was “not confirmed”, and no action was taken.

In May this year, a trove of Nazi memorabilia and literature, stolen ammunition and explosives was discovered, on the property of a 45-year old KSK officer in Saxony. He had known far-right politics, and hadattended the same farewell party. Two kilograms of explosives, several thousand rounds of ammunition, a machine gun and other firearms were found, as well as an SS song book, far-right magazines, and neo-Nazi stickers. A subsequent working group set up to investigate the special commando unit presented its findings shortly before the government made its announcement. Besides the disturbing conclusions about KSK members, it also noted with concern the disappearance of some 48,000 rounds of ammunition and 62 kilograms of explosives from the KSK’s arsenal.

The government’s move followed weeks of controversy, after Der Spiegel magazine published a KSK insider’s account of the unit. The whistleblower was a captain active in the KSK since 2018. He revealed an internal culture where right-wing extremism was “known about,” but either “ignored or completely tolerated.” He described how one of his instructors used the code “Y-88” as a “call sign” (by which soldiers identify themselves in radio communications). The numbers 88 are a commonly-used code for the Nazi salute, while the letter “Y” bears a close resemblance to the “Lebensrune” (“life-rune”), another symbol used by neo-Nazis and white supremacists. Despite noticing the clear reference to Hitler, the whistleblower said recruits stayed quiet for fear of punishment.

Far-right sentiments in the KSK have been on the radar for quite some time. As early as 2003, then KSK commander, Reinhard Günzel, was dismissed for publicly expressing solidarity with the anti-Semitic statements made by Christian Democratic Union (CDU) MP Martin Hohmann. Hohmann was expelled from the CDU, but in 2017, re-entered the Bundestag (German parliament) as an MP for the far-right party Alternativ für Deutschland (“Alternative for Germany” – AfD). Günzel himself went on to become a popular speaker at far-right events, where he denied the scale of the Holocaust, attacked the Nürnberg war crimes trials, and praised the “courage and sacrifice” of German soldiers during World War Two.

A much larger problem

While the KSK has been repeatedly linked with the far-right, it is not alone in this regard. There have been a rash of far-right incidents involving the Bundeswehr over recent years. In 2017, a German soldier, Franco Albrecht, was arrested after trying to retrieve a pistol and ammunition that he had hidden in a bathroom in Vienna airport. It soon emerged that Albrecht had lived a double life for two years, using a fake ID to register as a Syrian refugee in 2015. He was charged with planning to carry out “false flag” attacks on politicians or refugee rights advocates in an attempt to create a backlash against refugees.

Ammunition, military equipment and Nazi-era paraphernalia were found in Albrecht’s residence, accomplices were arrested, more ammunition recovered, and a larger terror network was revealed. Albrecht’s master’s thesis was completed before joining the military, and contained extremist ideology and references to “race mixing” and the “dissolution of ethnic groups”. Despite Albrecht’s actions, only gave him a warning, and his Bundeswehr superiors failed to alert the Militärischem Abschirmdienst (“Military Counter-Intelligence Service” – MAD). Finally in November 2019, the Federal Court of Justice instructed the Frankfurt Regional Court to open a case against Albrecht for “preparing a serious, state-damaging act of violence”.

A visit to Albrecht’s barracks in Illkirch by then-Defence Minister (now President of the European Commission) Ursula von der Leyen, along with several Berlin journalists, revealed a hand-painted swastika near his weapon and a collection of Wehrmacht memorabilia. The same year, the Süddeutsche Zeitung reported that a network of the right-wing extremist ‘Identitarian Movement’ has been growing for years at the Bundeswehr’s university in Munich. This report also noted that investigators had discovered yet more memorabilia from Germany’s Nazi-era army, the Wehrmacht, on display in troop barracks in Donaueschingen in the Black Forest.

Defence Minister von der Leyen directed the German military to conduct a thorough overhaul, to purge its links with the Wehrmacht, to remove memorabilia from barracks. She also ordered some – but not all – military bases named after World War Two soldiers to be renamed. The subsequent inquiry launched into the state of the Bundeswehr was condemned as ‘too little, too late’. Once touted as a possible successor to Chancellor Angela Merkel, von der Leyen’s mishandling of the crisis – further undermined by obstruction from the military leadership – pushed her out of the political limelight. Until an opening appeared around the European Commission presidency.

The Day X Murder List

In 2017, Bundeskriminalamt (“Federal Criminal Police” – BKA) raids in the state of Mecklenburg-Vorpommen – conducted, curiously, without the knowledge of state government or intelligence officials – revealed the existence of the Nordkreuz (“Northern Cross”) network. At first believed to be a “prepper” network, “Nordkreuz” possessed significant amounts of ammunition and firearms (one member alone had 10,000 bullets taken from police stores), and had ordered some 200 body bags and a supply of quicklime to dispose of bodies. A network of some 54 neo-Nazis, including far-right police, soldiers and members of the KSK, they trained regularly at police and army reserve shooting ranges.

It later emerged that members of  “Nordkreuz” were plotting to murder several prominent German politicians, and carry out attacks on refugees and immigrants across Germany on an unspecified “Day X”. In preparation, they had circulated “kill lists” of politicians from Germany’s main political parties: the Christian Democrats, Social Democrats, Greens and Die Linke. The list included Green Party leader Claudia Roth, Germany’s Foreign Minister Heiko Maas and former German president Joachim Gauck. Several members of an elite German police commando unit were linked to the network. Searches found a submachine gun, over 55,000 rounds of ammunition, and several explosives in one former commando’s home.

The group also had a longer list of names and addresses of some 25,000 left-wing “enemies”, compiled from data taken from police computers. While “Nordkreuz” had enhanced the list by conducting further research on their intended victims, the same basic list was also found in the possession of Saxony terror group “Revolution Chemnitz”. This list was further distributed as an email attachment by Heiner Merz, state MP for the far-right AfD in Baden-Württemberg. Merz encouraged AfD members to “save, distribute and use the list” to target left wing individuals from their communities, saying “there are few limits to your imagination”. When the list turned up with “Nordkreuz”, Merz claimed he had received it from an “antifa dropout”, and that he had been “deceived”.

Fears of a “Shadow Army”

As the evidence piled up, fears and evidence began to grow of a secret “shadow army” within the German military – a fear that has existed ever since the Bundeswehr was formed. It reflected concerns about the return of the kind of violent nationalist cells that developed in the German army during the 1920s. In January this year, the military counter-intelligence agency MAD reported that at least 550 serving Bundeswehr soldiers were being investigated for possible involvement in right-wing extremism, including 20 in the KSK. An additional 360 cases had been investigated in 2019, although only a small number of these managed to confirm far-right activity.

In 2019, military counter-intelligence and Germany’s domestic intelligence agency, the Bundesamt für Verfassungsschutz (“Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution” – BfV) founded a joint working group. This has discussed more than a thousand cases of possible right-wing extremism so far. Such cooperation is made necessary because the Military Counter-Intelligence Service (MAD)’s responsibility is limited to active soldiers, while significant far-right activity is occurring within the army reserve. According to MAD president Christof Gramm, around 800 reservists have since been excluded from military exercises in recent months because of their “anti-constitutional attitude”.

The MAD has been sharply criticised over its surveillance and reporting of far-right infiltration however. In 2017, the agency was subjected to an investigation by the parliamentary committee that oversees German intelligence services. In February 2019, the MAD admitted that it had consistently under-reported the numbers of right-wing extremist soldiers “to the outside world” and had consequently misled the Bundestag.

There are also fears that the MAD itself may be infiltrated. In June this year, a senior investigator was suspended for tipping off KSK members to the raid in May. In 2018, another senior officer, Peter W., faced charges of alerting KSK soldiers to a planned raid on their Calw barracks in connection with the Franco Albrecht case. Peter W. is believed to have warned the KSK trainer, André Schmitt – the officer responsible for the unit’s military security and himself a longterm MAD source. Nonetheless, the MAD president continued to assert that his organisation had fully researched the possibility of a “shadow army”, and that no such entity existed. Authorities spoke only of “individual cases”.

Hannibal’s secret army 

In late 2018, a year-long investigation by journalists from the newspaper Die Tageszeitung (“taz”) revealed evidence of an extensive right-wing network – connected to but larger than – the already discovered “Nordkreuz”. Around the same time, Focus magazine made similar revelations of an “underground army”. This enlarged group was dubbed the “Hannibal network”, after the codename of its chat group administrator – the KSK trainer André Schmitt. Like “Nordkreuz”, the Hannibal network was first considered to be a far-right “prepper” network . It was divided into regional groupings across Germany (West, South, East and North) mirroring Bundeswehr structures, along with further branches in Austria and Switzerland.

Like its northern section “Nordkreuz”, other parts of the Hannibal network made preparations for an anticipated societal breakdown on “Day X”; organising weapons depots and safe-houses, and undertaking paramilitary training. Driven by a “hatred for left wingers”, members of the network were preparing to carrying out a possible military coup. They developed plans for the mass killings of left-wing politicians and other “enemies”. Top of the list were Dietmar Bartsch and Sahra Wagenknecht, then-leaders of the left-wing party Die Linke in the Bundestag.

Numbering around 200 individuals, in some ways the network resembled less a “shadow army” than a “shadow state”. Members included active, retired and reserve soldiers, police officers (including commandos from the Spezialeinsatzkommandos – the “Special Operational Units” or “SEK”), lawyers, judges, firefighters, civil servants and even members of the German security, military and intelligence authorities.

A notably high number of members of the Hannibal network were parachutists. The parachutist training center at Altenstadt Air Base had been infamous in the 1990s for celebrating Hitler’s birthday and singing Nazi songs. Then Commander Fritz Zwicknagl – who was removed as a result – later went on to work for the AfD in the Bundestag. Another instructor with far-right connections, Andreas Kalbitz, remained at the training centre until 2005. He later became a co-leader of the AfD’s extremist faction, Der Flügel (“The Wing”), and sat on the AfD national executive from 2017 until 2020.

In May this year, the AfD executive voted narrowly to expel Kalbitz from the party for “technical reasons” associated with his supposed failure to disclose prior memberships in neo-Nazi organisations. Conveniently, the party application form on which he was required to list prior associations has since gone missing. With considerable support inside the AfD, and several appeals still ongoing – Kalbitz’s membership status remains unclear.

The “Uniter” Network

The soldier (and fake refugee) Franco Albrecht, who was stationed in the Alsace, was part of the southern Hannibal network, “Südkreuz” (“Southern Cross”), and is believed to have been in direct contact with Schmitt. When his arrest in 2017 triggered terrorist investigations into far-right networks associated with the Bundeswehr, Schmitt closed his chat groups, and shifted his focus to the conspiratorial “Uniter” grouping. Schmitt had first founded “Uniter” in Halle during 2012, supposedly to provide further training and insurance support to unite former and serving members of the security forces. However, the tiny grouping soon dissolved following an internal disagreement, and Schmitt founded the Hannibal network on the social media app Telegram in 2015.

In 2016, André Schmitt had re-founded “Uniter” in Stuttgart. It had such a similar structure to “Hannibal”, with emphasis on building ties to the military and security services, and a “prepper” world-view – that it is widely considered to be an extension of the Hannibal network and its strategy. By the end of 2019, the new “Uniter” network claimed to have up to 2,000 members across Germany, including former members of “Hannibal” and members of the Bundeswehr and intelligence agencies, although the actual numbers remain unknown. And while the organisation denies he was ever a member, a “Uniter” badge was also found among Franco Albrecht’s possessions.

The “Uniter” organisation has also been revealed to have an extensive connections and support among the more right-wing members of the CDU in the former East Germany. It has even claimed support within the military authorities themselves. When taz asked Schmitt to confirm in 2018 that he was in fact “Hannibal”, he accused the newspaper of “harassment”, and threatened that “we will have no other option but to inform the MAD”. Raids on houses of “Uniter” members have turned up numerous military items, while footage has been obtained of Uniter conducting illegal paramilitary exercises in southern Germany in June 2018. Schmitt has himself been charged for illegal possession of military items, including practice grenades taken from Bundeswehr reserves.

“Uniter” was stripped of its non-profit status in late 2019, and the network moved its base of operations to Switzerland. In June this year, the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution (BfV) finally confirmed that “Uniter” was in their sights, indicating that there was “sufficiently significant actual indications” for right-wing extremism in the organisation. Inaugural “Uniter” chairman and the network’s co-founder, Ringo M., was an active state intelligence officer in Baden-Württemberg when the group was set up. He resigned soon afterwards, and left the organisation in 2017, claiming it was “too militaristic”. Der Spiegel magazine revealed in May this year that Ringo M. is now assisting criminal police with their investigations.

Citizens in uniform?

Some commentators have tried to explain the apparent uptick in cases of far-right extremism in the Bundeswehr, by reference to Germany’s abolition of compulsory military service in 2011. Some politicians are now calling for its reintroduction. With the elimination of compulsory service, or so the argument goes, the section of German society entering the military narrowed and became self-selected – with far-right recruits. The more sobering reality, however, is probably closer to the claim of Die Linke’s parliamentary group leader Dietmar Bartsch. That is that far-right extremism in the armed forces is connected with “a culture in the Bundeswehr that has allowed and tolerated this for decades”.

From inception, the Bundeswehr was promoted as a “parliamentary army”, made up of “citizens in uniform” to reflect Germany’s political plurality. It revised the definition of military obedience, meant to serve as a protective mechanism against Nazi-era excesses. However, the Bundeswehr has, from its creation in 1955, struggled with its association with the far-right and its image as a refuge for both historical and newly-minted extremists. In the late 1950s, the Bundeswehr hired 300 officers from the Waffen-SS to fill its ranks. Soon more than 12,000 Wehrmacht officers were serving in the Bundeswehr – including over 40 Nazi-era generals.

In 2014, the release of secret papers from Germany’s foreign intelligence agency, the Bundesnachrichtendienst (BND), revealed what had been widely suspected or known for decades. Namely that in the years directly following World War Two, around 2,000 former officers of the Wehrmacht and Waffen-SS had formed a secret army – the “Schnez-Truppe”. This was meant to protect the country from external threat of the Soviet Union and the internal threat of left-wing influence. According to the documents, it could call on up to 40,000 further fighters should the need arise, and it regularly carried out surveillance of left-wing politicians. The secret army’s leader, the former colonel Albert Schnez, was also heavily involved in the discussions leading to the creation of the Bundeswehr, and went on to lead it from 1968-71.

Another key architect of the Bundeswehr, Hans Speidel, was a self-confessed Mussolini-style fascist who had served as Chief-of-Staff to Field Marshal Erwin Rommel. The first head of the Bundeswehr, Adolf Heusinger, was another high ranking officer with continuous service since before World War One. As the Cold War reached a crescendo, their experience – and anti-communism – made these senior officers valuable assets for the foundation of NATO. Meanwhile their dubious history was explained away under the phrase “career soldier”. Speidel himself became the NATO Supreme Commander of the Allied Army in Central Europe in 1957. The BND document released in 2014 indicates that both Speidel and Heusinger were also aware of the secret army’s existence at the time.

When the Bundeswehr launched in 1955, it did so at a military base in Augustdorf named after Rommel – known as “Hitler’s favorite general”. In fact, until the middle of the 1990s, Germany had 50 military bases named after Wehrmacht soldiers in Germany. Some of these barracks were newly built, and were given their names under the auspices of conservative Defense Minister Franz-Josef Strauß in the 1960s. In 2017, a report by left-wing party Die Linke showed that between 1995 and 2016, sixteen such Bundeswehr bases had been renamed, while another nine bases were considering a change. The Augustdorf base, however, bears Rommel’s name to this day, as does another in Dornstadt.

The National Socialist Underground

The Bundeswehr’s structural tolerance for the far-right also brought it into contact with the most notorious terror group in recent German history – the “Nationalsozialistischer Untergrund” (National-Socialist Underground – NSU). The NSU is a terror organisation of three extremists supported by some 100-150 far-right associates It is held responsible for multiple bombing attacks and bank robberies, 43 attempted killings and 10 murders, most of them of people of Turkish heritage, in Germany between 2000 and 2007.

Twenty years ago, neo-Nazi extremist and key NSU supporter André Eminger had barely begun his military service when he reportedly told his supervising officer: “I identify as a National Socialist.” It was hardly a shock – he wore a tattoo reading “Blut und Ehre” (“blood and honor”) – the Hitler Youth motto and name of a far-right group now banned in Germany. Despite his admission, however, Eminger continued in the military – including undergoing weapons training – for the next ten months.

The NSU had a far more concerning relationship with the intelligence services, however – in particular with the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution, the BfV. Investigations have revealed that members of the NSU and their close circle were informers on the BfV payroll and the intelligence services have been accused of actually helping to rebuild the far-right scene in the state of Thuringia. An intelligence agent reporting to the BfV on the activities of the far-right was even a witness at one of the killings, raising serious questions about BfV knowledge of NSU activities.

The BfV has also been criticised for actively obstructing investigations into the NSU’s activities. Shortly after the existence of the group became public in 2011, many BfV files related to the NSU were destroyed – some were shredded soon after the official investigation had begun. The BfV president Heinz Fromm resigned in disgrace, but any remaining BfV files on the NSU have been redacted or remain inaccessible. During the high-profile trial, BfV agents and informants were only allowed to give limited testimony – or in some cases, none at all.

Extremism and the deep state

Fromm’s successor as BfV president, Hans-Georg Maaßen, was himself forced to resign in controversy. During the 2018 Chemnitz protests, where public footage showed an angry right-wing mob “hunting” for “foreign-looking” people, Maaßen claimed the BfV had seen no evidence of any such incidents. This was a spurious claim echoed only by the far-right AfD. Soon afterwards, it came to light that Maaßen had also passed sensitive information to members of the far-right party, leading to calls for his resignation across the political spectrum – except, predictably, from the AfD. To smooth things over, Maaßen was initially granted a role in the Interior Ministry. He was placed on early retirement after he used his farewell speech as BfV president to accuse “radical left-wing” forces in the German government of conspiring to remove him because he had criticised the government’s “naive” and “left-wing” security and migration policies.

Maaßen’s association with the AfD – which holds 89 seats in the German Bundestag and has now been elected into every German state parliament is particularly concerning. Not only because of the organisation’s connections to far-right groups, but also because of its own brand of far-right politics. In September 2019, a German court ruled that Björn Höcke – co-leader of the AfD’s hard-line wing, Der Flügel – could legally be called a fascist – as the description “rests on verifiable fact”. Der Flügel has some 7,000 members – around one fifth of the AfD total membership. In March 2020, the BfV classified Der Flügel as “a right-wing extremist endeavour against the free democratic basic order”, incompatible with Germany’s Consitution, and placed the group under close intelligence surveillance. Despite demands – and promises – to dissolve, Der Flügel appears to continue to exist.

Attempts to monitor the far-right are facing political hurdles too. On June 1, the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung reported that the chief of the state intelligence service in Saxony had been replaced after refusing to delete all data collected on AfD politicians. The newly-elected conservative Prime Minister of Saxony, Dirk-Martin Christian, had demanded the move in accordance with the special protections MPs usually enjoy as a result of their mandate. The AfD, however, is under intelligence surveillance throughout Germany over to its links with the far-right, and other German states have taken legal advice supporting the continued gathering data on the party. The move is therefore unique to Saxony, and is all the more concerning as the Saxony branch of the AfD is considered one of the most extremist.

In fact, despite the AfD’s associations with far-right and neo-Nazi politics, Germany’s governing CDU remains divided over whether or not it should work with the party at state, or even federal, level. The conservative CDU – currently in a federal “grand coalition” government with the centre-left SPD – is suffering an identity crisis. Many former CDU voters flock to the AfD – especially in underdeveloped and marginalised parts of the former East Germany. In order to regain lost ground, many CDU members are keen to end the “grand coalition” and return the party to a position clearly on the right wing of the spectrum. Many of these calls also urge an end to the “cordon sanitaire” that other parties have placed around working with the AfD, leading to a tense political stand-off.

Far-right attacks on the rise

Meanwhile, the numbers of violent far-right attacks in Germany continue to rise. German Interior Ministry figures, released in April this year, recorded 986 acts of attempted or perpetrated far-right violence in 2019, over 600 of them targeted at holders of political office. Revelations of the Nordkreuz “kill list” in 2019 coincided with the murder of CDU politician Walter Lübcke in his home by a man with known links to the far-right, including with the neo-Nazi National Party of Germany (NPD) and the German branch of the British fascist terrorist group Combat 18.

In October last year, a synagogue in the city of Halle was attacked on the Jewish holy day of Yom Kippur. After killing one person but failing to enter the building, the attacker then drove to a nearby Turkish kebab shop and shot dead a customer there. The gunman, a 27 year-old neo-Nazi, had learned to handle weapons in the Bundeswehr, but no indication of his right-wing beliefs was recorded in his military file.

In 2018, eight members of the neo-Nazi terrorist ‘Freital Group’, from near Dresden – a bastion of the far-right – were found guilty of terrorism-related crimes, including multiple attacks on refugee shelters. In November last year the city of Dresden itself declared a “Nazi emergency”. Also in 2018, police arrested several men for carrying out racist crimes and setting up the right-wing terrorist organisation “Revolution Chemnitz”; while in February this year police arrested twelve members of a far-right terror cell “Group S” that was preparing attacks on mosques in 10 German states in order to start a race war. Members of “Group S” had also discussed making attacks on prominent Greens politicians.

Also in February, a far-right gunman killed nine people of immigrant backgrounds and injured five more at a shisha bar and a cafe in the city of Hanau, near Frankfurt. While the attacker has not been linked with any extremist group, he left behind a manifesto entitled “Message to the entire German people”, in which he expressed his racist, anti-Semitic, anti-Islam and misogynistic views plainly.

According to Interior Ministry figures from 2019, Germany has at least 24,000 far-right extremists, more than half of them prone to violence, but this figure is likely – again – to be an underestimate. In June this year, Focus magazine revealed that many German neo-Nazis – including members of the NPD and The Third Way – have been travelling to Russia to carry out paramilitary training in camps run by the right-wing white-supremacist Russian Imperial Movement near St Petersburg.

On July 3, magazine Der Spiegel reported that a reservist from Lower Saxony had been suspended after being found with a list of the telephone numbers and private addresses of 17 top politicians and celebrities, including federal Ministers, state Prime Ministers, and current and former leaders of the Greens and Die Linke. The reservist was a participant in two right-wing extremist chat groups on WhatsApp. The list of names came from the larger “Orbit” leak of politician data in January 2019, and has been circulated among far-right chat groups ever since 2019, although the BKA is unsure who created the refined list. A similar Facebook chat group of reservists called “Zuflucht” (“Refuge”) has also been exposed, where participants discussed private armament and, again, fighting a possible “racial war”.

On June 27, a district councillor for Die Linke in Bavaria, Stefanie Kirchner, was attacked from behind by a man with a knife. The attacker tried to strangle her, and hurled anti-left abuse. Kirchner was able to free herself, but the attacker escaped. Several days later, on July 3, Janine Wißler – head of Die Linke’s state parliamentary delegation in Hesse – revealed that she had received multiple death threats in February, signed “NSU 2.0″, targeting both her and her family. Only days after making this revelation public, Wißler received further death threats.

The threatening messages bore similarities to several death threats sent to lawyer Basay-Yildiz, who had represented families of the victims in the NSU trial. In both cases, the messages included sensitive personal information taken from police databases, and were signed “NSU 2.0”. In the case of Basay-Yildiz, a chat group of officials with right-wing content was discovered, and several civil servants lost their jobs, but no one was charged. According to evidence obtained by Frankfurter Rundschau, it looks likely the death threats against Wißler also originated from within the police force.

The dangers of “business as usual”

As the spate of incidents has grown – including a surge in fire and bomb attacks on refugee shelters – so has the political pressure on the government and authorities to respond. Konstantin von Notz, deputy president of the Bundestag’s intelligence oversight committee, has described the situation in the Bundeswehr as a “structural problem”, while BfV president Thomas Haldenwang, has called far-right extremism and terrorism the “biggest danger to German democracy today.” After promising a strengthened security response, German Interior Minister Horst Seehofer banned the neo-Nazi group ‘Nordadler’ (“Northern Eagles”) on June 5, following raids across the country. Nordadler is the third far-right group to be banned in Germany this year, after Combat 18 in January and the United German Peoples and Tribes group in March.

The recent surge in extremism in Germany also coincides with the political growth of the AfD over the last decade, their far-right rhetoric emboldening many extremist elements, with often deadly consequences. This problem is not limited to Germany either. A report last September from the European Union (EU) police agency, Europol, warned that far-right groups across the bloc were actively recruiting from the police and military to increase their capacity for violence.

The successes of far-right parties in countries such as Germany, France, Italy and Spain, alongside the rightward shift of governments in Poland and Hungary, is a sobering reminder that extremist ideas are growing in broader support and acceptance across the EU. Nor can this growth in far-right political forces over the past decade be dissociated from the politics of austerity enforced by the EU institutions and other agents of neoliberal “business as usual” over the past decade. The current economic crisis is likely to result in another, deeper, recession – characterised by unemployment, social cuts and the further privatisation of public assets – and will once again produce a fertile breeding ground for the far-right.

The numbers of armed extremists remain relatively small – despite the plots of various “prepper” networks there is certainly no threat of a mass insurgency or military coup. Although ongoing investigations are likely to lay bare deeper tentacles in the Bundeswehr and German state. Clearly, however, Germany’s problem with the far-right runs both long and deep – both within and outside the state, including inside the very state agencies meant to monitor it – and, despite recent revelations, the size and extent of extremist networks remains unclear.

These networks and their many connections with politicians, the military and state agencies pose a unique series of challenges as we head into a new economic crisis, and the social turmoil that this will almost inevitably bring. Should far-right parties like the AfD successfully exploit the social turmoil arising from the downturn, it will only further encourage violent extremists to take matters into their own hands. Worse yet, it also raises the spectre of the far-right parties entering government in a number of EU member states unless credible political alternatives can be found to keep them out.

As a German-led EU begins the task of papering over the cracks of the latest economic crisis while preparing a new round of brutal austerity, it is incumbent on political forces of the left – and all forces that cherish democracy and social justice – to present such an alternative to the neoliberal model. That model is impoverishing and excluding working class communities across the continent. The alternative – denying oxygen to the far-right, empowering working class communities, and instilling sustainability at the centre of our social model – is urgent and long overdue. If we fail to build a new world of solidarity out of this deepening crisis, there are others waiting in the shadows to take their own, much darker, turn.

This is an extended version of an article which first appeared in the Hintadupfing Blog. Reproduced with the author’s permission.