The Left Berlin News & Comment

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News from Berlin and Germany: 24th September, 2021

Weekly news roundup from Berlin and Germany


23/09/2021

compiled by Ana Ferreira

NEWS FROM BERLIN

Berlin election administration counts more absentee ballot applications than ever before

Voting at the kitchen table at home: especially in Corona times, many Berliners seem to enjoy it. With 910,000 absentee ballot applications so far, the election offices have received more than ever before. Election officer Petra Michaelis sees three reasons for the strong increase in interest in postal voting: on the one hand, the pandemic. Then there is the Berlin marathon, on the same day. Finally, Michaelis cites the super election day as the third reason: eligible voters in Berlin would have to fill out up to five ballot papers. Many would rather do this “in peace at home.° Source: rbb

Full steam ahead for cultural workers

The captain, steering culture safely through the crisis. This is the image Klaus Lederer (die LINKE) conveyed on last Monday during a boat trip. With his approach of not only attaching culture in Berlin to the big theatres and opera houses, but also supporting the independent scene and subculture more strongly, Lederer has initiated a paradigm shift. The artists, cultural workers, club operators obviously enjoy a completely different status. The fact that the importance of culture in Berlin’s state politics is once again changing significantly after 2016 became more apparent in the Corona crisis, which strongly hit cultural workers. Source: nd

Humboldt Forum faces charges of colonialism

Even before its opening, the Humboldt Forum in Berlin has faced many controversies. Beyond its building costs, the museum was at the center of debates concerning the value of a replica as well as the colonial-era items there now displayed. For instance, the museum features some 20,000 African and Asian artifacts, which used to be housed in the Dahlem Ethnological Museum and the Museum of Asian Art in Berlin. On Wednesday’s inauguration ceremony, with Federal President Frank-Walter Steinmeier and Nigerian author Chimamanda Adichie, keywords such as transparency, transcultural projects and restitution were at the core of the presentation speeches there held. Source: dw

NEWS FROM GERMANY

SPD faces landslide victory in north-east Mecklenburg-

Western Pomerania’s Prime Minister Manuela Schwesig (SPD) can look forward to the coming Sunday with composure. The latest poll by the election research institute Infratest dimap predicts that the Social Democrats will come out on top in the state elections: according to the poll, they can expect 40 per cent of the vote. The AfD, the second most voted party on last election, holds now only 15 per cent of the vote. Meanwhile, the Left Party (die LInke) is also weakening. In 2016, it held 13.2 per cent of the electorate. Now it can expect just around ten percent. Source: nd

Voting for the first time: “Without inclusion there is no democracy”.

26 September will be a big day for Hannah Kauschke. She will be casting her vote in a federal election for the first time – and she is already 30 years old. She works in an organic supermarket in Nuremberg, and because of her disability, she has a legal guardian. For the first time, she is entitled to vote. Jürgen Dusel, who has been the Federal Government Commissioner for the Affairs of Persons with Disabilities since 2018, compares the arguments of not letting people with disabilities vote with the opponents of women’s suffrage 100 years ago. Source: dw

Bundestag election: several undecideds

According to a survey from the Allensbach Institute, four out of ten voters do not yet know who they will vote for next Sunday. A few days before the Bundestag election, the race to succeed Angela Merkel seems to be completely open. The main problem is that none of the parties offers creative or new solutions to old problems, says German-British historian Katja Hoyer. And it is not only about voting on next Sunday once even after the election it can take a long time to determine who wants to form a government coalition with whom. Source: dw

Who with whom elections

The German elections are on Sunday and anyone could still form the next government

BERLIN BULLETIN NO. 194  September 20 2021       Victor Grossman

In German elections – like the coming ones, as always on a Sunday – all you have to do is present the registration paper mailed to every citizen, then make crosses on a paper  ballot. No trouble with the boss, no missing work, long queues or quarrels about fraud or discrimination.  It sounds easy.

But those ballots can be very, very long – and making the right choice for your crosses could raise problems. 47 parties are in the running for seats in the Bundestag; it might be wise to brush up on arithmetic, maybe even calculus. This year Berlin has its own state election as well, with 34 parties competing for its House of Representatives and for all sixteen borough councils as well. A good pencil-sharpener might be useful (or a ball-point). Mostly these parties are small, even tiny, like the Animal Rights Party, the Liberal-Konservativ Reformer, or a party run by the German widow of Lyndon LaRouche, an American provocateur of past years. Or the little German Communist Party. Few reach 1%.

Just six have been major rivals in recent years, three of them on the right. The Christian “Union”, a double party consisting of the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) its special Bavarian twin sister CSU, now lacks the motherly attraction of Angela Merkel. Its main candidate, conservative Armin Laschet, wants in general to “follow the same course,” but has close to zero charisma. Until recently the CDU was in the lead but then, partly due to CDU confusion and corruption scandals during the Corona crisis and the poor reaction to the flood catastrophe in North Rhine-Westphalia, it drooped to a sickly 20%. Laschet being caught on TV laughing while the president Steinmeier commiserated with flood victims didn’t help him. His frantic efforts to reverse the trend consist mainly of red-baiting about “dangers from The Left”.

The Union’s junior ally, the Free Democratic Party (FDP), is almost explicitly pro-business: “Don’t tax the rich!” But its one-man leader Christian Lindner, glib as ever, has managed to move it up the polling scale to 11%.

Then there is the neo-fascist Alternative for Germany (AfD). One of its two faces seeks respectability, is somewhat mindful of its tongue and tries to get the others, at least for the time being, to keep their Hitler-happier hands in their pockets and hold off with verbal (or real) stiff-arm salutes.  Coalitions with the AfD are still taboo for all other parties, though some rightists in the CDU-CSU flirt constantly with the idea.

But while the AfD has stagnated at 10-11%, a new party called The Basis (i.e. “grass roots”) has been created. Its only program seems to be rejecting face masks and social distancing – and cops who try to enforce them. It attracts people both from the left and the far right, some nutty anti-vaxxers but mostly people just sick of virus restrictions and government bumbling, roughnecking and profiteering from the pandemic, with money and censorship. Will it fade away (maybe with Corona) or become a menace, whose financial supporters and backers remain opaque and mysterious? We shall see.

What about the three “left of center parties”? The Social Democrats (SPD) seemed doomed to total downfall; in June they were crawling along at 14%, incredibly low for Germany’s second major party. But suddenly they have soared skyward; now at 25% in the polls, with only a few days left to go, it seems very possible that they will come out strongest. Their main candidate, Olaf Scholz, now Vice-Chancellor and Finance Minister, has a self-confident, nonchalant but forthright manner which has somehow won over many voters, despite one scandal after another, like secretly advising a Hamburg bank in a giant tax rip-off while mayor of that city, or “overlooking” a phony finance company’s scam, bilking billions, which his department was supposed to be monitoring. But then, the hands of many “Christian” politicians are by no means cleaner. Somehow the SPD has honed to a fine art ways to promise working people improvements – before elections – but then, if it wins, watering them down, forgetting or even wrecking them, yet somehow regaining trust just in time for the next elections.

The party of the Greens also took a ride on the polling roller coaster, swooping up into an unprecedented first place last April (at 28%). For two months it seemed its energetic young leader, Annalena Baerbock, might even become Chancellor. But, alas, in June it fell back into second or third place; public support for her cheery enthusiasm waned as quickly as it had waxed, while her party faces the difficulty of doing the splits; maintaining its long reputation as a leftish party so as to hold younger environmentalists but not losing its older, once leftist, now mostly well-placed old guard.

And then there is Die Linke, The Left, with remnants of the Socialist Unity Party which governed East Germany’s GDR for forty years and then, reduced, reformed, rejuvenated, joined with militant West Germans leftists in a joint endeavour to move the political scenery.  Despite countless handicaps (like the mass media) it had some real successes. And a host of inner-party differences.

One success was in the state of Thuringia, where it (the party’s right-wing) holds the top spot, well ahead of the SPD and Greens, with whom it shares the government. An SPD-led “left-of-center” trio has also ruled Berlin for the past four years; if we can trust the polls it will continue for four more.

But while they share the rule in Germany’s capital and biggest metropolis, they do not always share programs. This is clearest in the housing debate, in a city where most people live in rented apartments. They agreed on a law capping rent levels and barring increases, but Germany’s Supreme Court ruled that such decisions could only be made on a national level. Then a militant non-party group launched a new referendum campaign; to compel all real estate firms owning more than 3000 apartments to turn them over to public ownership, which would mean “confiscating” 240,000 apartments for a price which the city would regain with people’s regular rent payments, but with none of the constant increases in the real estate moguls’ gentrification programs. A quarter of a million Berliners signed petitions,  far more than required, thus bringing the plan to a vote in Berlin next Sunday – one more ballot! If approved, this confiscation must be debated by the newly-elected city delegates. The Left, despite its “moderate” leanings in Berlin, is in full support. The Greens? Only half-heartedly, and unlike The Left they collected few signatures. As for the SPD, including its main candidate Franziska Giffey, who may become Berlin’s first female mayor, it is adamantly opposed. Its ties to big real estate seem stronger than any principles. So hot times in Berlin may not be just climatic in nature!

Debate on the national scene revolves around one key question; who with whom? If the SPD with Olaf Scholz wins first place, it will still need partners to form a government. One will certainly be its closest neighbor, the Greens. But those two will hardly reach the needed majority. Who will provide the third leg of a very wobbly stool? Big-biz FDP, which dislikes both of them? Or The Left? The SPD and the Greens also have wings; their right wings insist, “Not ever with those GDR-infected Reds!” Their left wings quietly disagree: “Maybe with The Left after all, but only if it ends its opposition to sending German soldiers abroad on NATO or other missions.”

Wings of The Left can also flap in opposite directions. Some say: “We must be willing to make compromises. Just think of what it would mean to have ministers in the federal government”!

Others contradict: “It would mean giving up our opposition to German expansionism and to military build-up, the heart of our party’s raison d’étre! Regardless of any attempts by us, the smallest and weakest in the trio, to win improvements for working people, the elderly or children, we would then no longer be anti-imperialist but rather supportive of an establishment which genuine leftists have opposed ever since WWI! We would no longer be the only “Party of Peace” – and therefore superfluous!”

But The Left faces a far greater menace; its figures in the polls, after slipping from a one-time high of 11%, have settled down at 7, even 6 % – perilously close to 5%. If the party fails to reach that magic dividing line it would lose it status as a fraction, nearly all delegates, its rights in the media, official financial support – and come close to losing much effectivity and any audible voice for progressives! It has somehow been unable to convince few more than its dwindling “old faithful” that it has any real chance to improve their lives. In East Germany it is too often viewed as part of “the Establishment”; in West Germany it is still burdened with anti-Communist, anti-GDR prejudices. Except in the rent question, it has not won a reputation as a forceful, defiant fighter. Despite many brave efforts, it is in great danger.

If it meets this challenge the question of joining a government coalition remains – if invited. Of the two main Left candidates on Sunday, Dietmar Bartsch, an East German, leans toward a “Red-Green-Red” coalition (SPD and The Left both claim red as party color). The other main candidate, Janine Wissler from West German Hesse, seems unhappy at the idea of such a compromise, even though it could get her a seat in the federal cabinet. In TV debates Janine has been a tough fighter, hard, clear, always (or almost always) with a friendly smile while hitting out at the limited programs of the other parties and their often alarming belligerency toward Russia and China. She notes the uncertainty of the SPD and Greens, who might want the Left to reach a majority – if it is tame enough – and if it gets more than 5%!

These months of the virus are complicated times. On the good side, some working people are resisting. Locomotive engineers just won a fight after three train shutdowns, the personnel of Berlin’s hospitals are striking just as militantly for better conditions. The Corona situation or its aftermath can bring many conflicts. A growing fight-back, with The LEFT in the lead, may be more necessary than ever! For Sunday’s crucial vote we may indeed need calculus – or a crystal ball!

We must fight for the right to vote

One in eight German residents aren’t allowed to vote. This is a scandal that must be rectified


22/09/2021

Germany’s voting laws for resident non-citizens add another notable example to the country’s contradictions between its outwardly liberal reputation and its regressive reality.

As many as 8.7 million people could be shut-out of the political system – about 1 in 8 residents. Their only route to enfranchisement lies in gaining German citizenship, which comes with the caveat of renouncing citizenship of any other country. This too comes with an exception for EU citizens, who may hold joint citizenship with Germany. The exception is obviously racialised, and formal citizenship is itself a powerful barrier to the right to vote.

Furthermore, this mass of disenfranchised people is a pillar of the labour force that upholds Germany’s status as Europe’s largest economy despite its ageing population (21.5% of the population is 65+). Mode wealth per citizen in Germany is one of the lowest in Western Europe; 40.6% of adults have wealth under 10,000 USD despite the average wealth per adult being 214,000 USD.

Wealth distribution in Europe Based on Credit Suisse Global Wealth Databook 2018, visualisation by u/blarbolur_74 on Reddit

This figure may be partially explained by a lower propensity for home ownership. However, Germany has one of the worst, and underestimated, wealth disparities in Europe. A recent report found that the top 1% owned 35% of all German assets, not 22% as previously thought. These asset owners are generally older, male, and presumably German citizens.

The franchise was the key issue of The Social War, where Rome’s Italian allies were refused citizenship since it would upset the governing balance of political and economic forces prevailing in the city. Only through bloodshed and concessions of citizenship in exchange for ending hostilities did the matter get resolved. The famous slogan of the American War of Independence was “No taxation without representation”. What emerged was a so-called Republic of equals that negated the voice of women and constitutionally enshrined the most vicious slavery. The injustice of taxation without representation prevails today in the neoliberal global economy where borders regulate labour and its rights but allows capital to flow freely.

The explosion in written constitutions occurred in and around the French Revolution. To mobilise an entire nation to war, expanding its scale by an order of magnitude relative to the norm of the early modern period, required codifying the rights of citizens. To forge a nation, the price was blood and the reward was the franchise and the protections that came with it. It was these codified guarantees that allowed Napoleon to raise La Grande Armée, at the time the largest army in recorded history. It was in response to these mobilisations that precipitated other nations to follow suit.

Similarly, the fight for women’s suffrage was won due to the opportunities presented by war. Only when women’s economic and military necessity came to be realised before and during The Great War, did women begin to leverage their essential position in the war economy to bargain for the right to vote. Even then, suffrage spread unevenly and in many parts of the world with caveats. Switzerland did not give women suffrage until 1971.

It is necessary for us on the left to keep these facts in mind when we demand the right to vote for Germany’s immigrants. The challenges of this task demand going beyond making the clear moral arguments and recognising the structural impediments to this moral objective. Eroding these political blockades requires us to recognise our economic power within Germany and to organise ourselves effectively to win the rights we are owed.

Thomas Lacquer laid out in detail how the West German state, unlike the East, never eradicated its Nazism, nor did it adequately compensate its victims. The reunification of East and West operated more like an annexation that allowed the West German state to remain perfectly intact as a legal entity. This legacy plagues Germany today with the far-right becoming stronger, better organised, and more threatening to Germany’s immigrants. The AfD is now a permanent electoral presence and it vocalises a compressed German nativism, yearning to be released.

Establishment parties fear that the AfD can instrumentalise any effort to give immigrants the right to vote. The AfD has a slogan: “Unser Land, unsere Regeln” (Our country, our rules). This is both a threat and an expression of anxiety. Immigrants are threatened to abide by the discipline of Germany’s laws while also being told this country is not theirs. Simultaneously, the AfD expresses a latent fear of losing the power to extract labour without sharing political control.

Well, this is our country just as much as theirs. We immigrants are the struts that keep Germany’s economy upright. We care just as much about the land, about our neighbours, about our shared futures. We deserve a say in the rules that only citizens can affect.

A coalition of German leftists, trade unionists, democrats, and immigrants seeking their rights must be gathered to fight a two-pronged battle. Political organising must work in concert with labour agitation to send a message to a political class that thinks immigrants can be taken for granted.

Who Can and Can’t vote in Germany?

A third of Berliners do not have full voting rights. An explanation of who can vote and why this must change


21/09/2021

There will be three elections and one referendum happening in Berlin on September 26th 2021.

First, there is the general, federal election which elects the Bundestag, the parliament for all of Germany. Second, there is the state-level election which elects the Berlin House of Representatives, the parliament of the city of Berlin. Third, there is the municipal election, which elects the council for every district of Berlin. And on top of that there is the referendum on Deutsche Wohnen & Co Enteignen.

Generally, to be allowed to vote in Germany, you need to be a German citizen who is at least 18 years old. You must also have been officially registered in the place where you’re voting, such as Berlin, for at least three months, and you must not be excluded from voting for other reasons (for example, if a court took away your right to vote because you were deemed legally incapable of making your own decisions – but that’s a whole different issue). So, basically, German citizenship and 18 years old. This applies to the federal election, the state election and also the referendum. For the municipal election, you need to be at least 16 years of age, and in addition to Germans, citizens of other EU countries such as Poland and Spain can also vote. But that’s it.

The news outlet rbb recently ran an article that every third person in Berlin is not allowed to vote. Every third! The largest group of these are non-German citizens (about 790k people). The second-largest group is children below the age of 18. Just to repeat, one third of the inhabitants of Berlin are not allowed to have a say in who will govern them for the next five years.

Now, what does the actual law look like? There are, after all, countries who handle this differently, for example New Zealand does allow foreigners who live in the country permanently to vote. So, lets consider the legal situation in Germany. Short disclaimer, I’m not a lawyer, but what I’ve found is Article 20 paragraph 2 of the Basic Law of Germany (the constitution), which says: “All state authority is derived from the people.” “The people” in the Basic Law means the German people, which means people who have German citizenship, and there are rulings of Germany’s Federal Constitutional Court which underline this. Elections are an act of state authority, so this means that only German citizens are allowed to participate in elections, and this goes for the federal level and the state level. This also applies to state-level referenda if they are to be legally binding.

An exception is made for EU citizens at municipal level. This was written in the EU Treaty of Maastricht in 1992 and the EU countries had to implement it. Indeed, Germany changed its Basic Law to reflect this (they added to article 28 paragraph 1: “In county and municipal elections, persons who possess the citizenship of any member state of the European Community are also eligible to vote and to be elected in accordance with European Community law.”)

However, if you wanted EU citizens to be allowed to vote in other elections, or non-German and non-EU citizens to be allowed to vote in any election or referendum, you would need to change Germany’s Basic Law. For this, you need a two-thirds majority. And that is, unfortunately, extremely unlikely given the current political climate – you can’t do it without the CDU. The state of North Rhine-Westphalia tried something like this in 2017 and failed. Of course Die Linke will continue to fight for voting rights for non-Germans, and there are also other avenues besides changing the Basic Law that we can use to try to broaden participation, which other speakers will tell you more about.

What I Learned Knocking on Doors for the Berlin Housing Referendum

How Haustürgespräche set roots in the community and offer door to door solidarity


20/09/2021

Haustürgespräch translates as ‘doorstep conversation’. For most people this phrase probably evokes awkward experiences with earnest strangers hawking dishcloths or religious conversion. Most often these are unwanted encounters, kept as brief as politely possible. We not only wish not to be disturbed but also feel slightly uneasy at being collared right where we live. Our thresholds form the boundary between what we wish to deem our private sphere and the world outside. Even in a world of boundless social media where people happily post up pictures of their food, family, significant life-events and have daily meetings on Zoom; our actual physical living space still feels much more sancrosanct, a highly personal domain.

But what if the real threat to this sense of home and safety is not from a random salesperson or spiritual evangelist? What if it’s from the very organisation to which you pay money to live there? Or from a system which allows your home to be an object of financial speculation, that could easily price your tenancy out of your reach by the handing over of distant contracts you will never see? What if your neighbourhood is changing out of all recognition as wealthy owners turf out longstanding independent shops and fellow neighbours and you fear you’re next?

This is the terrain from which the initiave Deutsche Wohnen & Co Enteignen has arisen. Having passed the first two hurdles of gathering enough signatures agreeing to the basic question: Should the Berlin Senate take (back) into public ownership the properties of private companies like Deutschen Wohnen and Vonovia each of whom own 3,000 or more dwellings in the city? (the second petition garnered the most signatures ever in a Berlin referendum campaign) The initiative and all its signatories has earned the right to a democratic vote of all Berlin citizens on the same day, Sunday 26th September 2021, as the national elections.

The efforts of the campaign to ensure that enough citizens (I’ll come back to that word later) vote yes, or rather Ja, to these basic question, have ramped-up even more impressively than those seen during the second signature collection. Dozens of volunteers have hoisted placards onto lamposts, put posters up in shops, bars and bistros, newspapers have been given out to commuters at under- and overground stations at the crack of dawn, beermats and flyers (in six or seven languages) distributed in venues in the twilight hours and from weekend stands in parks, hundreds of leaflets put in post-boxes. And, yes, doorstep conversations have been taking place not only in the inner city but throughout its far-flung suburbs.

Having only contributed minimally during the signature gathering stage (mainly down to Corona caution), passing petition sheets round my closest neighbours and donating a sanistising kit to a local organising hub, I joined the Neukölln Telegram group late in August to find out how I might do more in this crucial run-up to the vote. Someone posted up a call to join a team ringing doorbells in Rudow, the southern-most part of Neukölln, so I made myself known to the contact person and headed to the meeting point outside the U-Bahnhof on a Friday early evening.

Toting one of the distinctive yellow and purple bags, (bought at MyFest in 2019) I was easy to spot and the organiser beckoned me over to where she was standing with a group of other game but rather nervous looking comrades. Once everyone had arrived, we were asked if any of us had done this before, most hadn’t. Someone who had gave a helpful workshop: Giving our first names and that of DWE by way of introduction was key, then asking if the person had heard of the initiative and if so, what did they already know? Letting them speak, rather than doing some hard-sell bullet points of why to vote Ja, getting a human connection, not just spouting information. We are, after all, all renters, all in similar predicaments. Relay a personal story yourself if it’s relevant.

This was a relief, the other thing I’d been nervous about, along with my imperfect German, was my incapacity to reel off a thousand facts and figures. Don’t get into an argument, we were advised, if the person is hostile, thank them for their time and move on. Above all, don’t take it personally if someone is unfriendly and if they’re downright nasty, contact the organiser and get some emotional support.

There was a particularity to this door-knocking round, in fact the whole weekend had been named after it: Wochenende der Genossenschaften. This had something of a double meaning I was later to reflect. A Genossenschaft in German housing terms is essentially a cooperative but in Germany these are rather large concerns. In recent weeks, a certain Genossenschaft had sent out a letter to its thousands of members falsely claiming that the DWE campaign, if successful, would expropriate cooperatives, because they too sometimes had over 3,000 dwellings. No-one is sure why this disinformation campaign was launched but on this Friday evening, we were equipped with our own letters in sealed envelopes setting out the actuality, that cooperatives would in fact be exempt from any expropriation because their financial model does not prioritise profit for external shareholders and that instead, they guarantee fair rents and decent conditions for their member-residents, and were as such role-models. So, at the very least, if someone blanked us on the doorstep, they could be given or posted the letter containing this reassuring reality.

The time had come to get into pairs. The doorstep conversations aren’t advisable as a solo activity, for a start it’s exhausting so it helps to have someone to both take turns with and to reflect on technique and efficacy. A tallish young guy offered to pair up with me, saying we had a good demographic range. It’s not often that being older is an advantage but as many of the Genossenschaft members would be over 50, I knew we’d make a good team. He, let’s call him Tom, had done it before and he did the first five or six conversations, encouraging me after to start the next few.

The interiors of the buildings were, in this instance, clean and well-looked after. Some people weren’t at home or didn’t answer the door. Those who did were mostly courteous and curious. Our diffident introductions worked well to assure people we weren’t only trustworthy, we were absolutely on the same side. Everyone wants a secure place to live, an affordable rent, wants community. Some had read the letter from their Genossenchaft but most wanted to give us the benefit of the doubt.

Once I did my first few, I gained in confidence. No-one looked down their noses at my mixed up cases or adjectival endings, they were just curious as to what I wanted to say. And allowing them to talk first made it easier, finding out where they were at with things. The buildings in Rudow were lower rise than usual, only three floors, but nevertheless after an hour and a half of flights of stairs and the uncertain stress of waiting for someone to open the door, I was pretty wiped out. I travelled back with four of the crew and though the offer was there to go to a collective DWE get-together, I was conversationed out.

My next stint was in Britz on the Sunday afternoon, more Genossenschaften. I recognised B, another comrade from the Friday team. He looked upbeat but told me that the day before had been tougher, more hostility and rudeness. He had, he said, boned up on some useful info to counter some assumptions he’d encountered the previous day. We all did another workshop and were invited to contribute our own reflections on what seemed to work or not. I teamed up with B, the comrade I’d spoken to earlier.

The buildings were doubly high so we made use of the lift. We made contact with around 50% of the residents. This time, there was an interesting dynamic in that we started off with the softer introduction but if there any mistaken assertions or questions, B was ready with a clear set of facts and figures that were accessible and convincing. I was moved and impressed that he had responded to the hostility of the previous day with an impetus to be on top of a concise set of information. The residents took this on board and thanked us for our efforts.

Occasionally, on both days, there were people who weren’t even aware of the fact there was a referendum vote. They’d either assumed that the signature collection was the end goal or the whole campaign had simply passed them by. It’s easy to assume from one’s bubble of inner city political engagement, that the whole of Berlin are up to speed on what’s going on. This stressed even more the importance of personal contact, of conversations, of going outside one’s comfort zone.

The most recent time I took part was in an area of Neukölln near the station of Köllnische Weide. We met in a park, where there was to be an info stand full of DWE campaign literature in almost every language possible. One particular flyer was aimed at those without voting rights. We were told that the Siedlung (housing estate) that we were about to visit would have a higher percentage of people without the right to vote, non-citizens in other words, who nonetheless pay rent and other contributions and are as affected as anyone by the laws and conditions of the country. The flyer was to invite them to join a group to discuss with others like themselves the need to have rights within the civil society.

Our group was twice as big as the previous weekend but as someone who had had more experience, I was asked to relay my thoughts. In a serendipitous role-reversal, a young guy teamed up with me looking unsure and nervous. The buidings were more like tower blocks. We were told they had, up until the early 2000s, been public housing but had, in a shameful move by the leftwing Senate at the time, been sold to the private sector. They were now in the hands of Deutsche Wohnen.

The contrast with the Genossenschaft communal interiors was stark. Only one lift was working in the 12 storey tower we went in. The working lift had a gaping hole at the back, exposing it to the casing of the shaft. A resident came out and assured it was working. The conditions were an eye-opener if one had assumed that this company is all about high class renovation. We took the lift to the top and worked our way gradually down. It was gradual because we spoke to 80% of the residents. Half hadn’t heard of the campaign, about a third welcomed flyers in their first language, often Arabic or Turkish reading them avidly, about a third did not have voting rights. One woman, Croatian, was living with six others in a two bedroomed flat and had been applying in vain for re-housing over the last several years. We gave those concerned the non-citizen flyer, apologising to the woman there was none in Serbo-Croat.

The hallways were dingy and a number of doors were damaged but the people were uniformly friendly and grateful for the information and those who could vote, positive they would in the affirmative. A door behind which we heard several yappy dogs, was opened by a smiling woman who said she was voting Ja before we said a word. My companion’s confidence grew at each descending floor. The experience was sobering, moving and politically galvanising.

Yes, there were techniques, yes, as my last companion put it, there was a kind of flirting at play and yes there was the hope that all we spoke to will vote Ja on 26th. But most of all a dialogue was being started about fairness, ownership and the right to a home without fear. People who would normally never meet were realising how shared their wishes really were.

Carol McGuigan has lived in Berlin for 10 years, gaining dual citizenship in 2018.