The Left Berlin News & Comment

This is the archive template

Beyond the perpetual repressive semi-lockdown

Why we need a Left alternative to the current Covid measures


25/04/2021

Covid policy in Germany and elsewhere in Europe has landed us in a capitalist dystopia: work is allowed, and everything else is prohibited. We need stronger fundamental opposition from the left to prevent this pandemic ending in a long-term ideological win for the conservative right.

This week, the German parliament approved the Bundes-Notbremse, a regulation that allows the federal government to override states and enforce stringent measures when and where Covid-19 infection levels rise. Besides closing shops and nail salons, theatres and gyms, a curfew is introduced: being outside between 10pm and 5am will not be allowed, except for work or in urgent circumstances. These measures come on top of existing limitations of personal life, such as a prohibition on meeting more than one person or receiving visitors after 9pm in Berlin.

Curfews to combat covid are not particularly original: European countries with a more statist political culture, like France and Italy, have employed them since the beginning of the pandemic. For Germany, however, having reckoned with its authoritarian past by strongly safeguarding civil liberties, the first national curfew since WW II means a new precedent. In the Netherlands, a country with a similarly anti-authoritarian political tradition, the enactment of a curfew in January led to a week of large-scale riots across the country, fuelling the legitimacy of extreme-right movements and covid deniers.

In Germany, resistance in the streets against further curtailing citizens’ personal lives is likely to (also) come from the left: autonomous left groups have already announced they will hold large-scale nighttime protests once the curfew comes into effect. The Interventionistische Linke argues: “The virus doesn’t go out for evening walks, it goes to work at daytime. A curfew is an authoritarian placebo. We need a solidary shutdown to close companies and schools, instead of locking people up in their homes.” The Zero Covid movement has been fighting for that for months: instead of symbolic measures, they want a three week shutdown of all non-essential parts of the economy to break the third wave, with ample financial compensation for all.

This would mean a substantial ideological break with current anti-covid policy as carried out in most European countries. Over the past year, we seem to have slowly landed ourselves in a capitalist dystopia: we still have to (go to) work, but almost everything else is prohibited. Shopping – another ‘essential’ part of the economy – is allowed as much as possible, but our private and intimate lives are likely to remain limited for the foreseeable future. Large corporations like Lufthansa have received billions to stay afloat, while half of Germans with a month net income of less than 900 euros say their income has decreased the past year. Governments propose no alternative to these policies: it’s either this type of perpetual semi-lockdown, or nothing.

Covid policy is largely devised with white middle class nuclear families in mind. Employers are suggested (but not required) to allow their white collar personnel to work from home, which does nothing against the thousands of infections among workers in Amazon distribution centres and slaughterhouses. Over Christmas, only partners and biological family members were allowed to meet in most of Germany, excluding anyone who has had to rebuild or redefine family over the course of their lives. And in the UK, lockdown rules have effectively made sex illegal for millions of people who are not in a long-term monogamous relationship. Anti-covid measures everywhere in practice protect certain classes and lifestyles over others.

Meanwhile, not white middle class families but marginalized groups are hit the hardest by the pandemic. A study in the Netherlands shows that people with the 20% lowest incomes are three times as likely to die from a covid infection as those with the highest incomes. Their working environment and housing situation are likely to play a large role in this, researchers say. People with a migration background are also found to be more at risk, as they are in the US. And queer and trans people across Europe are significantly more affected in terms of mental health and access to care.

In the face of those inequalities, the response by the mainstream left has largely been too little and too late. The Dutch left completely failed to policitize the pandemic in the elections last month. In Spain, the left Podemos-PSOE government’s anti-covid policy is largely the same as elsewhere in Europe. In Germany, the governing SPD codesigned current policy. Die Linke has supported shutting down non-essential factories and offices and opposed measures such as curfews – but they’re co-responsible for current policy in states such as Berlin, where companies have only been required to allow half of their employees to work from home since last month.

It’s therefore also up to extra-parliamentary activist groups and organizations to not leave opposition to the current capital-friendly semi-lockdown to the extreme-right. To push for breaking Europe’s third covid wave in a way that stops putting the working class and marginalized groups at risk; and to oppose repressive measures like Germany’s nationwide Ausgangssperre, which are yet another step towards atomizing us into private households and reducing us to our working lives for an indefinite amount of time.

This kind of opposition is not only crucial in the short term: it is about preventing a long-term ideological win for the conservative right, with tens of thousands of unnecessary deaths as collateral damage. If governments retain a strong grasp on citizens’ private lives and sanction only certain types of relationships, that has profound consequences for those living outside the norm. And if governments continue to successfully convince people there is no alternative to their present economic policy, there will be little in their way to impose austerity as soon as the pandemic is over.

Building support for the NHS pay battle

Day of action planned for 3rd July 2021


23/04/2021

The UK’s National Health Service (NHS) staff, many of whom are worn out and overworked, deserve a substantial pay rise. Their wages have fallen in value by 10-15% – for some, even lower than that. They believe sleaze, corrupt lobbying and privatisation are all helping a Tory government to deliberately undermine the NHS. It is time to take a stand.

Keep Our NHS Public (KONP) stands firmly together with health and care workers demanding a substantial pay rise in recognition not only of pay erosion over the last decade but also their amazing efforts and dedication during the pandemic. At the end of March, Health Campaigns Together (HCT) and KONP issued a joint statement calling for a campaign for better pay for all NHS staff following the government’s announcement that it can only ‘afford’ a 1% increase. Contrast this with the 22% increase in MP’s salaries since 2010!

NHS staff who have been left reeling from the impact of the year-long pandemic are equally furious and bewildered. This time last year, Johnson was standing on the steps of Downing Street applauding the NHS every week until he caught the coronavirus. His life was saved by these same staff and he emerged from Intensive Care pledging to honour and support the NHS. Chancellor Sunak promised to provide ‘whatever it needs’ for the NHS to tackle the pandemic.

Broken promises and life on the frontline

What a difference a year makes! Staff morale is at a low ebb, with many reporting feelings of exhaustion, mental health difficulties and some being ‘broken’ by their individual traumas. The HCT affiliates meeting on March 27th were addressed by Holly Johnstone, an oncology nurse from Sheffield, members of ‘NHS Workers Say No’ and GMB union, who summed up the current mood and fears amongst NHS staff:

This year has been like no other, staff are exhausted and demoralised, yet they have stepped up and taken risks but they really are at breaking point. …
We know that as almost 1000 health and care workers have died and over 1 in 10 survivors go on to develop complications of long Covid, the impact on an already depleted workforce will be massive. …
We
have a backlog of waiting lists to work through, delays in emergency care, ambulances queuing to get into hospitals, and we’re simply working in an already overwhelmed NHS under a government that doesn’t prioritise the safety of its workers or patients.

The pandemic has compounded pre-existing problems of staff feeling undervalued, horrendous working conditions, people not having breaks, staying way beyond their shifts to keep wards safe. Job roles and responsibilities have increased dramatically and this was happening before the pandemic. …
We take on the extra responsibility and we do it well, but this is simply not reflected in our pay and the extra responsibilities we take on are to plug the gaps in the shortages from doctors, nurses and others.”

Austerity has caused a real loss in income

While Government claims that nurses have seen their pay rise, in the last decade wages in the NHS grew at much less than inflation, meaning that by 2020 the real buying power of staff had fallen by 10-15%. This is in stark contrast to wages in the private sector where buying power remained much the same.

Since the year ending August 2010, when the NHS started publishing these statistics, average nurse pay has fallen by 7.4% in real terms. However, this average conceals differences between various grades with a newly qualified staff nurse (Band 5) estimated to have experienced an 11% real-terms pay cut, while the most experienced staff nurse saw a cut of 17%. Senior ward staff or specialist nurses at Band 6 were hit the worst with a massive real-terms loss of 32%.

When is a ‘pay rise’ a ‘pay cut’?

NHS England Chief Executive Simon Stevens pointed out that ministers had already planned a 2.1% pay rise from 1st April 2021 under Theresa May’s five-year funding deal. The NHS Confederation, speaking on behalf of organisations that plan, commission and provide NHS services, emphasised that valuing and recognising the contributions and sacrifices made by NHS staff over the last year will be crucial to retaining staff, let alone filling the 90,000 current vacancies. The 1% pay offer risked demoralising workers and harming efforts to retain staff, making it very unlikely that the key manifesto target of recruiting an extra 50,000 nurses could be met.

Polling undertaken by Savanta ComRes for 38 Degrees found that 53% of the public think NHS nurses should get at least a 5% pay rise and that 83% – including 78% of Tory voters – think the 1% is too little for NHS staff overall. A recent survey of 800 senior NHS managers found 9/10 thought a significant pay rise for staff was essential to avert an exodus of key personnel. Some decried the 1% offer as an “insult” and “making them feel worthless”. One described how NHS staff had been treated like cannon fodder.

A representative poll of 1,006 health professionals across the UK by YouGov for the IPPR think tank found that the pandemic has left one in four more likely to leave than a year ago. That includes 29% of nurses and midwives, occupations in which the NHS has major shortages. A quarter of NHS workers are more likely to quit their job than a year ago because they are unhappy about their pay, frustrated by understaffing and exhausted by Covid-19.

Money for the few, not the many

Health minister, Lord Bethell, has defended the proposed 1% ‘pay rise’, explaining that “nurses are well-paid for the job” and that they had secure jobs many people would “envy“. He also showed his lack of empathy for beleaguered staff when he refuted Simon Stevens’ suggestion that this was in fact a pay cut, by adding: “There are millions of people out of work out of the back of this pandemic”.

Lord Bethell relies on unpaid advisors, including Lord Feldman (former Conservative Party Chair) who also happens to have run a lobbying firm. One of the clients he lobbied for was Bunzl Healthcare, awarded a £22.6m contract without competition for supply of Personal Protective Equipment, just one of the contracts the government unlawfully failed to disclose.

Cutting workers’ pay while handing out large sums of money to supporters and cronies is clearly seen as perfectly fair by a government that is becoming so mired in sleaze that even leading Tories are expressing alarm.

Matt Hancock – crony minister of health

Having shrugged off the court ruling that he acted unlawfully in not publishing contracts, Hancock is now embroiled in further controversy about his standards of behaviour in public office. He was lobbied by David Cameron on behalf of a now collapsed company run by the scandal-hit financier Lex Greensill, and invited for a private drink and a chat. This related to an app called Earnd that would enable 1.4m NHS staff in England to be paid daily by Greensill.

More ignominy followed when the Health Service Journal exposed how Hancock failed to declare his interest in the company Topwood for more than two months and had never previously declared his family’s longstanding involvement with it despite the awards of NHS contracts.

Further revelations included that Lord Prior, chair of NHS England, a former Tory health minister and Tory party deputy chair, helped facilitate a meeting at which Lex Greensill was also able to lobby Tory peer Dido Harding, chair of NHS Improvement and head of ‘test and trace’. According to reports, Prior had previously arranged for Greensill to meet NHS England’s chief financial officer and Sir Simon Stevens.

Caroline Molloy writing about the background to Greensill and the NHS, describes the discussions around Earnd as:

“… emblematic of the digital transformation of the NHS

with much wider significance than being just a mundane way of impoverished staff getting faster access to pay:

“… the use of apps – both patient-facing and internal – has been a key bridgehead to cementing NHS privatisation and shovelling valuable data into the hands of the private sector in a plethora of ways, and looks set to remain so under the rubric of ‘digital transformation’.”

‘Test, trace’, fail, reward

Serco is one of the companies that has benefitted from a £37bn contract to undertake ‘test and trace’ (junior health minister Edward Argar is a former Serco lobbyist). The cross-party parliamentary public accounts committee recently reported it could find no evidence that ‘test and trace’ had led to a reduction in coranavirus cases! The committee sought justification for the:

staggering investment of taxpayers’ money”

and criticised the use of private consultants who are paid up to £6,624 a day. The chief executive of the Royal College of Nursing speaking for many pithily observed:

The public knows more nurses, not more highly paid consultants, means better care”.

Far from being embarrassed, Serco chief executive Rupert Soames, whose brother is former Conservative MP Nicholas Soames, staunchly defended his company’s role, saying the test and trace team had done “bloody well”. Perhaps he was referring to generous rewards reaped by Serco from public funds, with Soames’s pay for 2020 being a cool £4.9 million. Shareholders also enjoyed a £17m dividend payout after company profits doubled with revenue boosted by pandemic contracts

Standing shoulder to shoulder with NHS staff

The Pay Review Body may make its recommendation on pay towards the end of May but possibly not until early June. The unions are preparing to reject any offer which does not reflect their demand for a ‘substantial’ pay rise. They are hoping to coordinate efforts, even as far as indicative ballots for strike action. This will be an important step for both the HCT and KONP.

So far it is clear that the government is extremely vulnerable on this issue and has executed many U-turns in the last year when put under pressure, and there is huge public support for the staff and the NHS which can be mobilised around pay. We are calling on all local groups to make contact with NHS staff and their unions at local level.

With HCT, we are proposing that all local groups look to mobilise coordinated action over the weekend of 3-4th July 2021, the nearest weekend to the 73rd NHS July 5th anniversary. It aims for scores of events that weekend (pandemic conditions permitting) and will be producing stickers, posters and flyers.

After the COVID-19 pandemic the UK National Health Service (NHS) staff, many of whom are worn out and overworked, believe they deserve a substantial pay rise. Their wages have e a substantial pay rise. Their wages have e a substantial pay rise. Their wages have ve a substantial pay rise. Their wages have e a substantial pay rise. Their wages have a substantial pay rise. Their wages have a substantial pay rise. Their wages have a substantial pay rise. Their wages have a substantial pay rise. Their wages have substantial pay rise. Their wages have substantial pay rise. Their wages have ubstantial pay rise. Their wages have bstantial pay rise. Their wages have stantial pay rise. Their wages have tantial pay rise. Their wages have antial pay rise. Their wages have ntial pay rise. Their wages have tial pay rise. Their wages have ial pay rise. Their wages have al pay rise. Their wages have l pay rise. Their wages have pay rise. Their wages have pay rise. Their wages have ay rise. Their wages have y rise. Their wages have rise. Their wages have y rise. Their wages have rise. Their wages have rise. Their wages have ise. Their wages have se. Their wages have e. Their wages have . Their wages have Their wages have Their wages have heir wages have accefhe UK’s National Health Service (NHS) staff, many of whom are worn out and overworked, believe they deserve a substantial pay rise. Their wages have heir wages have eir wages have s have ir wages have r wages have wages have wages have ages have ges have es have s have have have ave ve e our plans now (the summer is coming round fast!). We can make a big difference to the morale and confidence of NHS Staff by helping mobilise public support. This is a struggle we can and must win! Pblease show your solidarity and start the work now.

Spain: Government split over Trans rights

In both Germany and Spain, the right of Trans people to change their gender is strongly contested


21/04/2021

To mark March 31st, the international Transgender Day of Visibility, affected people in Germany and elsewhere have demanded a revision of the so-called transsexual laws that have been in force for 40 years. In a corresponding position paper, the “Bundesverband Trans” (Federal Association Trans) has pointed out the reactionary nature of the regulations currently in force.

In particular, the effort that Trans people must make to change their gender is currently much too high. Instead of the current requirement of having to produce two legal assessments, the association demands that in the future the self-assessment of the affected person should be enough.

What may happen in Germany sometime in the distant future is almost reality in Spain. The corresponding text of a so-called Trans law has been waiting on the desks of ministers for two months already, without having been passed into law. It stipulates that people should be free to decide their gender, without having to undergo treatment or be pathologized.

Yet while the Madrid coalition agreement of the social democratic PSOE and the left-wing alliance Unidas Podemos stress that this is the “first feminist government since the end of the dictatorship,” both the coalition partners and the country’s feminist movement are split on this issue.

Above all, the PSOE is hesitating with its consent. Most recently, the social democrats suggested a requirement of at least one witness for an official change in gender – similar to a change of name. There is also discussion of the introduction of a 6 month “reflection period,” in which any “abuse” of the law could be prevented. Such an “abuse” could occur, for example, if a man were to change his gender to “female” in order to by-pass or make use of laws to defend women.

Such accusations have been made in recent months by conservative social democrats, in particular from the “Spanish Feminist Party” (PFE). In February, the PFE was thrown out of the left alliance Unidas Podemos because of its positions against Trans people.

Although the party does not exist on a national basis, its positions have received a lot of coverage in the media. The leader Lidia Falcón’s remarks that women have been “replaced by” Trans people, which is the result of a “gay lobby” have appalled a large part of the Left. The PFE describes the currently proposed legislation as a “postmodern weapon of the patriarchy.”

After several Trans activists started a hunger strike on 10 May, the Catalonia ERC and Más País announced that they would bring the law forward for a parliamentary vote. Since then, though, nothing more has happened. Several organisations have therefore announced new resistance to a change to the proposed law. On Tuesday [6 April], the organisation DELGTB, the foundations Triángulo and Chrysallis, and the Association of Family Members of Underage Trans People started a national campaign.

If the law is passed in Spain, it would be the furthest reaching in the European Union. Until now, only Luxembourg, Ireland, Portugal, Denmark and Malta allow an official change of gender without pathologising those affected – and even in those countries only with restrictions.

This article first appeared in German in the 9 April edition of the junge Welt. Translation; Phil Butland. Reproduced with permission. Trial subscription of the junge Welt available here.

“The Market and Profit Have No Place in a Health Service”

On being blacklisted, nurses’ pay under Covid-19 and the state of the National Health Service


20/04/2021

Karen Reissmann, psychiatric nurse and active trade-unionist in Manchester, was recently fined £10,000 for organising a small protest rally against the meagre government pay offer of 1% – here she talks to David Paenson

Thank you Karen for giving up your time for this interview. My first question: could you tell us a little about yourself and your work?

I began training as a psychiatric nurse in January 1982 and have been working as such ever since. I was elected shop steward within six weeks and I was on my first strike within three months. There were quite a few to follow.

Can you recount any?

In 1988 we had big demonstrations and strikes against Margaret Thatcher’s policy of reducing taxes by 2% whilst cutting the health service. Our strike struck a chord with the general population. Which is why Thatcher finally offered a revised grading system. But this involved everyone applying individually. That was extremely divisive.

Our rulers always seem to have a trick up their sleeves …

Indeed. Our next big dispute was in 2005–2006 against cuts in the community mental health teams. We struck for some 70 or 80 days over a period of six months. Because of my role in these strikes I was made redundant and blacklisted. But we did manage to suspend the cuts for a further nine years.

Blacklists for nurses?

We took them to court over that and I was eventually given compensation out of court, but I didn’t get my job back.

The irony is that I am now working again for my old boss, since the trust that employed me merged with my original trust. The health service in the UK is national, but it is divided up into countless trusts and outsourced units, which are perpetually involved in mutual takeovers and mergers.

Could your £10,000 fine have something to do with you being on a blacklist?

No. The reason behind the heavy fine is the government and the Home Office’s plans for their Police, Crime, Sentencing and Courts Bill.

In future all protests will need police permission. And even one-man protests and protests that are deemed too loud could be forbidden.

Similar plans over here in Germany. Can you tell us how the pandemic is used to whip up racism?

The government is ramping up its attacks on migrants. So we still have thousands of qualified doctors and nurses who are asylum seekers who, in the middle of a pandemic, are made to sit at home and not permitted to use their skills and talents to save lives.

93 percent of all doctors who died of COVID in the UK were BAME (Black, Asian or Minority Ethnic), and 73 percent of the nurses.

How is the lockdown managed?

In a very racist way. A disproportionate number of black people, poor people too, are fined for breaking regulations, most often in situations where they pose no health threat to others.

But not a single employer has been fined for forcing their employees back to work, telling them “Now, don’t tell anybody you got COVID, just come in and do your work, you seem alright to me”.

That’s awful! How do you explain this mean offer of a 1% pay rise?

The government has become complacent. After the right turn of the Labour Party under Starmer, Johnson and his finance minister Rishi Sunak think they can get away with anything.

Also the trade union leaders are by and large passive and doing their best to avoid any strikes.

And how did you organize your rally of 40 nurses?

It was at very short notice. Their pay offer wasn’t even announced, it was hidden in a little bit of the budget, in the hope that nobody would notice.

And then the explosion of anger was unseen. I would ring people up and before I could even tell them, “Hello, it’s Karen”, I would get “Can you believe what they’ve done!?!”

So we organized a small rally with 40 people attending on a Sunday. All very safe with masks on and two meters apart in the centre of a very deserted Manchester.

So why did the police intervene?

They said that our rally wasn’t lawful. The fact that it was absolutely safe didn’t interest them.

They even threatened to report me to my employer and the Nursing and Midwifery Council to make sure I got struck off the register, and would not be able work as a nurse any more, if I didn’t shut down the rally immediately. So I did.

Then they took me aside and gave me my £10,000 fixed penalty notice. They even wanted to force me into the police van, so that the press wouldn’t be witness to this. A female colleague of mine, who had been standing next to me, got carted off in handcuffs.

Within two hours the £10,000 fine was collected through fund raising. How can you explain that?

The willingness to donate shows the broad solidarity with health workers that exists, but also the anger at the government policies.

One of the government ministers said: “You should be grateful for 1%, some people are getting nothing!” That’s the extent of their arrogance.

But how come the anger on the streets?

A young woman living in London was found dead. Her suspected murderer is a serving police officer, now sitting in prison.

Women tried to organize a protest around this, but the police forbade it. And the court wasn’t helpful either, it just said that the protestors needed to come to an agreement with the police.

In the end the people came to the protest anyway. Thousands of women brought candles, posters and megaphones and started giving speeches. And the police attacked them with batons, literally laid into them, threw them to the ground and pressed their knees into their backs.

Unbelievable!

But again we know that the Home Office is directing the police to do these things. These are political decisions because they want to stamp down on all opposition.

But in a way it backfired on them. The government had to put on a show of being shocked at TV images of police brutality. This illustrates how despite the bravado and the arrogance they put on show, underneath it all they’re actually quite weak

If we did mobilize forces we could stop them with the pay freeze, with their cuts in services, with their incompetent handling of the pandemic.

How can you organize a strike without it hurting patients?

When we went on strike in Manchester it wasn’t easy for us, because we’ve built up a relationship with our patients, their family and friends.

But we tell management: “You know, you are 72 senior managers who are all health qualified, you can come and do our jobs.” It was quite amusing to see how one manager was quite upset at having to go without her carefully painted fingernails on the one day.

But you see, they’ve closed down 17,000 beds over the last ten years, there are 100,000 unfilled vacancies in the NHS: that’s 100,000 people on permanent strike. But no-one blames them for being on strike, a strike ordained by the government!

What do you think of the demand to nationalize the whole of the health care service, including the production of medicines?

I think that’s absolutely right. The market and profit have no place in a health service.

In order to make money, manufacturers prefer to produce a drug that they know people are going to be taking for the rest of their lives, like for arthritis. An anti-biotic that you’ll need for only a few days in order to get rid of an infection is much less profitable. And again, making vaccines for hundreds of millions is extremely profitable.

They also like to market drugs for psychological distress, the causes of which lie elsewhere. Anti-depressants are big money.

What about patents?

We need to produce medicines for people the world over. If COVID-19 and other diseases are not fought globally we will never overcome this pandemic. New mutants will continually crop up and the enormous amounts we spent on developing vaccines will simply go down the drain.

Vast sums of money are continually being wasted. It is estimated that over 20% of the funding for the British health service goes entirely towards the mechanisms of the market: paying people to write contracts, to sit on panels, to sort out the billing within different bits of the health service…

What does the future have in store for us?

There is a broad willingness to strike and to protest.

The left need to organize on the ground. We can’t leave it to left-wing trade union leaders who more often than not are held back by the more right-wing trade union leaders. So we need more independent networking.

Thank you Karen for this wonderful interview!

Can’t Pay! Won’t Pay!

Poll Tax in Britain. Lessons for the campaign for the Mietendeckel


19/04/2021

The introduction of the Mietendeckel or rent controls in Berlin was big news for tenants in Britain. It showed that reforms could be fought for and won. Its overruling is a cause for concern here in London, where rents are already astronomical high.

In one stroke, the Constitutional Court has plunged millions of Berliners into debt and has left many wondering where they will find the money. Of course this has not passed unopposed and the magnificent spontaneous demonstration in Neukölln and Kreuzberg shows that it will be fought. The likelihood of resistance has already led one housing company to declare that it will not be collecting the back rent.

So as Berliners consider their next moves it is worth looking at an example from the UK where the government tried to tax a large percentage of the population in a way that it had not done before. It was called The Poll Tax.

In 1989 in Scotland and 1990 in the rest of the UK, the Thatcher government abolished the old system of tax collection for localities known as ‘the rates’ which had been based on the notional rental value of the property that you lived in. In its place, Thatcher introduced a flat rate national charge, about which its architects boasted that, ‘the Duke and the Dustman will pay the same.’

Margaret Thatcher was a decisive figure in British Politics, who had successfully attacked the working class and its organisations in the Trades Unions. She had done so using what were described as ‘salami tactics,’ only taking them on one slice at a time. The introduction of the Community Charge as the Poll Tax was officially known, however, for the first time attacked working people across the board and opposition to it rose dramatically at first in Scotland and then in the rest of the UK.

For example, Mr. W.E. Jones wrote to his Tory MP that he and his wife were in their 70s, living on modest pensions, and under the poll tax would be paying more than twice what they paid under the old system of rates, while better-off people in large houses would be paying less.

There were arguments about how to oppose the Poll Tax in advance of its introduction, and a campaign to encourage people not to register for the tax in the first place. As the burden of payment fell on ordinary people, the slogan ‘Can’t Pay, Won’t Pay’, popularised by the Italian leftist playwright Dario Fo, came to the front. ‘Don’t Pay your Poll Tax’ was spray painted on walls the length and breadth of the country and was reproduced on millions of placards for the demonstrations that ensued. Market stallholders everywhere did a roaring trade in “Bollocks to the poll tax” t-shirts.

Thousands of local groups were set up in towns and villages across the country, such as Anti Poll Tax Unions and a national federation called the All Britain Anti Poll Tax Federation.

National demonstrations were called for the 31 March in London and in Glasgow.

I delivered the van load of placards to Kennington Park in London for that demonstration. I parked up the van and got the tube to Trafalgar Square.

By that time, a riot had already started. The placard sticks were flying through the air like arrows at Agincourt and Police on horseback were charging into demonstrators. The demonstration had gotten congested outside Downing St, Thatcher’s official Prime Ministerial residence, and some people had sat down there. The police reacted with the utmost brutality in moving them on.

Witnessing this, I thought that they would drive the demo into Trafalgar Square and stop there. But emboldened by their victory in the Miners Strike of 1984-85 and in the printers dispute at Wapping in 1986 -87, the authorities thought they could teach us a lesson. They continued their attack into the square where thousands had been singing and chanting in a carnival atmosphere.

The police were absolutely brutal that day but the vast number of demonstrators fought back or supported those who did.

The then Apartheid-era South African Embassy is on the East Side of Trafalgar Square. It was being renovated and had scaffolding around it. Someone set the scaffolding alight and the Embassy began to burn. We knew then that this day was not going to be forgotten. All the pent up anger of working people, after our defeats in the Miners Strike, Wapping and the attempt to impose the Poll Tax was released. You could feel that day that Thatcher was on her way out.

The campaign continued after the riot. The authorities tried to drag the millions of non-payers to court and the protests and demonstrations continued. Many thousands of ordinary people represented themselves in court with the aid of a knowledgeable helper known in UK law as a ‘Mackenzie’s Friend.’

In Warrington, the Labour Council issued 5,500 summonses, hoping that only a few would turn up and the cases would be a formality. But around 1,000 besieged the court and magistrates abandoned proceedings.

News that the courts could be resisted spread and soon judges were adjourning hundreds of cases every week. The movement was winning the battle.

Thatcher was thrown into crisis, with her advisors fearing that the rebellion could spread into a more general confrontation. By August, senior government ministers were saying that both Thatcher and the poll tax would have to go.

In November, a tearful Margaret Thatcher emerged from Downing Street to announce her resignation.

Tactics in Berlin will be debated I’m sure, but as the fight against the Poll Tax showed, Cant’t Pay, Won’t Pay can be a powerful mobilising slogan and victories can be won.