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The petty-bourgeois threat of QAnon

What drives a celebrity chef to ally with the AfD?


12/03/2021

What do progressives face in the phenomena of QAnon and QuerDenken? Who are they? How can we explain the motivations of people in these movements and their class basis? Both questions are addressed below, referencing their linkages in both Germany and the USA.

1. Origins of QAnon: What do they believe, and what are their political alliances?

By now, most people are aware that the beliefs of QAnon supporters are bizarre. However, their alliances with right-wing militias and individuals are under-appreciated. For example, QAnon clearly influenced the killer who launched the racist rampage in Hanau. In Germany, QAnon followers declare the state illegitimate:

“The gunman in the central German city of Hanau who killed 10 people and then himself in February alluded to topics circulating in the QAnon cosmos. In a YouTube video, he argued that there were subterranean military installations in the U.S. where children are abused and killed and where the devil is worshipped. QAnon followers also played a role in the storming of the Reichstag, the seat of German parliament, in Berlin in late August by a group protesting the authorities’ measures to control COVID-19. Naturopath Tamara Kirschbaum, who called on people to run up the building’s stairs to the entrance, is identified online as a “freelance employee” of Qlobal-Change, a portal of QAnon followers. She describes herself as “the voice” of the “X22 Report,” a YouTube show about QAnon-related topics… The Office for the Protection of the Constitution, the German domestic intelligence agency, in the western German state of North Rhine-Westphalia classifies her as a member of the Reichsbürger (or “citizens of the Reich”) scene, a group that does not believe in the legitimacy of the modern German state”. [1]

QAnon beliefs are stark:

“If you believe QAnon, everything that is going on right now in the world — from the COVID-19 pandemic to the #MeToo movement— boils down to one thing: a hidden cabal is working overtime to traffic (and sacrifice) children, enslave the populace, and enact a new world order.” [2]

Where did QAnon come from? In 2013, software developer Frederick Brennan started the website ‘8Chan’ after tripping on ‘magic mushrooms’. He then linked with James and Ron Watkins, to build a new un-moderated message board. In 2017, it grew by building on the myth of the ‘Pizzagate’ falsehood in the 2016 USA elections. This conspiracy theory alleged that Hillary Clinton was operating a child sex ring from a pizza parlour in Washington DC. [3]

Since then, QAnon led an attempted invasion of the German Reichstag, and the brief occupation of the USA Capitol. In addition to links with overtly political right wingers, they are intimately involved in the COVID deniers movement:

“From Stuttgart to Ulm, Gera, Düsseldorf, Munich, and Hanover, so-called hygiene demos against the lockdown have blurred lines between legitimate political expression, disorderly conduct, and conspiracy theories. An earlier such protest in Berlin—under the motto “Day of Freedom” – drew 20,000 attendees before it was preemptively broken up by police for not obeying public health measures. Organizers and their supporters—including some in the right-wing Alternative for Germany (AfD) party claimed that over 1.3 million people took part.” [4]

Another organisation in Germany in this potent mix is ‘Querdenken 711’. Both QAnon and Querdenken 711 are tied to open fascists. In Germany this is expressed in the “Pegida movement” and the fascist Alternative fur Deutschland (AfD):

“The leading organizer of Germany’s coronavirus rebellion is Querdenken 711, a diffuse and growing grassroots movement with origins in Stuttgart. Querdenken 711 has become the epicenter of Germany’s so-called Corona-Pegida movement—a reference to the Dresden-based anti-Islam, ethnonationalist Pegida movement that caught fire in Germany’s east. In fact, Pegida leader Lutz Bachmann has redirected his conspiratorial organizing away from Islamization and toward Merkel’s COVID-19 policies. The AfD has leveraged these sentiments by submitting parliamentary motions titled “Restoring fundamental rights despite corona,” implicitly claiming these rights have been taken from German citizens. Together with other movements such as the nationalist Zukunft Heimat in Brandenburg, some wings of the AfD and left-wing activists .. they have blamed shadowy elites, particularly the billionaire tech founder and philanthropist Bill Gates, for puppeteering the COVID-19 crisis. This loose alliance of right and left, conspiracy-fueled illiberal forces is eerily reminiscent of the Querfront cross-ideological affinities of extremists in the Weimar era.” [5]

Such cross-fertilisations make Germany an epicenter. In these connections, they also recruit articulate including ‘left’ elements such as the playwright Anselm Lenz. How large are these organisations?

“In recent months, Querdenken 711 has developed connective tissue with the Reichsbürger, Hildmann, and the growing German following of the QAnon cult of conspiracy. In fact, Germany has the second-highest number of QAnon believers after the United States. NewsGuard has identified more than 448,000 QAnon followers in Europe. On YouTube, Facebook, and Telegram, accounts dealing with the QAnon conspiracy have over 200,000 followers in Germany alone. Telegram Channels related to QAnon (such as Frag uns doch! WWG1WGA and Qlobal-Change) have gone from 10,000 to nearly 200,000 followers combined in the past five months. The German-language QAnon YouTube channel Qlobal-Change has over 17 million views.“ [6]

Daniel Koehner of the Stuttgart based ‘German Institute on Radicalization and De-radicalization Studies’ says the national database of the Federal Intelligence estimates there are now roughly 15-20,000 individuals – which has steadily increased over time. He makes the point that it consists now no longer only of the old trope (e.g. young skinheads), but has new forms of radicalization or sub-cultural forms. Every day the database estimates there are 2-3 violent hate crimes per day. [7]

This is clear when we see who leads this burgeoning apparatus. In Germany, two names have been indelibly linked, among others – are the celebrity chef Attila Hildemann and the pop singer Xavier Naidoo:

“Public figures such as the former national news anchor Eva Herman, the rapper Sido, and Hildmann have all expressed sympathy with the conspiracy theory. The German pop star Xavier Naidoo, a former judge on the German version of American IdolDeutschland Sucht den Superstar—regularly shares QAnon content and tearfully lamented the supposed shadowy globalist sex-trafficking ring on YouTube.” [8]

Despite a nearly identical ideology, both are manifestly not the prototype of the ‘Aryan’ Hitler-ian. One is of Turkish origin, and the other is clearly Black. They also have recruited technically useful idiots:

“One prominent example is Sucharit Bhakdi, German Thai epidemiologist, who has started a YouTube channel claiming that COVID-19 deaths are exaggerated, linking deaths in China and Italy to air pollution, and calling lockdowns unconstitutional. His coronavirus-related YouTube channel has gained over 100,000 followers in less than six months, and his videos have over 8 million views total. Another example is Wolfgang Wodarg, a former member of parliament for the Social Democrats and a virologist by training, who has linked COVID-19 to attempts by the pharmaceutical industry to sell vaccines.” [9]

I have written previously of the link between medical mis-information and COVID deniers, and the link of these elements with the conflict of interests. For example, if Attila Hildemann cannot have cookfests at restaurants, it naturally serves his economic interests to agitate against epidemiologically sensible lockdowns. Without much more delving, I cannot as yet easily explain the attachment of Naidoo.

What about the USA – who took part in the Capitol riots? It is well known that QAnon members played a pivotal role in the Capitol riots, [10, 11, 12] along with many milita groupings. I do not dwell on this. But, while many left observers have detailed the QAnon involvement in the Capitol Riots, their analysis often does not allow insight into the social bases and classes of the movement. [13]

However, the left observations by Strether do allow insight. He noted as did Daniel Koehner noted above – a wide movement of diverse ages and background. Nonetheless, he found a significant representation of what I will term as the ‘petite bourgeoisie’. We define this term below.

.

Using a careful search strategy, Strether looked at occupations of the 107 rioters who had been charged. He found there were 10 ‘owners’, 3 real estate brokers, 2 suppliers, 3 self-employed small arts people; 3 contractors or marketers; and a variety of other likely self-employed persons (e.g. arborist, chimney cleaner). [14]

Other observers also point to a ‘middle class’ participation:

“Although any crowd that size is bound to include people who are struggling financially, no one should be shocked to see the middle classes so well represented among the mob”. [15]

“Amid the ranks of the costumed and cosplaying (i.e. character dressing up – author) in the halls of Congress were CEOs, average Joes, small-business owners and elite travelers who flew private jets to D.C. and then stormed the Capitol. Civic leaders and religious activists also took part in the melee.” [16]

2. What is the class basis of this reactionary right wing?

Most people reading this will recognize that in a capitalist society such as Germany or the USA, there are two main classes – the ruling class and the working class. To what class do shop-keepers, chefs, restauranteurs and the like belong? I think it is apparent that these layers of the ‘middle class’ – are what Marx called the petty bourgeoisie. They stand in between the two main classes. As Marx and Engels put it: “In countries where modern civilization has become fully developed, a new class of petty bourgeois has been formed.” [17]

The petty bourgeoisie is defined as a class that owns or rents small means of production which it operates largely without employing wage labour, but often with the assistance of members of their families: ”A petty-bourgeois is the owner of small property.” [18]

As a worker, the petty bourgeoisie has interests in common with the proletariat; as an owner of means of production, however, he has interests in common with the bourgeoisie. In other words, the petty bourgeoisie has a divided allegiance towards the two decisive classes in capitalist society. Marx expressed this as: “Thus, the ‘independent’ petty-bourgeois producer is cut up into two persons. As owner of the means of production he is a capitalist; as a labourer he is his own wage-labourer”. [19]

Consequently this petty bourgeoisie vacillates, as they have a divided allegiance between the two decisive classes in modern capitalist society. Moreover, they are often in constant danger of becoming working class. Partly this is because they have such a limited capital resource:

“The lower strata of the middle class… sink gradually into the proletariat, partly because their diminutive capital .. is swamped in the competition with the large capitalists, partly their specialised skill is rendered worthless by new methods of production” 15 . This is an incessant process: “The working class gains recruits from the higher strata of society. A mass of petty industrialists and small rentiers are hurled down into its ranks”. [20]

In fact, as capitalist society develops, it becomes increasingly polarised into two basic classes– wealthy bourgeois and poor proletarians: “Society as a whole is more and more splitting up… into two great classes facing each other – bourgeoisie and proletariat”. [21]

Conclusion

It is not surprising that those being ground down by the process, resent their loss of independence and likely loss of their living. It is often they that form the pool of resentment that swells the ranks of fascist parties and forces. These forces revel in exploiting fears and divisions to gain forces – just as they did during Kristallnacht.

There are obviously modern wrinkles on this old story. One is obvious: Neither the celebrity chef Attila Hildemann and the pop-singer Xavier Naidoo – are white. I think that this shows that colour is over-ridden by other interests, which at bottom are likely class interests. Only a determined broad-based progressive alliance can overcome these myriad forces that have lined up alongside openly fascist forces. Build the anti-fascist front!

 

Footnotes

1 Patrick Beuth & others; The Most Dangerous Cult of our times Der Spiegel, 24.09.2020

2 September 23, 2020 by Bernadette Giacomazzo; The People Behind QAnon Have Been
Revealed — and Youʼve All Been Had
; CNN

3 Benjamin Restle, Why the QAnon conspiracy theory is gaining popularity; DW

4 Tyson Barker, Germany Is Losing the Fight Against QAnon – The German government beat back the coronavirus pandemic—but has largely given up against conspiracy theories; Sept 2 2020; Foreign Policy

5 Ibid

6 Ibid

7 Daniel Koehler, Director of the German Institute on Radicalization and De-Radicalization Studies, Interview with Worldview with Trudy Rubin: Philadelphia Inquirer at 18- 22 minutes.

8 Barker op cit

9 Ibid

10 Laura E Adkins & Emily Burack, Neo-Nazis, QAnon and Camp Auschwitz: A guide to the hate symbols and signs on display at the Capitol riots; January 7, 2021. Jewish telegrpahic Agency,

11 Gino Spocchia, What role did QAnon play in the Capitol riot? ‘QAnon has been calling on this kind of madness for years’, says analyst, 09 January 2021, The Independent

12 Sabrina Tavernise & Matthew Rosenberg, These Are the Rioters Who Stormed the Nation’s Capitol’; Janaury 7, 2021

13 Daniel Bessner & Amber A’lee Frost, ‘How the QAnon Cult Stormed the Capitol’; 19 January 2021, Jacobin

14 Lambert Strether, The Class Composition of the Capitol Rioters (First Cut) January 8, 2021. ‘Naked Capitalism’

15 Adam Serwer, The Capitol Rioters Weren’t ‘Low Class’ -The business owners, real-estate brokers, and service members who rioted acted not out of economic desperation, but out of their belief in their inviolable right to rule. January 12, 2021; The Atlantic

16 Adam Chandler, ‘Capitol rioters weren’t just clowns and militants — they’re our neighbors’; The Seattle Times, Jan. 22, 2021

17 Karl Marx & Friedrich Engels, ‘Manifesto of the Communist Party’ in: Karl Marx: ‘Selected Works’, Volume 1; London; 1943; p. 231; 213; 205-6

18 Vladimir I. Lenin: Note to: ‘To the Rural Poor’, in: ‘Selected Works’, Volume 2; London; 1944; p. 254

19 Karl Marx: ‘Theories of Surplus Value’, Part 1; Moscow; undated; p. 395.

20 Karl Marx: ‘Wage-Labour and Capital’, in: ‘Selected Works’, Volume 1; London; 1943′ p. 280

21 Karl Marx & Friedrich Engels op cit

A Space in Germany to Speak about Palestine and Palestinians

Interview with the organisers of the exhibition “Eyes of Gaza”


10/03/2021

Eyes of Gaza عيون غزة is an exhibition of photographs which resulted from an exchange project between 10 young people in Gaza and students from a school in Gütersloh, Germany. Its aim is to give the students a first-hand impression of life in Gaza in pictures and in writing.

The exhibition is part of the Zait wa: zaʕtar Festival of Palestinian Arts and Culture, which was planned to take place in Berlin this Spring. Due to Covid-19-related contact restrictions, most of the festival has been postponed or moved online (register here for more information).

Phil Butland spoke to Nahed Awwad (NA) and Cora Josting (CJ), respectively coordinator of Eyes of Gaza and initiator of the Zait wa: zaʕtar festival

How did the project Eyes of Gaza come to pass? Who had to do what to make it happen?

CJ: From when I initiated the festival as a new Ibn Rushd project back in the fall of 2018, I always wanted to include a visual arts part. As showing painted pictures of established Palestinian artists is an enterprise that seemed too complicated and too costly, especially for the festival’s first season, the team agreed very early on that we should focus on photography. Photographs can be transported digitally and then printed in Berlin where we wanted to exhibit them on the opening evening of our three-day-festival.

This was the plan before Covid-19 came along and forced us to re-schedule multiple times; we are now on plan C with changes still being made according to the Covid-19 regulations. Then in the spring of 2019 Nahed joined the team and developed the idea to find a group of teenagers in Gaza who would take pictures themselves. We went from there developing the project step by step, adapting to the changing situation (mostly Covid-related) in Germany and Gaza.

NA: The idea was to have an exhibition from Gaza and I thought working with the youth from Gaza would make most sense. The percentage of youth in Gaza is very high, yet they are politically and culturally under-represented. We wanted to provide a platform they could use to speak for themselves and we did this through photography. Everyone went out and took their own photos, so that we can see Gaza through their eyes.

In order to achieve that we needed to conduct a photography workshop in Gaza with these teenagers. We chose two photographers, Amjad from Gaza and Stefanie from Berlin, to train the teenagers. It was important for me to involve a German photographer, because I wanted to expertly and culturally enrich the exchange between Germans and Palestinians.

The workshop taught the participants about technical and aesthetic issues – such as portrait, the use of shadow and light – as well as how to tell a story through photographs. The teenagers were introduced to the works of well-known historic photographers, like the Palestinian Karima Aboud and the US-American Vivian Maier, as well as to the works of the project’s own photography tutors Amjad Al Fayoumi and Stefanie Kulisch.

What are things looking like in Gaza now? How has Covid-19 affected things?

NA: There are lots of Covid-19 cases and Gaza lacks health infrastructure. They are cut off from the rest of the world, but they now have limited access to some vaccination doses after they were delayed at the borders by Israel. You know, Palestinians are not in control of their territory or borders. Under international law, the State of Israel as an occupier is responsible for the population under its control, but they refuse to do so, claiming that this would be up to “Palestinian Authorities” in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank. But these authorities have no power. They need Israeli permissions for exporting and importing goods, including medicine like Covid-19 treatment, respectively vaccination.

In general, the situation in Gaza also affected us. We planned a three-day workshop with practical exercises for the kids. During the planning meetings we had to stick to the hours when electricity would be available in Gaza and be ready for cuts anytime. The Gazans had to plan to charge their laptops or phones for the meetings.

The initial workshop was planned for August, but Gaza was then in total Corona-lockdown. So we had to postpone to September due to the pandemic, and then to October 2020, and they did everything online.

So, yes, it was a challenging situation. But the team and the kids worked hard and we are proud of the results. It is actually impressive that young people in Gaza are able to produce beautiful and creative things, especially in art and culture, despite the siege and the limited resources.

My experience, certainly since the recent Israeli attacks on Lebanon and Gaza, is that while older Germans wrap themselves in knots worrying about Israel, the younger generation feels a much more automatic solidarity with the Palestinians. Did you also feel this?

CJ: I think there is a difference between the older and the younger generations and the way they feel towards Palestinians. The younger generation is, generally speaking, more ready to view Palestinians as human beings like themselves, while the older generation feels more obliged to stand with Israel, which to them still represents the victims that their elders made of European Jews, which makes them readier to ‘other’ Palestinians.

I think, and I hope, that the understanding of Palestinian suffering, trauma and ongoing oppression is growing, in general and also in Germany. Social media can be a supporting factor in this, especially since the younger generation Palestinians for the most part speak quite good English. But I would in no way call this an automatic solidarity, rather a hard-earned one.

NA: I’d hope for bigger solidarity with Palestine under Israeli occupation from the younger German generation, but I’m not sure if I can confirm. The older generations and some of the young ones are tied up to their history and past. It is not easy for them to think of the Israeli state apart from their history. It seems impossible for them to see the Palestinian point of view or even to admit that perspectives other than the dominant German one is permissible. So, they don’t want to see that the people that had to escape from Germany and Europe uprooted another people in Palestine.

The younger German generations are freer to think about the present and I would think that the range of information accessible online does its part. There is more literature, films, and art about Palestine and its struggle available in different languages, although unfortunately not enough in German. There is lots in English, which is more accessible for the younger generation, because they tend to speak the language.

And recently and most importantly, with the growth of the Black Lives Matter movement and growing anti-racist movements in the world, especially in the West, it has become more difficult to avoid discussing the colonization of Palestine.

What sort of kids were involved from Gütersloh? Was it just “Biodeutsche”, or also kids with migrant backgrounds? If there were different backgrounds, did the kids react differently?

CJ: I would like to state that I question this term. I know ‘Biodeutsche’ has been in fashion to describe – who, actually? Those born here, true for many children of parents with a different home country as well, or those who have – German genes maybe?? As there is no such thing.

What is now Germany has always been in the middle, people have been migrating to the region and from it for centuries and centuries. I guess I would be called a Biodeutsche, but then if I look a few generations back there were Huguenots and also Eastern-Europeans, not even sure from where exactly. And that’s the same for most people and families in Germany, it has just been forgotten over the post-2nd WW and its fixed borders and ‘iron curtains’.

As much as this may seem a detour from the question, I come back to it by saying the migrations to Germany that have happened in recent years and decades are just coming back to a more normal kind of state, in which people migrate to where they see a better future. And so, in our project we did have children whose parents migrated to Germany, like Turkish-German, or who migrated here with their parents, from war zones in the SWANA-region mostly.

NA: There were kids with Kurdish, Iraqi, and Polish backgrounds, or foregrounds, involved as well. And the kids in Gaza come from different parts of the Gaza Strip and from different schools, unlike the kids in Germany who all attend the same school.

How did the Palestinian kids react to their German (digital) visitors?

NA: Most of the kids in Gaza were happy to get into contact with the German students and they were eager to hear from them. They wanted to tell them about Gaza but also they wanted to hear about Germany and about freedom of movement and about their hobbies and interest in music or singing….

The exhibition is showing as part of the [zait wa: zaʕtar] Festival of Palestinian Arts and Culture. Cora is convening a panel discussion in the same festival on Orientalizing the Holy Land. Could you please explain a little more what that is about?

CJ: Images shape the way we think of places and of people. And images are being produced actively by those who make them – painters, photographers, filmmakers. There are lots of images depicting the place that is a holy land to those believing, and its people, be they historic or spiritual figures; start with Jesus being painted as a light-skinned blond man by most European painters from the Middle Ages onward, and think of the Arcadian landscape in pictures with a biblical reference which supposedly represents a historic place but is often closer to a religious or spiritual utopia.

Those were images that already influenced Christian travelers taking pictures of Palestine with their cameras around the turn of the 20th century. Those cameras were very slow instruments, so the photographs were no snapshots but carefully constructed images. What were they looking to depict, what did they maybe exclude? And how did their minds and their images influence ours, in how far do the images we have of Palestine and the disruption that must occur with the reality today, influence the way we think about Palestine, and how we might think it should be? These are some of the questions that will be discussed by the experts on the panel.

The discussion is about how the Western Christian travellers shaped the image of Palestine. Admission time: my grandmother was a devout Christian who worked in a bacon factory. Her main aim in life was to visit the Holy Land so she saved up for decades and went when she retired. Was she part of the problem?

CJ: Your grandmother was traveling to see places that were important to her belief, to her spiritual imagination. Like a pilgrimage, a spiritual quest, which I understand is important to many believers. The voyage itself, the time you take off to think of things larger than yourself and your life, can be a very good thing to achieve an inner peace, and poses no problem to anybody else as long as the believer travels peacefully, like she did, without aiming to interfere with anybody else’s lives; the crusaders for example were a different matter since they did not respect the present and the rights of the people living in it.

How has the image of Palestine changed between 1900 and now?

CJ: In the early 20th century, Palestine (under this name also) was advertised as a place to visit, a peaceful, Arcadian place which would help you reconnect with your spirituality and the past of your own culture (see above); politics were absent from this site. Since then, over the various phases of occupation and resistance, Palestine became like a synonym for terrorism, with Europeans and Westerners refusing to understand or even acknowledge the human rights of Palestinians. Through a globalized struggle of indigenous peoples for their right to exist on their own land and terms, the pendulum might slowly swing back to a more balanced view of the political situation.

Do you think that the German image of Palestine is different to that from other countries?

NA: Well, there is not the one German perspective only. But it seems that many Germans see Jews solely as victims, including Israeli Jews today. In this way it is impossible for them that Palestinians have been turned into the victims of the German victims, by the actions of the Israeli state. I understand they carry a heavy history, but I do not understand the German government’s biased stand towards Israel despite the many international laws the Israeli government has been violating for decades.

At least the populations, not governments, of other countries in Europe are more daring to confront these violations. Sometimes it seems that Germans are silent because they are afraid of being silenced when speaking about Palestine/Israel. And the BDS resolution of the Bundestag in 2019 has made matters worse for freedom of speech. Weirdly enough, in the last few weeks I learned about the German constitution and how it protects human dignity, freedom of speech and that people should be treated equally and not discriminated against. Well, it seems this protection doesn’t extend to Palestine and Palestinians.

CJ: Having grown up and lived under Israeli occupation, Nahed is of course very perceptive and sensitive to the atmosphere in Germany. If you grow up and live in Germany with no contact to Palestinians nor knowledge about the situation, you can easily be oblivious to it and focus on the German past; using it, in fact, as an easy way out of having to deal in a way this exact past commands with the situation today. I believe Germany has a greater responsibility, to humanity and human rights of all peoples; so also Palestinians. Which is a reason why we are trying to establish a space in which one can speak about Palestine and Palestinians in an appropriate way, with this festival, in Germany.

Is there a continuum between the way in which colonialists saw Palestinians over a century ago and modern-day Islamophobia?

NA: I think there is a connection. I agree with Edward Said’s book “Orientalism”, and also his “The Question of Palestine”. There are so many examples for this, I wouldn’t know where to start. It is all about stereotyping the other people, and a very simple view on culture and religion. About creating an image of “the other” who is not like “us”. In both books Said mentions how the West looks down on the East. And Zionism was created in the West, the first Zionists came from Europe to Palestine. So Islamophobia and the older colonial view are definitely linked.

What do you think the role of culture, and in particular photography, is in the fight for social justice?

NA: I believe in the power of image. Image can tell a lot when made well. In my opinion image is more powerful than politicians. As Palestinian, I believe that Palestinian culture, the films, art, and literature, plays an important role putting Palestine out there in a good and strong way. It is certainly contributing to the discussion on Palestine. In some cases, it can be even a better ambassador than politicians.

For years there are many Palestinian film and culture festivals established all around the world, by Palestinians and also by internationals that believe in the Palestinian struggle and human rights. Festivals all over Europe and in North America, South America, Asia and the Arab world. And I am happy that finally we do have one here in Berlin.

CJ: Social justice will only be brought about if minds are changed. I agree with Nahed, politicians and what they say will not be as strong as what is said in a novel, or a picture; they help you understand the thoughts and needs of others from the inside, by making you feel what they feel. Of course it is important to respect the human dignity of those photographed, to show them without exposing them.

This is why we chose to provide the teenagers with workshops held by professional photographers, to enable and empower them to take pictures themselves, and show us what they see and how they feel, instead of having them portrayed by someone else, which would have been in fact repeating the representation as it has been done historically.

You are currently doing several events around the International Women’s Day. Is there a special reason for this?

CJ: Women’s rights, self-determination and independence matter worldwide, also in the Arab World. There are multiple prejudices and stereotypes about the Arab World, maybe worst when it comes to women. With our program, two films by Palestinian film makers and a panel with diasporic Palestinian feminists, we wanted to counter these prejudices and stereotypes by showing films portraying Palestinian women in a different way and hosting a panel that is abreast of and up to date with the current international feminist discourse.

Your exhibition has been hit by lockdown restrictions. How can people view it now?

NA: The lockdown in Gaza was lifted for a week in November, so the team there used the opportunity to organize an opening in Gaza City, facilitated by the AM Qattan Foundation Child Center, on 14 November 2020. A limited audience was allowed to view the exhibition, mainly the participants and their families, as well as some media.

As for Berlin, we still hope that we’ll be able to show the exhibition in Berlin from May 18, even if only with a small audience and some journalists. We will film it and part of it will be on our website. After the opening in Berlin we’re planning to take the exhibition on a tour through Germany, France and maybe England, then back to Berlin.

I hope many will have the interest to come and see the Eyes of Gaza عيون غزة. Check our website and facebook page for information about the exhibition tour. And if you would like to host this exhibition in your town and want to help us make it happen, you are welcome to contact us, contact@zaitwaza3tar.berlin.

Nahed Awwad is an independent filmmaker and film curator. For the [zait wa: zaʕtar] Festival of Palestinian Arts and Culture, Nahed curated the film screenings Unseen Palestinians and coordinated the exhibition project Eyes of Gaza عيون غزة.

Cora Josting is the chairwoman of the Ibn Rushd Fund. Cora initiated the [zait wa: zaʕtar] Festival of Palestinian Arts and Culture and works closely with the team on all aspects of the program.

The pandemic radically changed Germany’s meat industry: is it enough?

A new law forces meatpacking companies to give their workers employee status, but this deeply problematic industry is unlikely to change overnight


08/03/2021

Meat: the pandemic has thrown an industry that’s hid from the public eye for decades into the spotlight. In Germany, serious outbreaks of COVID-19 at a number of meatpacking plants have drawn attention to cramped company-provided living conditions and unsanitary workplaces. In the United States, where 60,000 workers have become infected with COVID-19, the meatpacking company Tyson came under fire after management at one plant was found to be taking bets on which of the workers would contract coronavirus. And according to virologists, the conditions in the plants themselves are also perfect for the spread of the virus ­– cold, cramped, and stressful. All the attention the industry has received resulted in tangible changes for slaughterhouse and meatpacking employees, but the changes are not enough to fix the rampant problems that jeopardize the health of the animals, workers, and end-consumers eating the meat.

The fact that these workers have been some of the hardest hit by the pandemic should come as no surprise, as working in a slaughterhouse or meatpacking plant is one of the most dangerous jobs there is. The speed of the line on which workers dismember animals is mind-numbingly fast. In Germany, 1,300 birds, 110 pigs and 7 cows are slaughtered every minute [1]. Each worker in the line makes a few cuts to the meat, meaning that they make the exact same motion for the entirety of their shift, which can last up to 12 hours. Chilled air to keep the meat fresh leads to numb fingers and an extremely high number of knife and saw accidents. Workers stand close to each other in order to maximize efficiency. Maintaining distance all but impossible.

Isn’t this scale of production necessary to feed our population? Yes, and no. Meat comes from animals, and those animals need to be killed. But the industry is hyper-capitalist: focused on profit-maximization while at the same time deliberately hiding from the public eye. For the purpose of this article, I will save a discussion of the negative environmental impacts of industrial agriculture (including its role in rising antimicrobial resistance and the emergence of new zoonotic diseases) for another time to focus the workers and the relatively recent change in how meat makes its way from walking around to your plate.

The location and function of slaughterhouses have changed dramatically since the era of Upton Sinclair’s The Jungle, a book that brought the harsh conditions of the slaughterhouses in the Chicago stockyards to light. Located in meatpacking districts of large cities to reduce travel distance, slaughterhouses were unsightly places, yet still very much in the public eye. Union membership was very common, and the workers were well paid, with wages above the average manufacturing wage in the United States. While the job was both physically and psychologically challenging, workers could strike for better conditions and wages with the backing of the unions [2]. Following technological advances within the slaughterhouses and in refrigeration, the situation changed dramatically. The industrialization of slaughterhouses resulting from these developments was called the “IBP revolution”, after Iowa Beef Processors (IBP), a meat packing company that is now a subsidiary of one of the largest meat multinationals in the world, Tyson Foods, Inc.

The changes were spearheaded in the 1960s by IBP’s development of boxed beef, a vacuum-packed product resulting from the removal of fat and bone from a carcass, which made transporting meat over long distances much cheaper and easier. Since the transport of live animals was no longer required, it became more efficient to slaughter in a single location close to the feedlots and transport the meat to consumers afterward. The slaughterhouses therefore moved out of the urban centers to rural areas, allowing for easier access to the supply of animals as well as opportunities for expansion of the facilities. Soon after, new industrial feeding operations developed close to the slaughterhouses to reduce their own transport costs [3,4].

After changing the location of the slaughter, further cost reduction focused on maximizing economies of scale through technological advances within the slaughterhouse itself. The focus changed to simplifying the slaughtering process by using a “disassembly line” instead of having skilled butchers slaughter one animal at a time. This disassembly line relies on a conveyor belt and breaks down the slaughtering/ packing processes into single, repetitive movements, greatly increasing the number of animals slaughtered per hour. Once the nature of the required labor changed, IBP used this “deskilling” to justify paying lower wages and recruiting from a wider labor force. The reduction in costs was so significant that other companies were forced to do the same to compete.

The change in the nature of the slaughtering process created an industry that was no longer forced to rely on skilled union labor and could instead recruit from a wide pool of low-skilled workers. The barrier to this recruitment was that the move from urban centers to rural areas placed the plants in towns without a large supply of workers. The slaughterhouse companies had to recruit outside of the communities, to which immigrant labor presented a good opportunity [5]. Companies started targeting their recruiting efforts specifically to immigrant communities, from workers on the U.S. – Mexico border, to refugees from the Bosnian war. In general, employing “foreign” (from outside the community) workers is beneficial to a company, as it discourages communication between laborers and with the surrounding community that could lead to strikes. This is a tactic that has been widely used around the world to reduce workers’ abilities to organize.

A similar trend of industrialization within the slaughterhouse also occurred on the European continent. In Denmark, home to one of the largest pork producers in the world, Danish Crown, the number of independent, cooperatively organized slaughterhouses fell from over 80 to two (of which Danish Crown is one) [6]. In Germany, the change can be seen in the number of animals that are slaughtered on farms. In 1993, over 1.2 million animals were killed by individuals instead of by companies. By 2017 that number had decreased to 80,000 [7]. And the deskilling of slaughterhouse work has opened up the industry to low-wage immigrant labor, similar to the situation in the United States and Canada.

When ten Eastern European countries joined the European Union in 2004, it opened up the possibility for them to exchange labor with E.U. members. Legislation was already in place to allow the free movement of workers contracted for specific jobs (Werkvertragsabkommen) and exchange of services (EU-Dienstleistungsfreiheit) throughout the European Union, which allowed laborers from Eastern Europe to travel to Germany for employment. Since wages are lower in Eastern Europe compared to Germany, people from Poland, Hungary, Romania and Bulgaria have historically been interested in finding employment outside of their home countries [8].

Slaughterhouses in Germany began to take advantage of this supply of labor, except instead of recruiting employees directly they did so through third-party contractors, using a system that was already in place within the German construction industry. The company in Germany employed a recruiting firm, often in a different country, which was responsible for finding workers and transporting them to Germany. The workers would then be supplied with housing, given jobs at slaughterhouses, and work for minimum wage. This production that relies on the low-wage labor of groups without a foothold in a country is what has allowed industry profits to skyrocket.

Tönnies, the largest slaughterhouse company in Germany, combined with Vion and Westfleisch accounts for more than half of the slaughtering in Germany [9]. All operated (prior to 2020) through this system of third-party contractors – at one Tönnies plant in Rheda, Germany, over half of the workers were not employed by the company itself. The explosion in cases at the slaughterhouses (until the end of October, a contract employee was eight times more likely to be infected with corona than the rest of the population), along with the companies’ inability to provide an address of record for their contractors, led to a new law that came into effect on January 1, 2021. Under this law, people who work in meat processing plants need to be employed by the company, which should in theory change the way that meat processing operates in Germany.

Unfortunately, according to interviews conducted by the Süddeutsche Zeitung, this doesn’t seem to be the case. The workers are doubtful the third-party companies will leave the picture, and even those who were already officially employed were never paid more than 10 euros per hour for their work. A bed in a ten-person room costs them 250 euros per month. And the conditions inside the slaughterhouses remain the same: fast-paced, dangerous work in the freezing cold. A workforce that is actually employed by the slaughterhouse companies will clearly benefit the workers, but won’t be enough to deeply change this massive, problematic industry.

The barrier to change is that consumers have have gotten used to extremely cheap meat, but consumers aren’t benefitting from it nearly as much as the companies are. In an interview with the Wissenschafts Zentrum Berlin für Sozialforschung, Matthias Wolfschmidt of Foodwatch said, “the large business groups determine the prices with their market power ­– at the cost of farmers and the animals. Even if meat in the supermarket weren’t 1.99 euro and instead twice as much, the profit margin of these groups would continue to rise under the current conditions.” [10]

Consumers don’t get a bargain because the system is working so well; the low price of meat reflects an industry that puts the health and well-being of animals and people in jeopardy in pursuit of profit. A German farmer is paid on average 150 Euros for a whole pig, and one fifth of the pork processed in Germany is slated for export [11]. Radical industry-wide change is needed, and that starts with highlighting the problems. The pandemic provided a start, but there’s much more to be done.

 

Footnotes

1 Ellguth, Paula/Fels, Marjam/Friedrichsen, Jana/Hamdan, Jana/Huck, Steffen. “Nicht-Orte der Fleischindustrie. Fakten und Hintergründe zum Schlachten in Deutschland.” (2018)

2 Broadway, Michael. “Meatpacking and the Transformation of Rural Communities: A Comparison of Brooks, Alberta and Garden City, Kansas.” Rural Sociology 72, no. 4 (2007)

3 Fitzgerald, Amy J. “A Social History of the Slaughterhouse: From Inception to Contemporary Implications.” Human Ecology Review 17, no. 1 (2010).

4 Stull, Donald D., and Michael J. Broadway. “Slaughterhouse Blues: The Meat and Poultry Industry in North America.” 2nd ed. Case Studies on Comtemporary Social Issues (2013).

5 Dillard, Jennifer. “A Slaughterhouse Nightmare: Psychological Harm Suffered by Slaughterhouse Employees and the Possibility of Redress through Legal Reform.” SSRN Scholarly Paper. Rochester, NY: Social Science Research Network (2007)

6 Bjarke Refslund. “Offshoring Danish Jobs to Germany: Regional Effects and Challenges to Workers’ Organisation in the Slaughterhouse Industry.” Work Organisation, Labour & Globalisation 6, no. 2 (2012)

7 Ellguth, Paula/Fels, Marjam/Friedrichsen, Jana/Hamdan, Jana/Huck, Steffen. “Nicht-Orte der Fleischindustrie. Fakten und Hintergründe zum Schlachten in Deutschland.” (2018)

8 Heinrich Böll Stiftung, “Der Fleischatlas 2016 – Deutschland Regional”

9 Ellguth, Paula/Fels, Marjam/Friedrichsen, Jana/Hamdan, Jana/Huck, Steffen. “Nicht-Orte der Fleischindustrie. Fakten und Hintergründe zum Schlachten in Deutschland.” (2018)

10 Ibid.

11 Ibid.

Activities in Berlin for International Women’s Day

8th March 2021 Monday, March 8 is International Women*’s Day— a day with socialist-feminist roots, now legitimized in Berlin as a so-called “bank holiday.” Rather than the usual large march organized by Frauen*kampftag, several events are planned throughout the city to prevent a mass infection. This decision was made in solidarity with care workers— a […]


07/03/2021


8th March 2021

Monday, March 8 is International Women*’s Day— a day with socialist-feminist roots, now legitimized in Berlin as a so-called “bank holiday.” Rather than the usual large march organized by Frauen*kampftag, several events are planned throughout the city to prevent a mass infection. This decision was made in solidarity with care workers— a sector that is disproportionately made up of women*. Here’s a map that displays the decentralized events.

On Thursday, March 11, the struggle for women*’s liberation continues with a discussion (in German) organized by Die Linke Wedding on the history and current status of abortion in Germany and Poland.

“It’s about bringing the streets into parliament.”

Racism and Anti-racism in Germany. An Interview with Ferat Kocak


05/03/2021

Ferat Ali Kocak, also known on social media as Der Neuköllner, is the deputy speaker of Die LINKE Neukölln and has been active since childhood in various anti-racist and anti-fascist initiatives.

Hello Ferat. How did you become involved in politics?

Because of the background of my parents, I was socialised in Turkish and Kurdish left-wing movements. My father is a trade unionist, my mother is a feminist and the child of guest workers. My father was a political refugee. He came to Germany as a student before the military coup in Turkey and as a child they took me to all political events. My parents always said that they changed my nappies at the Otto-Suhr Institute [political science institute at the Free University in Berlin] between Karl Marx and Rosa Luxemburg texts.

In my youth, I had a strong focus on diaspora and international politics. I then studied economics and politics at the Free University and started to get involved in student politics. I understood there that it’s important that people with a “history of migration” concentrate more on German politics.

I believe that it’s difficult to change things in other areas if we don’t focus on the politicians, parties and structures here in Germany and effect change here, in particular through social movements.

We have just mourned the first anniversary of the Hanau massacre. What did the commemoration events look like?

Different initiatives organised various memorial rallies on 19th February 2021. Nationally, there were over 120 actions, in Berlin 4 local rallies – at Oranienplatz in Kreuzberg, at Leopoldplatz in Wedding, in Neukölln in front of the town hall, and then an additional rally at Alexanderplatz. In total, about 6-7,000 people in Berlin came to mourn together.

The initiatives in Neukölln raised the issue of general police harassment of migranticised people, particularly in Shisha bars. An important national initiative was Migrantifa, which was formed after Hanau as an alliance to support anti-racism and anti-fascism for and from migrants and to bring different anti-racist movements together. In Berlin, the rallies were organised by Migrantifa, Young Struggle, and DIDF, a Turkish left-wing organisation together with other groups.

On the next day, there was a demo in Berlin against racism and fascism with 20,000 people. The demo took a very long route through Neukölln and Kreuzberg. What was important was that we were mourning, commemorating the names of the Hanau victims, but at the same time it was a fight. We understood that we must resist.

You are a victim of Nazi attacks yourself. What happened?

In 2018, Nazis made an arson attack on me and my family, which we barely survived. For 11 years there have been attacks on activists in Neukölln and although the offenders are known, the rate of detection from the police has been 0%. In my case, it was particularly clear that the police knew that I had been watched and followed by Nazis, and that they’d found out where I live 2 weeks before the attack. Despite all this, no one intervened.

The Nazi terror in Neukölln was concentrated in South Neukölln until 2018, but in the last couple of years there have been numerous attacks on migrants in North Neukölln. Some of the scandals have involved the investigating authorities. In one such case, there was a meeting between a Nazi and a state official. There were further scandals, such as when the Nazis from Neukölln received information from a police official in a Telegram chat asking for names.

The NSU terror [far-right terror group which carried out murders with state support] showed up connections between Nazis and the police. For example the Falkenhaus, a youth centre, was torched after being on the NSU terror list.

I’ve now received regular threats from NSU 2.0 by text message and e-mail. The criminal investigations have come to no conclusions; indeed, one of the prosecuting lawyers has told one of the prime suspects that there’s no need to worry, as he is on their side. This prosecutor must be removed.

Nazis can only operate freely because they’ve not been arrested and the police investigations have led to nowhere. The structures are changing here. The Dritte Weg [a German Nazi party] has become very strong in Neukölln, and is trying to establish itself in the whole of Berlin. The Nazi structures here developed in the 1990s through the Hertha Berlin football club fan base. The Nazis recruited young people and built them up. Here, they were strengthened by NPD structures, later by AfD structures.

What is the connection between Nazi terror and the political success of the AfD?

After the AfD entered parliament they have had many possibilities to support these politics of hatred. One of the prime suspects for the Nazi terror in Neukölln is a former chairman of the NPD [the main German Nazi party], now a member of the Dritte Weg and a very good friend of his is a former member of the AfD leadership in Neukölln. Here in Neukölln, we’re see very clearly how these parties come together – the NPD, Dritte Weg, and the AfD. The AfD is very strong here in Neukölln with 14% in the local elections.

We call the AfD the “geistige Brandstifter” [there is no good direct translation of this phrase, which roughly means “psychological agitators”]. They stir up hatred in parliament and the terrorists on the street put it into practise. This is what happened in Hanau. This is what happened in Halle [site of another murderous racist attack], and it’s also what’s happening every day in Neukölln.

When we mention terror, we’re not just talking about murder. We’re also talking about drawing swastikas. This is a conscious terror which is trying to send a signal: “We are here. You’re not welcome”. We know this from history as Jewish shops were marked with swastikas with the word “Raus” (get out).

This is their politics – these methods of bringing fear, exclusivity, and hatred onto the street. The AfD is strongly anchored in these Nazi structures which are ready to use violence – here in Neukölln but also elsewhere. In areas where there are no Nazis, the phraseology of the terrorists still comes through.

We have another problem. The AfD sets the tone of politics from the right, and the neoliberal parties follow these politics. In Neukölln and elsewhere the SPD mayor has stigmatised migrants. There have been police raids on mosques with accusations of Corona fraud. Would they do this in a church or synagogue? No, they wouldn’t.

And here we see quite clearly that the parties of the centre play into the hands of the Nazis as they reproduce their bogeymen in the middle of society. And this is a real problem which we must counter.

It’s not just individual skinheads. We increasingly hear about collaboration between groups of Nazis and the German state, for example in the so-called “NSU affair”. How deep does this collaboration go?

It’s interesting that with these police scandals, again and again the police try to push it into the long grass. They tell investigative journalists that “we don’t have a problem.” Victims of the attacks are active in this are. We don’t just want a couple of Nazis to be sent to jail. We also want to look at the structures behind it all. We want to look at the failure of government which has led to 11 years of Nazi terror without anything being detected.

We see again and again that weapons are “lost” by the police and army. There are connections between the army and Nazis. There’s the case of the Interior Minister of Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, who bought a weapon from a Nazi.

These are not just structures inside the state apparatus, although individual people are there. There are also those who support Nazi terror or prevent information getting out, or show their sympathy, up to the state indirectly organising the logistics for Nazis. We have a terrible problem here.

I would say that in Germany we’ve gone so far that we must talk about the deep state. That happened in other countries very rapidly. In Germany there’s a fear of the country’s Nazi past, which people don’t want to talk about. This means that we are lacking information about what happened in the past.

The NSU files have been sealed for 120 years. Why? What is in them that is not suitable for public knowledge? When there is right wing involvement of the police, knowledge is always prevented, but we must talk about right wing involvement in the judiciary. Too little is reported.

It’s important that we make demands of society as a whole and to try to shift the parties in the middle of society to organise investigations in the state apparatus. If we don’t fight the Nazis in the state apparatus, we have no chance of stopping the Nazis on the streets, as the state will always defend them.

This is why it’s important that we make clear demands that those affected in Neukölln need a Commission of Inquiry into right-wing involvement in the police. And we need to go onto the streets to achieve this.

The buck stops at the SPD. The LINKE has always made these demands, but can’t push it through in their own. The Greens are moving in the same direction and are now making similar demands. But the SPD is blocking them and the Minister for the Interior is saying that nothing of the sort will happen. “There are no Nazis in the police”. “There is no racism in the police”. And this is exactly the wrong way to do things.

Can we trust the German police?

I think it’s important to talk about alternative possibilities, about social solutions regarding decriminalisation. In this context, we need to see the power structures in the police differently. Such a distribution of power ensures that things like this happen.

Here it’s not individual police officers to blame, but the whole institution. There can’t be a state within the state, no structure in the state that isn’t actively there for the public good. Endeavours are developing that are anti-constitutional and undemocratic. And individual police officers are unable to say “I can’t do that”.

For this reason, it’s difficult for me to trust the German police or the executive. This is not just because of the left wing analysis of the police in the state apparatus – it’s clear to all of us that the police are to some extent the wall between the capitalists, the interests of capital and workers.

We need to create structures which destroy such concentrations of power and move towards a society of solidarity where we don’t need the police. Where we don’t need executive power, we don’t need military power.

Maybe it’s wishful thinking, but we need to make efforts in this direction. I think we must look to see how we can create new structures which take over the old responsibilities of the police and don’t act as executive power.

You are an active member of Die LINKE. Why?

Because I support solidarity. Because I stand for people and nature before profits. Or even instead of profits. We need to see how we can develop into a society where there is a redistribution and no-one lives in poverty anymore.

Let’s look at Germany. Germany is one of the richest countries in the world. Why are there homeless people here? Why are there children who don’t have a laptop, who can’t take part in the digital school during Corona? Why is there Hartz IV in Germany? One of the richest countries in the world has to fight poverty itself because our economic system lacks solidarity.

As a leftist, I don’t want to get rid of democracy. I want to fight the capitalist economic system and for a good life for everyone.

In September, you are standing as a candidate for the Berlin parliament. What do you think you can achieve as a local councillor?

In the first place, I can use my position as councillor to give more space to specific subjects – in my case anti-racist and anti-fascist movements. That does not mean deciding what social movements should say, but giving them the space to be their own voice. I can use my position as a councillor to ensure that social movements get the platform that they need, that they have access to the necessary infrastructure.

The job of a councillor is not to be like the police and stand between capital and fighting workers and tenants, people who are threatened with eviction. It is to protect people fighting on the streets and to have their backs.

I’m not a bureaucrat. I’m not someone who looks at a piece of paper for hours and tries to make a settlement with other councillors. I’m someone who gained his understanding of politics on the street. I want to go into the council chamber with this understanding.

For me it’s about strengthening the chains uniting the fights on the street with parliament. It’s about bringing the street into parliament.

Is it possible to combine basis activism with official politics?

I think that there are some important initiatives here – Deutsche Wohnen & Co Enteignen for example. We need more of these campaigns. The problem is that many campaigns are very arduous. We must see how we can strengthen basis democratic structures in order to make more participation possible.

That means we must see how we can distribute more responsibility on the local level and not decide everything from above “top down”. We need a much stronger bottom-up politics with responsibilities held by those below. The ideas of basis democracy can be organised quite differently.

More can be implemented at a local level if there’s more responsibility and more room for manoeuvre in the local council chambers. This is how we can better link the parliamentary work with action on the streets. I think that that is very important.

What does the future of anti-racism in Germany look like?

After Hanau and the death of George Floyd, we now have a massive movement which is going in a particular direction. It has an understanding of anti-racism and anti-fascism as things which belong together. It’s also going a bit further. In Berlin because of both heavy gentrification and strong social movements, there’s an understanding that anti-racism can’t be separated from all other movements.

Anti-racism has become a cross-sector subject in all movements – in tenants’ struggles, in the fight of health workers, in environmental struggles. I find that anti-racism in Germany is now being judged on a quite different level.

There is a danger that internal disputes about anti-racism become stronger, that self-reflection can play a larger role than the fight outside on the streets. We must ensure that we fight anti-racist struggles on the streets. We also need self-reflection but this should not deter us from fighting together.

Anti-racism and anti-fascism cannot be separated from social struggles like the environment. We must see how we can connect the struggles. We need to unite all struggles into one for a society of solidarity where everyone can have a good life and that people and nature stand before profit.

This is a translation of an interview which originally took place in German. Translation: Phil Butland