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Far-Right, Racist Attacks on the Rise in Germany

It’s been just over a year since the Hanau attack, and AfD’s fear-mongering rhetoric is radicalising more Germans to follow suit


26/02/2021

Over just the past 2 years, Germany has seen a dramatic ,increase in far-right terror attacks. The list of attacks is too long to include in one article. Since 2019, CDU politician Walter Lübcke was ,assassinated by a neo-Nazi, a bar in Lichtenberg owned by a Jewish German was set ablaze, and Ferat Kocak, a left-wing politician with migrant roots in Berlin, had his house ,firebombed by far-right extremists. These are just some of the incidents, and just over a year ago, the worst attack of them all occurred at 2 shisha bars in Hanau.

Furthermore, nonviolent racism is exceedingly common. Just last month, a ,Union Berlin footballer hurled a racist insult at an opposing player of Afghani roots. These violent and nonviolent attacks are so normalized now that minor incidents are quickly forgotten. How did Germany get to this point and who is at fault?

The Rise of Far-Right, Racist Sentiments

The Aiders and Abettors

The rise in these racist attacks correlates directly with the rise of Alternative für Deutschland (AfD). The far-right populists are the third largest political party in Germany, not just because of racism and xenophobia, but because there are undeniably major problems facing this nation.

The ,gap between Germany’s rich and poor is the highest it’s been in over 100 years, rents are skyrocketing while wages remain the same, many migrants lack economic opportunity, the former GDR remains poorer than the west, and Merkel’s CDU seems to love every minute of it. These genuine issues— caused by a conservative government under the spell of big business, the outsourcing of working-class jobs, and many German nationals simply refusing to allow migrants to truly integrate— have been warped by AfD to paint a drastically different picture.

A picture where, they claim, Merkel and the political establishment are too afraid to say “the truth” about migration and Islam. A government-controlled, secret cabal of powerful figures such as Bill Gates who are destroying Germany and its culture. AfD has flipped the script and placed the blame for the hardships of the working class not on big business, but on other workers who were simply born across a border. AfD’s message has resonated in many of the high-unemployment, low-income areas of the former GDR.

Of course, Germans are being radicalised if they genuinely believe that “globalists” are seeking to destroy their country and way of life through mass-migration. It was only a matter of time before people decided to take violent action to “save Germany.” As long as AfD continues spreading such misinformation, these types of attacks will continue.

The Inaction of Government Institutions

While the Verfassungsschutz is currently ,investigating multiple state-level AfD chapters, the word disappointment can’t even begin to describe the lacklustre response by many public institutions charged with combating racist extremists and their propaganda.

The perpetrator of the Hanau attack, an ethnic German, was ,radicalised by AfD rhetoric and fringe online disinformation. The 49-year old repeatedly ,reached out to local authorities in the months leading up to the attack. Strangely, no action was taken by these authorities to even look into the man’s delusional conspiracy theories. There is a good chance that this attack could have been prevented.

Within the police force, the inaction is especially stark. For a long time, racism within police departments has been a point of contention, but it is difficult to properly measure it. CDU MP Sylvie Nantcha, an Afro-German born in Cameroon, stated that no German police department ,systematically gathers information on “racial profiling cases.” Essentially, there is no way to currently identify how large of a problem racism is within the German police system, making it impossible to actually address it.

These two examples alone of inaction to combat racism and extremists views should be mor than enough reason for concern, but with the growing number of racist attacks, alarm bells should be ringing.

Radical Racists Within the Police

Radical right-wing views within the police have been a big subject recently in Germany as more police officers have begun ,supporting AfD. CDU politician Friedrich Merz recently ,warned that his party is losing the police and the Bundeswehr to the far-right populists.

In recent months, multiple private chat groups between police have been leaked to the public. ,In one such group, 30 officers in the Ruhrgebiet shared a photo of a refugee in a gas chamber, along with Nazi imagery. One has to wonder how many other such chat groups exist, and what racist things are said privately between officers. How deep does this issue go?

To make matters worse, a police chief in Berlin used ,official computers to find out the details of left-wing politicians, politicians who subsequently received threatening letters from extremists. It’s not merely your average cop who’s sharing violent extremist photos, but police chiefs are aiding and abetting these radicals as well.

This seems to be a bigger problem than just a few “bad apples.” Private discussions are hard to monitor, but if ,80% of instances of police violence end with no criminal proceedings brought forth, how is this public institution supposed to be held accountable and root out these bad officers? And what if it’s not just bad officers, but a bad culture?

The False Virtue of Colour Blindness

In addition to the police collecting no data on racial profiling, the German government ,collects no data on race and ethnicity. This makes it almost impossible to have hard data on the 20% rise in racist attacks from 2017 to 2018 to analyse which groups were attacked and which carried out the attacks. There is simply no hard data on this subject, making it impossible to constructively address.

The fact that the German government doesn’t do this is the continuation of a trend that many Europeans and Americans seem to hold dear, colour blindness: The idea that an individual shouldn’t see race, that all humans are the same, and that neither individuals nor governments should label or separate people by their race.

On the surface, it sounds great, but the idea of colour blindness is a fallacy. By pretending that neither individuals, businesses, nor governments see a difference between a white German and a Black German, one is actively delegitimising and ignoring the issues faced specifically by one group. No one who isn’t Black can tell a Black person what their lived experience is, just as only a Muslim really knows what it’s like to be a Muslim.

Colour blindness ignores the fact that many of these public institutions may not be taking racism seriously because the vast majority of those in charge are white Germans. To ensure that these institutions properly reflect the populations they serve, one has to see race. Berlin is a highly diverse city; therefore, its public institutions should be diverse. Seeing colour is vital in achieving this.

Soul Searching is Now Required

Racist incidents against immigrants and Germans of migrant background are on the rise. Right-wing extremists have taken foot in the Bundestag, the police, and other public institutions.

Germany as a nation needs to understand that the public institutions must reflect the diversity of the communities that these institutions are supposed to serve. It doesn’t matter whether it’s something as important as the police or a simple athletic commission such as the DfB, changes must be made. A 35% ,migrant quota in Berlin’s state jobs is currently being debated. This would be an important first step.

However, the aforementioned economic issues must be simultaneously addressed. Whether it’s increasing economic opportunity for migrants and workers in the former east, or building more public housing, something has to be done.

The unfortunate truth is that there will be more racist incidents and attacks in Germany, but the main question is how the nation will address the issues that have led to this rise in far-right, racist sentiments. Will the public institutions progress forward, or will these organisations continue down the same path that has allowed racist and extremist views to flourish?

For a popular, plurinational and anti-neoliberal Minga

How to understand the puzzle of the elections in Ecuador


24/02/2021

The Minka

After a convulsive week, on Friday we joined a virtual minka to share our reactions to the Ecuadorian elections of Sunday 7 February. A minka, or minga, is a solidarity group, a sort of informal collective. Each of us shared analyses, doubts, fears and hopes. For us, sharing does not mean we each have the same point of view. The beauty of collective spaces like Ecuadorminka is that different views and histories come together.

By sharing our thoughts and feelings, we analyse the political puzzle. We have a common horizon – a country which fights against neoliberalism until dignity becomes a habit and a halt to the oligarchy attacking the lives of the people. Our historical demands for social justice accumulate like a big snowball, and inspire us both to honour where we come from and to paint a picture of where we want to go.

On Friday night, we were very excited as we joined the minga. Our comrades from other corners of Latin America/Abya Yala (the Panamense pre-Columbian name for Latin America) have been asking us to explain what is happening and what the second round in Ecuador will be like. To start with one thing is very clear to us. The traditional right wing lost. The sacred alliance between the rancid banker, the agro-exporting oligarchies and the interests of the IMF lobbyists lost.

The popular wave fully understood who was threatening their rights, who had imposed dismissals without compensation, who handed over Julian Assange to the yankees, who privatised public assets, who preferred to pay IMF debt instead of investing in healthcare and who organised the distribution of hospitals to profiteers.

The greatest shame is that this anti-popular onslaught took place in the middle of the pandemic! We loudly REJECT the precarization of life in the streets and at the ballot box.

The Right-Wing IMF Lobbyists Were Defeated

In 2017, Lenín Moreno assumed the presidency, ignoring the progressive project for which he was elected. Instead, he turned to illegitimately (mis)govern hand in hand with Jaime Nebot, leader of Christian Socialism, and Guillermo Lasso. Lasso had already been Minister of the Economy in Jamil Mahuad’s 1999 government. The unprecedented economic, political and social crisis drove hundreds of thousands of citizens out of the country.

Today, despite the media bombardment supporting his candidacy, the alliance of nefarious actors led by the bankers’ candidate was defeated by the historical memory of the people. They received 19.74% of the vote, subject to the current recount. The people also rejected the shameful parade of pyrrhic representatives of the decaying political class – 13 candidates, none of whom attained 2%.

The massive popular and indigenous mobilisation of October 2019 against the imposition of the IMF’s austerity agenda lives on. It reminds us the urgency of fighting the armed political-economic elites who had no qualms about massacring the poor. The repressive forces assassinated eight demonstrators, seriously wounded more than 1,500 people and irregularly detained 1,228 demonstrators.

The Minister of Government María Paula Romo and the Minister of Defence Oswaldo Jarrín, branded members of CONAIE [Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador], Correístas [followers of Rafael Correa], students, feminists, and alternative media journalists as vandals and terrorists.

With the hegemonic media machine on their side, they tried to impose hatred of a supposed internal enemy that they said was commanded by “Correism” and “Castro-Chavism”. Meanwhile, in reality, a common struggle for social rights and a fair life was being waged in the streets.

The results of the vote on Sunday 7th of February show that the co-government of the right wing did not succeed in pushing its “anti-Communist” agenda, the infamous consequences of which we know well from the bloody history of our continent.

The Left and the Struggle for a Life with Dignity

The progressive candidate of the Union for Hope, Andrés Arauz, came first with 32.70% of the vote. Meanwhile, Yaku Pérez Guartambel, candidate for Pachakutik, achieved a historic vote for the electoral branch of the indigenous movement with 19.38% (subject to recount).

For the 137-seat National Assembly, 49 candidates from the Union for Hope, 27 from Pachakutik and 18 from the Democratic Left were elected. The right-wing won 18 assembly seats for the Social Christian Party and 12 for the CREO.

From the social organisations we will demand that this majority support for the forces from the centre to the left be translated into anti-neoliberal alliances that work for a dignified life and not into inhumane pacts in favour of capital.

Trying to decipher the consequences of the elections, the minga now discussed the nature of the state. Understanding what is at stake demands utmost intellectual honesty. On the one hand, Arauz will have to deepen his progressive agenda of expanding social rights, firmly distancing himself from the macho conservatism and extractivist onslaught of Rafael Correa, proposing respectful dialogues with the movements that fight for the defence of the land.

On the other hand, Yaku Pérez should retract proposals such as the elimination of the tax on currency outflows, which would jeopardise monetary stability and the flow of money within the country, facilitating capital flight. Only in this way will it truly comply with the anti-neoliberal mandate of the base, to respect the historic collective project of the indigenous movement.

In both cases, it will be vital that the left pushes for the radicalisation of the projects and does not allow itself to be intimidated. From Ecuadorminka, we echo the words of Leonidas Iza, president of the Indigenous and Peasant Movement of Cotopaxi and leader of the October 2019 strike: “We will fight the right, wherever it comes from!”

Only respect for the anti-neoliberal will, of which October 2019 was the most recent and combative episode, can ensure legitimacy for political organisations. These will undoubtedly need popular support to face the potential political and economic blockade by the oligarchic elites and the countries of the so-called “first world”.

Let us not forget that dollarisation makes Ecuador dependent on the United States, without the capacity to sovereignly define its monetary policy. This is why the radicalisation of a project for change demands that we remain mobilised and weave strong ties of international solidarity. Is society ready for deeper structural changes? Is there an accumulation of revolutionary forces? And how can we organise ourselves to move in that direction?

Weaving Collective Dreams of Colour and Dignity

We are aware that the electoral processes are only a thread in the colourful tapestry of struggles for social transformation. However, we also know that the elections mark the field where we will express and deepen our struggles and organisational processes from below. The road is steep and full of challenges. That is why we are committed to bringing together the mobilising social forces of popular organisations: indigenous, Afro-descendant, student, feminist, environmentalist, anti-racist, counter-hegemonic, etc.

It is time to exercise tolerant and (self-)critical dialogue to overcome useless dichotomies that only divide us. Only in this way will we be able to promote the unity and renewal of the left, with strengthened social bases that legitimise the construction of an anti-neoliberal political project, without sectarianism or egos.

As Ecuadorminka, we invite you to dream and join us in a great popular, plurinational and anti-neoliberal minka to experience new political practices and draw new horizons of Sumak Kawsay, both in Ecuador and beyond: a horizon that extends throughout Abya Yala.

“We are like grains of quinoa, if we are alone, the wind blows us away. But if we are united in a basket, the wind does nothing. It will sway, but it will not make us fall. We are like the wild straw that is plucked and grows again…and we will sow the world with wild straw”.

Dolores Cacuango (1881-1971, indigenous leader, leader of the Ecuadorian Communist Party)

EcuadorMinka speaks for Ecuadorian migrants on European territory, builds solidarity with basic organizations in Ecuador and migrants in Europe, and intervenes politically in public spaces. Translation: Giorgio de Cesare

Internationalism begins at home

How Right to the City is connecting a local campaign to international activists


22/02/2021


This week, a good activist sent the following message to the DSA Berlin mailing list:

“So far I have noticed a major contrast between willingness to talk about ‘international solidarity’ and willingness to actually do it. When I invite a lot of activists or organisations to the meetings, they’re too busy with their local issues. I get it, I am in DW Enteignen too and I see that people are really busy with it. But surely there must be some time to come.

Heck, I even have the impression that my link to the open letter falls on deaf ears, even though it only takes a minute or two to read and sign it”

The context here was an attempt to build support for “Rentvolution“, a campaign to link right-to-housing movements and activists throughout Europe. I think that these are serious points that need addressing, although I disagree with some of the premises. This article tries to explain why.

Signing petitions is not enough in days like these

I’m not someone who regularly signs petitions and open letters, precisely because they only take a minute or two to read and sign. Appeals to the rich and the powerful to see the error of their ways largely fall upon deaf ears.

This is not to say that petitions are worthless. I have fond memories of my first wave of activism in the 1980s, asking people to sign against apartheid South Africa or attacks on abortion rights. The point though was to engage people in conversation about how they could support and get actively involved in current campaigns.

More recently, in a short period of time, 100,000 people in Germany have signed the Zero Covid petition. This is significant as it has shifted the terms of a debate which has been dominated for a year by supporters of the Merkel government (despite its preference for profits over people’s lives) or by a strange cabal of conspiracy theorists and right wing extremists who have organised the most visible opposition to Merkel.

Suddenly there was a palpable left-wing opposition to the government’s Covid policy, which was in the public consciousness mainly because of the number of people who had signed the Zero Covid petition. This is a basis for getting people involved in a much more lasting campaign.

Yet without an accompanying campaign, signing petitions can become a form of virtue signalling, which makes the signatory feel good, but does nothing to change the balance of forces and allows things to carry on as they are. In these circumstances, we can understand why many people are reluctant to sign on.

What does this mean for us now?

To be fair to the Rentvolution open letter, it is more than just an appeal to the Great and a Good, but a call for action on 27th March. I really hope that it will result in serious actions, but such actions are built by activists on the ground.

Now I have my doubts about this particular campaign, but that’s for a different article. Experience has shown that international networking can strengthen local campaigns. In Berlin, the most significant anti-gentrification campaign is Deutsche Wohnen & Co Enteignen (DWE). It is only right that DWE works together with all credible international campaigns.

But what does international networking mean in practice? While it is important to send delegates to international meetings, it would be a great error for all local activists to concentrate on these meetings at the expense of building something on the ground at home. We may learn things from our international compatriots but we can effect most change where we are.

DWE is currently organising a referendum in Berlin to “expropriate the big landlords“. If successful, it could have international ramifications. But this success depends on us all convincing our friends, workmates and random people on the streets to vote in the referendum, and to ensure that they also actively build the campaign.

The original post worries that being “too busy with their local issues” gets in the way of international solidarity. I would argue the reverse. If we win in Berlin, housing campaigners from Brooklyn to Barcelona, from Rio to New Delhi will see that it is possible to resist a rampant neo-liberal housing policy. We can then go to international networking meetings, not just to share hopes that the world could be better but to relate experiences of how this can be done.

International Networking

One of the few positive by-products of globalisation is that social movements have become more international. From Extinction Rebellion to Black Lives Matter, campaigns which started in one country have inspired people worldwide and resulted in similar campaigns being formed in other countries.

This international proliferation of activism has created a need for more cross-border networking, where we can share best practises and learn from the successes and failures of campaigns elsewhere. This is something that we saw in genesis in the first World and European Social Forums around the turn of the Century.

I remember being at the European Social Forum (ESF) in Paris in 2003 with a large delegation from Southern Germany. For many people it was the first time that they had been on a demonstration where there was a large block of white activists carrying Palestine flags. This prompted an important debate in a country that has been resistant and often hostile to Palestine solidarity.

Even more significant was the first ESF in Florence in November 2002. This was held in the shadow of imminent war with Iraq. One evening, a few hundred activists came together to plan what was to become the largest ever international demonstration – the anti-war demos around 15 February 2003.

I doubt that 15 February would have had the same character without this spontaneous meeting in Florence. Yet what was important was not just that a group of international activists came together, but that they represented something. I was there with a group of people from ATTAC Germany’s Globalisierung und Krieg (Globalisation and War) group, but there were also leading members of Britain’s Stop the War Coalition and equivalent organisations throughout Europe.

In the 3 months between Florence and the international mobilisation, we went back home and organised things. In Germany, the Globalisierung und Krieg group organised an international speakers’ tour which attracted thousands of people. In Stuttgart, where I was living, 400 people packed into the trade union hall. On 15 February, 20 buses made the 400 mile journey to the demonstration in Berlin, despite 50,000 demonstrating on the same day in Stuttgart.

None of this would have been possible if we hadn’t spent the previous years patiently building organisations at home – the trade unions who hosted the event and helped provide buses, the peace movement activists and of course ATTAC, who were able to mobilise their members and provide a pole of attraction to the people who were sickened by the threat of war and wanted to do something to prevent it.

Right to the CIty

One important part of DWE is the Right to the City group, which tries to involve the 25% of Berlin’s citizens who do not have a German passport. Although non-Germans are not even allowed to vote in the referendum, so far Right to the City has been remarkably successful in mobilizing dozens, maybe hundreds, of international activists.

Berlin is full of exile political organisations. Co-Liberation and Dziewuchy Berlin raise solidarity for the victims of abortion laws in Poland, Berlin for India organise demos in solidarity with the mass actions by Indian farmers. Similarly, Labour Berlin and Berlin for Bernie (now DSA Berlin) made significant contributions to the election campaigns of Jeremy Corbyn and Bernie Sanders.

These are all important organisations, and you can find out more about many similar campaigns on our Campaign of the Week page. Yet Right to the City is slightly different. The international nature of the group is important, but what is most important is that the main focus of activity is in Berlin. Exile organisations focussing on their “home” country can only involve some of these people for some of the time. All international activists in Berlin have both a stake in lower rents and the power to change things.

8 years ago, we set up the LINKE working group “Internationals” as an attempt to overcome some of the problems that activists in a foreign country encounter. The idea was to involve Berlin’s international community in German politics, but also to show the German Left that they have a wealth of experienced activists living in their cities. I see Right to the City as being in a similar tradition and am actively involved in the campaign. There is information at the bottom of this article about how you can get involved.

Only last week, I interviewed Hossam el-Hamalawy, the Egyptian journalist and activist about the leading role that he played in the so-called “Arab Spring” 10 years ago. I finished the interview with the obligatory question: “What is the best way in which people in the Global North can support the struggles in Egypt and make your fight our fight?”

Hossam’s answer was revelatory: “Pressure your governments into ceasing the arms exports and security cooperation with the Egyptian and autocratic regimes. Help spread the word about the abuses of the Egyptian regime, and actively lobby for the release of the detainees. And last but not least: Get active locally. It’s a global system of oppression, and we need to bring it down, in Cairo or Berlin.”

True internationalism lies in bringing people of all countries together in joint activity where they are. This will involve at some points signing petitions and attending international meetings, but it will also involve lots of unseen work in our own communities. So, yes, let’s please come together and discuss what is strategically necessary to build our campaigns, but don’t think that internationalism is only something that we do somewhere else.

What does this mean practically?

Let’s briefly return to the post that provoked this article. It can indeed be frustrating to feel that other people are not being as active as they could. This feeling is even stronger in times of Covid, when social interaction is limited. Isolation can mean that our righteous anger is atomised. The first reply to this is that most people have families, work and the need to occasionally have fun. We make the political work that we can in the time that is available to us.

Activity can also not be judged solely by counting the number of people on demonstrations. There is also the need for strategic discussion. Given that we don’t have the time to do everything, where should we concentrate our energies? This requires both individual and collective decisions. I may find one particular campaign more exciting, but often it’s better to get involved in larger and broader campaigns which have the social weight to change things. Sometimes the right political decision lies in choosing what not to do.

The reason why specific moments like 15 February 2003 are so well attended is because they attract participation that goes way beyond the activist community – people became active not just because of a sense of duty or political commitment, but because they really thought that their actions could have concrete results. It is much easier to convince someone to get involved when they think that what they are doing can change society.

The anti-gentrification campaign in Berlin has reached such a historic moment that has the potential to result in real change. We can win this one if we fight together.

Phil Butland is the speaker and founder member of the LINKE Berlin Internationals. For more information about activities of the group, send a mail to lag.internationals@die-linke-berlin.de.

Right to the City meets online every second Wednesday at 7pm. The next meetings are on 24th February and 10th March. For an invitation to the meetings, send a mail to right2thecity@dwenteignen.de.

On Monday, 15th March at 7pm, the Berlin LINKE Internationals are organising a public meeting Gentrification: are non-Germans to blame? And how can we expropriate the big landlords together? with Joanna Kusiak (Deutsche Wohnen & Co. Enteignen), Karen Nafersky (housing activist in Brooklyn) and Hülya Kilic (housing activist in Kreuzberg) . The meeting will be livestreamed at theleftberlin.com where you can send questions to the speakers.

“When the tide changes in the future, we will be ready”

Interview with Egyptian journalist and activist Hossam el-Hamalawy


21/02/2021

Hi Hossam, thanks for taking the time to speak to us at a time which must be very busy for you.

Let’s start with why you’re busy. This month sees the tenth anniversary of the so-called “Arab Spring”. How accurate is this term to describe what happened in February 2011?

I personally use the term just out of convenience, because everyone uses it, and the international media popularized it. Alternatively, I sometimes refer to the events as “regional uprisings,” or “first wave of revolutions.” However, I do agree the term is a bit controversial because not all participants in the uprisings were “Arabs”–for example, the Kurds, Berbers and Nubians. Even more, Arab nationalism in the past was a tool of oppression for some of those communities. Also the term “Spring” may cause some sensitivities, since the term previously was usually associated with the US-backed dissident movements in the former Stalinist countries.

However, it would be impossible to come up with one term that makes everyone happy.

My next question is fairly personal. I’ve read a lot of articles and interviews that you’ve written and even interviewed you myself a couple of times. What is missing from most of these is a summary of what exactly you were doing at the time. Could you break your usual modesty and explain your contribution to the 2011 revolutions?

As a journalist and blogger, I (together with a growing army of dissident bloggers) helped disseminate the news, photos and videos of the uprising to the widest audience possible, both in Egypt and outside. I was one of the spokespersons for the Egyptian opposition, regularly updating the international media with what was happening on the ground. And I was honored to be part of the political leadership of the Egyptian Revolutionary Socialists Organization throughout the uprising, the coup, and the aftermath.

Most media reports speak of the 2011 uprisings as some incomprehensible event that came out of nowhere. In contrast, you have written about the previous 10 years of victories and defeats which made the fall of Mubarak possible. Could you explain a little?

As a media activist I felt bitter for years prior to the revolution, as the international media coverage of Egypt was largely interested in archeological findings, Red Sea tourism, and most atrociously on how “moderate” Mubarak’s regime was since it was pro-US. Mubarak was glorified as a “secular” leader who is a key to “regional stability” against “Islamist terrorists.”

International media either neglected, or at least did not give enough attention to, the dissent that had been slowly brewing since the outbreak of the second Palestinian intifada in 2000. This was an earthquake that shook the entire region, and in Egypt it triggered the revival of street politics. There is a long chain of events linking 2000 to 2011, passing through milestones like the mini-uprising in Tahrir in 2003, the rise of the pro-democracy movement Kefaya movement in 2004 to 2006, and last but not least the strike wave that shook every single sector of the economy. The 2011 uprising was the product of this decade, and thanks to this long, painful process of dissent accumulation among a population whose internet access was limited to ,roughly 21% on the eve of the revolt. To dub it as a “Facebook Revolution”–no matter how well intentioned–is wrong.

The other common report of 2011 is that it was a “facebook revolution”. In a recent article, you’ve questioned this analysis, while talking about the strategy used by the Egyptian bloggers in pursuit of starting the domino effect. Would you like to elaborate?

The Egyptian revolutionary left had long adopted the use of visuals as a propaganda and agitation tool, in pursuit of the ,domino effect. I invite your readers to check out ,the article for a detailed explanation. But the essence of my argument could be summed up briefly as follows: Unless one is directly linked to the ruling class and thus has a direct interest in maintaining the status quo, most of those “ordinary citizens” who are not engaged in resisting the regime need a catalyst to encourage them into action. And usually that catalyst could be the visual information disseminated as widely as possible about some people somewhere who are resisting the status quo. People can draw parallels most of the time and this can set the domino effect into action.

You’ve stressed that your work was made easier by your membership of the Egyptian Revolutionary Socialists. Can you explain what you mean and how #Revsoc is doing now?

I joined the Egyptian #RevSoc in the late 1990s and have been a member since then. This meant I was part of the organizing efforts on the ground, and in constant contact with some of the key players in Egypt’s labor movement and the dissent scene in general. My vision of instigating this domino effect by spreading visuals of dissent would not have been possible to become a reality, if it wasn’t for the support I received from my comrades.

The #RevSoc, like all other dissident organizations, has been facing enormous difficulties after the coup and the defeat of the revolution. The problem is not only the security crackdowns, arrests and constant surveillance. It’s the wider demoralization among the ranks of revolutionaries and ordinary citizens, which make the attempts of re-organizing sounds like a rosy dream. Spontaneous protests and labor strikes still happen every now and then, as well as rioting related to gentrification issues mainly. But usually they are unsustainable protests that you can build little on.

The #RevSoc still maintains some organizational presence in the capital and some provinces, but we are under siege, like the rest of the opposition, and there is very little room for public organizing. But at least we haven’t dissolved ourselves like other groups، or sold out with a deal with the regime. We might be small now, compared to our pre-2013 size and influence, yet we are now more experienced, with different generations in the movement. We continue to put out regular analysis and theoretical production via our ,site and social media platforms, and when the tide changes in the future, we will be ready.

Much of the Egyptian 2011 generation like yourself has been forced into exile. What does this mean for the possibilities for left wing agitation in Egypt today?

Public agitation in Egypt is currently very risky and virtually banned. Despite the continuous cyber-crackdowns, online agitation and propaganda are still a feasible alternative. The exiles’ networks that are emerging are making good use of the different social media platforms, in my view.

You’ve now been living in Germany for a couple of years. How are politics different here than in Egypt? What have you been able to achieve, and what has been difficult?

The margin of freedoms and civil liberties in Germany is obviously much bigger than that of Egypt, where all shades of dissent are criminalized. Being a liberal democracy, there is naturally more attention here in Germany for electoral politics, parliamentarism and fights over legal reforms, as the dominant form of politics–Something I’m not used to in Egypt, where I spend virtually all my life under emergency law (martial law).

One thing that shocked me is how “apolitical” trade unions here in Germany, compared to the ones in Britain, or compared to the independent trade unions in Egypt prior to the coup. I mean here in terms of international solidarity work on behalf of political detainees or causes related to political oppression.

Another shock was the twisted politics of the German left regarding Palestine. A dominant discourse here in Germany somehow has accommodated progressive politics with the support of a classic form of settler colonialism. The end result is censoring Palestine solidarity and fanatically loyal support for Israel. That’s definitely something I haven’t seen before, in Egypt or elsewhere.

I’m not trying to be dismissive in my remarks. I appreciate many of the genuine struggles the German reformist and radical left were involved in, related to refugees, anti-militarism, climate change, anti-fascism, and housing rights. I just feel this isn’t enough and more is needed.

What is the best way in which people in the Global North can support the struggles in Egypt and make your fight our fight?

Pressure your governments into ceasing the arms exports and security cooperation with the Egyptian and autocratic regimes.

Help spread the word about the abuses of the Egyptian regime, and actively lobby for the release of the detainees.

And last but not least: Get active locally. It’s a global system of oppression, and we need to bring it down, in Cairo or Berlin.