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An archive should have the ability to adapt to what the movement needs

Collective memory as a form of resistance: an interview with Palästina Solidarität Archiv


22/10/2025

Exhibition “Memory Protocol – Oct 2023 Archiving Solidarity & Countering State Narratives”

Two years ago, a group of Berlin-based people came together under the name Palästina Solidarität Archiv, and started documenting and cataloguing materials related to the Palestine solidarity movement in the city, and the state repression they were and are subjected to. Their collection includes interviews with activists, photographs and videos from protests, state communications, posters and stickers. This weekend (17-19 October), a small part of it was displayed for the public for the first time, in an exhibition called “Memory Protocol – Oct 2023: Archiving Solidarity & Countering State Narratives”, hosted at AGIT. On the final day of the exhibition, we hosted an interview with one of the group’s members, to discuss their process, Germany’s state repression and ultimately, the use of archiving as a producer of counter narratives and a resistance tool, both for the present and for the future. 

Thanks for talking with us today. Can you start by telling us more about the Palästina Solidarität Archiv? 

The Palästina Solidarität Archiv is a project to document the state oppression and police brutality against the pro-Palestinian movement, that we have been witnessing in Berlin for the last two-three years; but also the resistance of the people and how they are fighting back. Documenting includes videos, pictures, communications between police and activists (for example, demonstration bans), and physical materials like stickers and banners. The archive also includes oral testimonies, from both newly engaged people in activism, and people who have been around for a long time—this has allowed us to look into the past, all the way from the 80s to today. We have more than 30 hours of interviews, and will still collect more. We hope it’s a long-term project. I’m glad we can see some of the fruits of the project right now, but my hope is that it would be beneficial in the future. 

Where did the idea come from? How did this group come together? 

The archive was an initiative from people that were part of Palästina Kampagne, a group with people coming from different backgrounds. Archiving means a lot in a Palestinian context, where many archives were destroyed by the Israeli military, plundered or taken into Israeli archives and made classified and therefore inaccessible to the public, and to Jewish comrades due to the documentation done during the Holocaust which proved so important many years after. We are a very diverse group. Everyone brings their own expertises, experience, and their own background—it’s amazing to be able to learn from so many people. 

The idea for the archive came around October 7, 2023 (although even before that the state and the media were using false narratives), because it became really important to be able to document our own history, what we were experiencing, to document our resistance—this is something that the state would never do. They only document what they portray as our criminal acts. One day, hopefully, we will be able to use this archive to do other projects, research, and help bring accountability around people who are involved in and facilitated the genocide. For the start of the project, we applied for a residency at AGIT, which supports different types of archiving work and other projects and exhibitions. We got the residency and some funding, but all the people working on the project are volunteers. AGIT has been a safe space for us to work and to interact with other groups, and to benefit from the experience of other archives.

How many people are involved in the archive, and what is the structure of the group like? 

When it started as an initiative from Palästina Kampagne, it was around five people. Soon after it started, we realized how much work it involved, so it evolved into an independent project—also to be a project for the whole community, and to see how it could benefit other groups. Now we are almost 20 people, but it varies, depending on capacity at any given moment. There’s a core group which coordinates, and around 13 people who help with different things, like digital security, video editing, pixelation, etc. There’s also a lot of people collecting stickers from all over the city and bringing them to the archive. 

You mentioned the connection with other groups. Is this also a way to connect different movements in the city?

We would like it to be a community archive—meaning that the archive should have the ability to adapt according to what the community needs. However, how do we find community? With what kind of engagement? What kind of say do different communities have in the archive? The idea is to be able to work with all the groups involved in the Palestine movement in the city and help as much as we can, but I wouldn’t say that we, as an archive, can bring the groups together. Even though our work is, of course, political work, it has a very specific goal with the archive—so our goal is not to bring groups together, but to be able to work with the different groups. 

Can you tell us more about the exhibition that was hosted at AGIT this weekend? 

We hope that one day, the material we’ve been collecting—which is a huge amount—can be publicly accessible for different people, groups and organisations. Right now, it’s difficult to make it public, because we are still living in a state of repression and the criminalisation rate is not only very high, but also very unpredictable—we don’t know what the state can regard as illegal, and what kind of repression one might face—so we need to take care of the people in the community. That’s why, until now, we have not published any material online, and we will not do that anytime soon. However, we still wanted to show that the archive exists and is still collecting material, and can do collaborations and exhibitions—even without publishing all the materials. 

For this first exhibition, we decided to begin where the idea for the project started as well: October 2023. The amount of material we have is insane. We focused on the first weeks after October 7, because at that point, the repression was unprecedented: the state of Berlin—and only Berlin—imposed a general ban on all pro-Palestine activities, including demonstrations, rallies, and any type of solidarity showing. They even prohibited vigils, where people just wanted to light up candles. We noticed that many people forgot how intense, overwhelming and surreal that was. A lot of people that visited the exhibition looked at the materials and started remembering that they were actually there, but didn’t really have it in their memory anymore. Besides showing the repression, in the exhibition we tried to recreate the development of the resistance of the movement here—we showcase the timeline throughout those weeks, how people kept going with persistence and resilience, how they kept registering demonstrations and using different tactics, until they were able to overcome the ban. 

Building on that, the exhibition also includes an interactive map. How has the visitors’ reaction and engagement been? 

The feedback has been really positive—people were glad that someone was archiving. They liked the construction of the exhibition itself, and how we showed the timeline. We are positively surprised with the engagement, this gives us motivation to keep going. In the beginning we were anxious, about how many people would show up, and how they would react. People are asking us how they can get involved in the project, and different groups asked to collaborate as well. At the same time, it is not an easy thing—the exhibition doesn’t have a lot of material, but once you start reading it and understand everything that was going on, it’s a tough topic. For most people, it was really emotional. 

It’s important how it’s framed about being not only about repression, but equally about resistance, and how to fight back in the particular context of the city where we are in. In that sense, why is archiving so important?

Resisting is not something that the state likes. Our resistance and our narrative is nothing that the state-influenced media would archive, or even show to begin with. So it’s really important for us to be able to actually know what happened back then, to have our own version of the story. It’s also important for people to see their own accomplishments—many have been posting pictures and videos online, but it’s mostly about state repression and police brutality, and sometimes small achievements. But what we are able to do with the archive is to actually reconstruct the whole timeline and visually show how everything came to be. That is important to have, to motivate us to keep fighting, as otherwise, people might get demotivated or frustrated, because we don’t see the difference we are making. Once the situation allows us to go public, this might help bring some people to court, see some accountability. I don’t know what kind of “justice” would make things right, but it might serve as proof that we were fighting against the state’s fascism and repression. 

Another thing this enables is to be able to contradict the police’s false narratives: when you look at the documents they provide, there is no logic; sometimes it’s just blatant lies. But now, we are able to provide videos and other documents for people who are facing charges and going to court; and these materials actually show that what the police claims is completely false. 

We often associate archives with something that is looking at the past; but the examples you’ve shared show they can have an impact in things like the legal system—and operating in the here and now.

It depends on the case that is being archived, and what can be publicly accessible. But archiving the repression is happening in parallel with the repression itself, which is ongoing. We hope to one day publish most of our materials after the repression has stopped or declined, so we will be able to look into the past in a way, but we can still make use of it now. The most important for the here and now is that defendants and their lawyers can request footage from us that could be relevant in their trials. We also work with trusted researchers and journalists who want to research and write about repression.

The exhibition is called Memory Protocol. Why did you choose this title?

It comes from the term Gedächtnisprotokoll [log of events reconstructed from the author’s memory], which is a specific paper with questions for people to share what they experienced after a demonstration, an arrest, or something else they have witnessed. It can be really overwhelming when a person is experiencing brutality from the police or any other kind of repression. With that adrenaline rush, one can forget a lot of things. So a memory protocol makes it easier to answer a couple of questions, which might help afterwards. That’s why we use that term. 

We also have an interactive map at the exhibition where people can add their own experience from what they can remember—even though now is not directly after October 2023, we are still close enough to that time, to bring memories and archive them before they get lost. The way we constructed the exhibition, it’s just like the protocol—we bring people into a setting that is similar to the one in October 2023, hoping to refresh their memories and be able to extract some more things for the archive. 

You work in English, German and Arabic. Arabic feels particularly important, since it’s been criminalised in Berlin. The exhibition also has the three languages, it’s not available just for German-speaking audiences. 

A lot of groups are using Arabic for their activism and organising, which is amazing to see, since the Arabic language, and the Arabic identity itself has been criminalised here. In some demonstrations the Arabic language was banned, but also Hebrew. I remember a demonstration in Potsdamer Platz, where an Arab comrade and an Israeli comrade were both not allowed to hold speeches in their own languages. The bans in this country have reached absurd levels—not only languages, but Germany has also banned the use of certain colors [the Palestinian flag colors], geometric shapes, fruits…

For the archive, we want the materials to be accessible to everyone—that’s why we are trying our best to work in all three languages. We translate the police documents, and hold and translate the interviews into English, German and Arabic. Using Arabic at this time is also empowering for the community—people with an immigration background, especially Arab and Muslim people, who are more affected by the repression than others. So it’s good they can still engage with their own identity. 

For the people who have missed the exhibition this weekend, what can they expect to see in the future? How can they get involved? 

For the people that missed the exhibition, unfortunately it was only here for a weekend, but we will make available online some photos and a video. For the archive, people can get involved and bring in their own expertises—in digital security, audio and video editing, etc. They can join the group and support in any ways they can. They can also send us materials to be added to the archive. 

In terms of what to expect from us, as I said, there won’t be any publication of the materials soon, but people can expect other similar exhibitions, and we are also thinking about workshops—for example, things needed to be able to set up an archive, or how to film demonstrations (we get a lot of videos we can’t actually use, because there is a certain way to document events and a specific type of information we need to see in a video so it’s of any use); but also some collaborations. We are still not sure about how all of this will look like. 

The West shows its true face

Complicity in genocide and silencing dissent—Europe can no longer feign “moral” superiority


21/10/2025

People at a protest, waving Palestine flags in the background. One person wearing a Keffiyeh, holds a sign that reads: Israel bombardiert, Deutschland finanziert.

The moral bankruptcy of European leaders is reflected in the continuation of their unwavering support for the State of Israel. Despite uttering some minor criticism, nothing has changed in substance. Some European leaders are now openly criticising the IDF’s cruel actions in light of the horrific images of deliberately provoked famine, as if, after two years of intense genocide, they are beginning to sense that a court may put them in the dock for complicity and support for genocide. 

Let us hope that one day this will happen, and, if not, at least history will judge them.

While the IDF has already confessed that 83% of the deaths in Gaza are civilians, its “great leader” has announced his intention to escalate the invasion of Gaza. Bibi Netanyahu, whose cruelty and shamelessness know no bounds, recently blamed algorithms for the global condemnation of Israel for its actions. Meanwhile, his government is holding talks with various world leaders to have Palestinians expelled once and for all from Gaza and thus achieve the long-desired ethnic cleansing. At this point, it is difficult to remain indifferent or justify such displays of cruelty. This would explain why there is growing worldwide rejection of Israel’s crimes and demonstrations in favor of Palestine. Contrary to what Zionist propaganda claims, this is not due to algorithms.

Even in Israel’s “allied” countries, Italy and France, fierce resistance is beginning to emerge, with unionized dock workers blocking shipments of weapons to Israel. At the same time, three NGOs in Belgium have issued an open call to block all Israel-bound shipments. Even in Israel itself, voices are starting to rise up and denounce their government’s actions as “genocide”. The Israeli NGO B’tselem, which focuses on the occupied Palestinian territories, has published a report entitled “Our Genocide” Leaders of international Zionism are beginning to turn their backs on Netanyahu’s government, as in the case of Avrum Burg, leader of the Jewish Voice for Labour agency, who has called on Jews to denounce the Israeli government before the Hague for war crimes. In his article, he states:

“Here is how we can begin: We need one million Jews. Less than ten percent of the global Jewish population to file a joint appeal to the International Court of Justice in The Hague. A collective legal complaint against the State of Israel for crimes against humanity committed in our name and under the false banner of our Jewish identity. 

“It is time to say: enough!”

Understandably, Zionist leaders now fear that Israel’s criminal actions will increase “real” antisemitism throughout the world, as the government claims to act on behalf and in the name of “all jews“, which could lead to a worldwide rejection of Jewishness (and this is a real danger). It should not be forgotten that it has been largely anti-Zionist Jews who have raised their voices against Israel since the beginning of the military operation in Gaza. Israeli sociologist Moshe Zuckermann has researched how the accusation of “antisemitism” has been systematically used as a tool of control by successive Israeli governments to cover up their crimes and defame their detractors. Let us not fall into the trap of equating Zionism with Judaism or Jewish culture, let alone equating anti-Zionism with antisemitism.

If we have to discuss and expose cognitive dissonance, Germany’s political class remains a case worthy of analysis. The current chancellor, Friedrich Merz, has at least had the “guts” to criticise Israel and its policy of extermination and to announce the cessation of arms and war material shipments that could be used in Gaza against the Palestinian population, a decision that earned him admonishment from the German sectors most committed to the state of Israel. At a recent press conference, German government spokespeople expressed concern about the Israeli army’s new intentions to invade Gaza and about the uncontrolled violence of fanatical settlers in the West Bank, but both “issues” were treated as if they were unrelated events and not part of a larger plan of colonisation and extermination of Palestinians. We can’t expect too much of this government, lest they be accused of “antisemitism” or of being “defenders of Hamas”.

Things may seem to be moving slowly on the European and international stage in terms of addressing the reality of genocide, but repression is swiftly intensifying . On the streets of Berlin, the “capital of Zionist repression, systematic persecution of pro-Palestinian protests is escalating. The Berlin police are using brutal techniques against peaceful demonstrators, while legal persecution shows that institutional violence against protesters, many of them students, foreigners, and immigrants, is growing. But the repressive actions of the Berlin state and police are no longer going unnoticed. Germany was recently the subject of criticism by the European Commission of Human Rights due to the severe restrictions on freedom of expression and police brutality within Germany. 

The repression of protests, media defamation, and legal persecution of the so-called “antisemites” who dare to oppose the genocide—and Germany’s complicity with it—convey a clear message: Think twice before you post or publish something in favor of Palestinians or critical of Israel, and if you do, don’t complain if you are fired, your career is jeopardised, or you are arrested. Many cases of people who have been punished for not following the “right line“ of conduct can be found in the Archive of Silence, where the wide suppression of dissenting voices is well documented. 

It’s already happening that people are afraid to speak loudly about Gaza and Palestine. State repression has solidified Germany as a fully fledged police state, where imposed censorship and self-censorship go hand in hand. 

This might explain why a large number of Germans continue to support Israel tacitly or avoid speaking out against their government or Israel to avoid problems. After all, for years, the German population has been well disciplined and fed a good dose of complacency and moral superiority. The only difference from 70 years ago is that now they cannot claim they knew nothing—another genocide to add to this nation’s sad history. 

In the so-called “West”, we are witnessing a spectacle where everything is falling apart under its own weight. What many people in this country do not seem to recognise is that the world has moved on and that Europe will no longer dictate its lessons in morality to anyone, least of all now. In fact, after 500 years of global colonial and neocolonial domination, Europe has lost its significance within this new multipolar world. And the silent support for the extermination of Palestinians is just one of the many signs of moral decline on this continent and its supposed “values”. 

23 October 1956 – Start of Hungarian revolution

This week in working class history


In 1956, Russian hegemony in Eastern Europe was beginning to falter. In February, President Khrushchev delivered his “secret speech”, denouncing some of the actions of his predecessor Joseph Stalin. In June, Polish workers went on strike in Poznan for better working conditions and against a new mandatory work quota. A police station was taken over and the city’s Communist Party headquarters were trashed. Ten thousand troops eventually crushed the uprising at the cost of 80 lives—but a spark had been lit. 

Four months later, a similar uprising erupted in Hungary when, following a student demonstration “in solidarity with our Polish brothers”, hundreds of thousands of people built barricades and fought pitched battles with Russian tanks. A statue of Stalin was torn down. This was not merely a student rebellion. Strikes were organised, and putative workers’ councils began to form. A Central Workers’ Council took charge of production in Budapest’s factories.

When protestors marched on the radio station, the AVH secret police fired into the crowd. Some Hungarian police and army switched sides and joined the demonstrators. Colonel Pál Maléter later recounted: “I received an order to set out with five tanks against insurgents. When I arrived at the spot, I became convinced that the freedom fighters were not bandits, but loyal sons of the Hungarian people. So I informed the Minister that I would go over to the insurgents.”

Journalist Peter Fryer was sent by the British Communist Party to denounce the uprising. Instead, he reported:  “After eleven years the incessant mistakes of the Communist leaders, the brutality of the State Security Police, the widespread bureaucracy and mismanagement, the bungling, the arbitrary methods and the lies have led to total collapse. This was no counter-revolution, organised by fascists and reactionaries. It was the upsurge of a whole people, in which rank-and-file Communists took part.”

The Hungarian uprising was crushed by Soviet tanks, leaving an estimated 2,500 dead. The experience of resistance against the Soviet monolith disillusioned many Leftists, but it also indirectly contributed towards the growth of the New Left—socialists East and West who sought alternatives beyond both US and Soviet imperialism. This New Left would form the backbone of the struggles of the following decade, from opposition to the US war in Vietnam to the resistance against the Soviet invasion of Prague. Their legacy lives on.

Urgent solidarity needed with militarized rural communities in the Philippines!

Friends of the Filipino People’s call to stand together with Fillipino masses in their struggle against climate imperialism.


19/10/2025

In time for Peasant month, Friends of the Filipino People (FFPS) delegates, and allied organizations and individuals from several countries from around the globe took part in an international learning and solidarity mission (ISM) from October 11-15, in a concrete effort to extend the international community’s solidarity, learn from the Filipino masses their conditions and experiences, and amplify their call to expose and oppose the crimes of the US-backed Marcos administration. 

ISM teams visited several regions emblematic of the issues faced by peasants and indigenous peoples in rural communities in the whole country who experience land-grabbing, displacement, destruction of livelihood in the name of private-and foreign-backed development projects. These communities are at the forefront of the struggle for the defense of the land and against climate imperialism in the Philippines.

Moreover, in these areas, there is clear evidence of a de-facto martial law in existence, where civilian rule has been overpowered by military rule. Farmers and community members are asked to log-in and log-out when going in and out to till their lands, and their belongings are checked. This is in line with the US-Marcos’ National Action Plan for Peace and Development (NAP-UPD) which in reality, aims to end all forms of struggle and dissent against feudalism, bureaucratic capitalism and imperialism.

Even the ISM teams were not spared. From day one, all ISM teams experienced continuous harassment, intimidation and surveillance by state forces. This clearly shows the US-Marcos regime’s attempts to thwart the documentation, which only further implicates the regime and its forces, underscoring that they have a lot to hide.

On the other hand, through the mission, international delegates saw the strength of the organized communities that are waging collective struggles against these injustices, and strengthened their resolve to broaden their solidarity to the Filipino people. 

The ISM’s on-the-ground reports clearly highlight the justness of the different forms of struggles by the Filipino peasantry in the country. And as FFPS we strongly amplify the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP)’s and its allied organization’s position that real change and a just and lasting peace—a people’s peace—can only be brought about through the people’s democratic revolution that fights for national and social liberation.

Call for global actions on October 21 – Peasant day in The Philippines

In this context, FFPS and other Philippine solidarity allies call on the international community to join in global action on the 21st of October, Peasant day in the Philippines, in support of rural communities in the Philippines, their militant mass organizations and the people’s struggles for just and lasting peace.

These solidarity actions will be important to help amplify the findings of the ISM, and the struggles and campaigns of peasants and indigenous peoples in the Philippines. At the same time these are urgent global actions to expose & oppose the US-backed Marcos regime and its crimes.

We encourage organizations and individuals, to at the very minimum, hold propaganda actions and employ other creative means to propagate and ensure media coverage of the situation and amplify the struggles of the Filipino people. For example, through graffiti actions, die-ins, street theatre, and others. At maximum, we would also encourage everyone to hold demonstrations and other protest actions in front of Philippine embassies and consulates in major cities across the world. 

In the Philippines, Peasant day will be marked by huge mobilizations by the rural poor and their class allies. The peasants, farm workers and fisherfolk comprise the majority of the Filipino people. They cultivate the land and produce the majority of the country’s food. However, most do not own the land they till. They suffer the brunt of the violence under the semicolonial and semifeudal system. They face harsh economic repression through predatory land rent demands of landlords, usury, and other forms of feudal exploitation. The landlord class dominates all aspects of society in the countryside through reactionary violence.

Peasants, revolutionary backbone of the Philippine revolution

The dire situation drives many of the rural poor to resist and join the revolutionary armed struggle. As biggest class of Philippine society, the peasants and other rural poor are the primary force of the revolution being waged in the Philippines and of its protracted peoples’ war.

Amidst heavy state repression, the peasants organize resistance and build the people’s revolutionary mass organizations that advance their aspirations for genuine change, step by step. In FFPS’ webinar “Land is Life!” the Pambansang Katipunan ng mga Magsasaka (PKM) —revolutionary mass organizations of peasants—discussed and concretized the current situation and struggles of Filipino revolutionary peasants.

“Amid the onslaught of state terrorism, peasants in the mass base never wither and persistently look for the leadership of the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP), are eager to recover the affected chapters of the PKM, support the New People’s Army and recover and expand guerrilla fronts in the country.”

The PKM is not just a social club or cooperative, it is a revolutionary vehicle for transforming the countryside and mobilizing the largest class in the Philippine society for revolution. As mass organization, it is built step by step at the village, municipal, district and provincial levels, with the aim to unite the peasant masses to push forward the agrarian revolution and contribute to the wider Philippine peoples’ democratic revolution.

It is the dire conditions of the current system in the Philippines that provides the basis for why so many Filipinos take up arms in revolution. Internationalist efforts such as the ISM are critical for sharing experiences from the oppressed masses, and building solidarity for a sovereign Philippines. They highlight that the Filipino people have the right to fight back against the root problems of Philippine society, imperialism, feudalism and bureaucrat capitalism.

Join us this Peasant month October in supporting the peasantry—the primary force of the Philippine revolution! Join us in global action on the 21st of October! Amplify the findings of the ISM, support the struggles of rural communities in the Philippines and help expose the crimes of the US-Marcos regime!

Friends of the Filipino People in Struggle (FFPS) is a solidarity organization supporting the National Democratic people’s movement in the Philippines.

An alternative to tolerance, equal rights, and rule of law

How a dissatisfied Netherlands is sliding further toward authoritarian capitalism


18/10/2025

Geert Wilders with his hands spread wide as if he is describing something to the camera. He looks like a magician or scam artist.

Democracy is at a turning point worldwide. It is the same in the Netherlands. As a member of the Socialist Party (SP) I am very concerned about the outcome of the coming elections. Last time we had elections, the far-right party, Party for Freedom (PVV), of Geert Wilders won. He will probably win the coming elections as well. I sense a rise of fascism and, maybe even more dangerous, the rise of what Benjamin Netanyahu calls “authoritarian capitalism.” The rise of extremism on the right might be hard to stop due to internal political chaos on which it thrives, a growing discrepancy between the rich and the poor, and the ability to control public opinion digitally. Those factors, in combination with a growing surveillance industry, will likely hinder the creation of a more equal and democratic society across the globe.

The fall

On the third of June 2025, the coalition Schoof—consisting of the PVV, the People’s Party for Freedom and Democracy (VVD), the New Social Contract (NSC), and the Farmer-Citizen Movement (BBB)—ceased to exist due to the PVV demanding stronger asylum measures. On 2 July 2024 Dutch politicians decided on an extra-parliamentary government—a form of government which has only existed twice in Dutch history–due to objections to the PVV mainly by the NSC and fears for an endangered constitution by the same. With this extra-parliamentary form, not all members of the coalition have to give their approval for the government program. Although Wilders and his PVV had won the election, there were fundamental objections to him becoming the prime minister. He would be engaged internationally, representing the Netherlands. This was a step too far for most. After 337 days this government came to an end and new elections were necessary.

As for chance to change

The Schoof government did not create much chance to change, so to speak. Simply because it was incredibly divided about everything. The only two subjects on which they could agree were limiting asylum and the status quo on taxes.

Taxes

Taxes mainly stayed untouched with the Schoof government and still do not contribute to solving the growing discrepancy between the rich and the poor. On the contrary. There is no improvement in purchasing power(source Een vandaag.avrotros.nl). Income tax still has a higher percentage than instance wealth tax, with an average ratio of 40% to 32% (source Belastingdiens.nl). The status quo is not at all surprising, because of the political orientation of the political parties involved.

Housing

As for housing, little has changed. In the Netherlands waiting lists for social housing are up to 12 years in some cities. In the Netherlands 653.000 people are on a waiting list (2024). The minister of housing (BBB) decided to solve this by not allowing asylum seekers to be given priority any longer. She perhaps forgot that this would only result in a “surplus” of 154.000 houses, because only 7% max of social housing is used by asylum seekers. Municipalities don’t expect a decline in the length of the waiting list and they are now faced with a new problem: the law obliges them to house asylum seekers, but they can’t do it any longer by granting them social housing.

Healthcare

Healthcare is a huge issue in the Netherlands. In 2004 Hans Hoogervorst (VVD) ministry of healthcare created a new, commercial health care system. Due to market forces the costs of healthcare go up each year. Consequences of this include less people being able to pay for decent dental care. Wages in healthcare jobs remain behind in comparison to commercial jobs. Meanwhile pressure in medical jobs remains high. Ten percent of healthcare workers try to find a job elsewhere. Nothing has changed under Schoof on named subjects.

Where did the Schoof government score?

Many are still very dissatisfied with their economic situation. Except, of course, for the happy few. The often open harassment of minorities by some of the political members of the above parties has created an atmosphere that emboldens people to openly show their slumbering racism, with the sad riots of 20 September in De Hague as a result. In my opinion the utter chaos they created in politics has caused extremism on the right to grow.

Surveillance industry

Since 2019 the Dutch police has been allowed to make use of a facial recognition system. The allowance was granted by minister of justice Yesilgöz  (VVD) in 2019. Before that, the police already used a system called CATCH. But this system only used facial recognition in combination with data on suspects and so called illegal aliens. The police also makes use of technology which can tap phones and extract limited information. Some of these systems are bought from Israeli firms. As yet there is no misuse at a large scale. Although it was pretty surprising to read about police visiting demonstrators to have a “serious conversation.” What will happen next when these systems are used under an elected government of outright far-right extremism?

Democracy

And that is why democracy is under threat. It can only survive when minorities are respected, the rule of law is functioning and free speech and the right to demonstrate is not under surveillance. But most importantly, the income inequality between rich and poor must be brought into balance. This has been, throughout history, the main cause for unrest, the rise of extreme power on the right, and the end of democracy. 

Further readings

  • The Palestine laboratory, Antony Loewenstein
  • Political cleavages and social inequalities, Amory Gethin, Thomas Piketty

My name is Hans Alberts. I live in the vicinity of Zwolle, the Netherlands. I finished a study in history some thirty years ago. Since than I am fascinated by repeating movements in history. My all time favorite writer is Carl von Ossietzky. My strong belief is that there is a materialistic relationship between the choice for democracy/socialism or fascism.