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The racial fantasies of white victimhood

Afrikaner refugees are the latest addition to Trump’s tools of white supremacy


23/05/2025

White (perhaps marble) statue showing a man, woman, and child cowering as another figure marches past.

A few days ago, Grok started losing it. “HBO’s streaming service has changed names twice since 2020,” Elon Musk’s AI pet responded to an X (Twitter) user inquiry about the latest renaming. But it soon veered into a different topic: “Regardind ‘white genocide’ in South Africa,” Grok mused, the “truth is complex and sources can be biased.”

This pattern was followed in many other posts, as the AI bot introduced the matter of “white genocide” into answers to all sorts of unrelated issues. xAI blamed this behavior on an “unathorised modification.” Authorized or not, Grok’s short-lived crusade to both-side a conspiracy theory about the state of white South Africans fits larger X trends. Musk, himself a born-and-bred white South African, has been using his account to repeatedly claim that his peers who are still in the country are subject to racist discrimination, biased legislation, and genocidal violence from their Black co-nationals and politicians.

What was new when Grok went rogue was that claims of white genocide were no longer just the subject of online rants but official US policy. Afrikaners, the descendants of Dutch settlers in South Africa, are now able to apply for refugee admission to the United States if they can “articulate a past experience of persecution or fear of future persecution.” The first group of such refugees entered the US on May 12.

That white South Africans are on the brink of genocide, or even any sort of systematic oppression, is a tenuous claim, and easily refuted. But the truth has never stopped either X users nor the US administration. The former, a group whose racism has become more and more open since Elon Musk’s takeover, flooded the platform with pictures of Afrikaner families waving American flags. The purpose is to show that this is what “real refugees” look like, in contrast with supposed military-aged young men and economic migrants.

Online racists, however, now speak with the voice of the American state––or maybe it is the other way around. President Donald Trump himself is convinced that post-apartheid South Africa is hell for Afrikaners, a nightmare world in which Black sadists have the power to torture honest white citizens. According to tell-all books from those close to him, a booming genre in the last few years, his preoccupations with the matter go back to the 1990s, when he reacted to a prediction about a non-white majority US with “This isn’t going to become South Africa.” The idea of accepting Afrikaner refugees was already floated by Trump in 2019.

The US far right’s fascination with white colonists in Africa goes back even further than that. More than South Africa, its focus has been the Rhodesian war, in which Black forces defeated a white nationalist holdout government to establish Zimbabwe. This colonial refusal to submit to majority rule is now a romanticized story of resistance for the online and offline far-right in the US, making its appearance in places from “Make Zimbabwe Rhodesia Again” caps to mass shooters sporting Rhodesian flags. The connection is not just symbolic: historian Kyle Burke has traced how US mercenaries who fought on behalf of the Rhodesian regime came back to their country and became founding figures of the contemporary far-right.

For these mercenaries, Burke notes, “the dissolution of Rhodesia after 1978 foretold a frightening future that might befall the United States,” a future planned by “communists, liberals, African Americans, Jews, and foreigners.” For Trump, the dissolution of the apartheid order in South Africa similarly prefigured a world in which white Americans become victims. In the last few months, this specter of white victimhood converged with Trump’s second-term “war on woke” and with the United States’ legitimation of Israel’s war on Gaza to lead to concrete state action.

South Africa was one of the explicit targets of the Trump administration’s concerted effort to cut all foreign aid offered by the United States. In this case, the point was not simply to reduce useless, “woke” spending, but to punish and discipline a state involved in “egregious actions.” These included not only South Africa’s “shocking disregard of its citizens’ rights,” but also its “aggressive positions towards the United States and its allies, including accusing Israel, not Hamas, of genocide.”

Following a history of mutual support between Israel and apartheid South Africa, the post-apartheid state is now being punished for daring to take Israel to the International Court of Justice. Antisemitism and the bolstering of post-colonial racial hierarchies become imbricated, as Deputy Secretary of State Christopher Landau went even further and compared anti-Afrikaner discrimination with the story of his father, who “was born in Europe and had to leave his country when Hitler came in.” But while antisemitism is invoked to discipline and deport anti-genocide activists in the US, the antisemitic online rants of one of the Afrikaner refugees have had no effect on his admission to the country.

The connection between domestic politics, geopolitics, and diplomacy go even further than that. The White House’s enumeration of egregious actions that it accuses the South African Government of includes implementing “policies designed to dismantle equal opportunity in employment, education, and business.” This is a direct externalization of Trump’s anti-DEI policies and language, one of the principal directions of the new administration. The aggressive gutting of diversity initiatives in US employment and education were justified precisely through the claims that these policies privilege racial minorities in an unfair, even racist manner.

The paranoid assumption underpinning these accusations is that there is a widespread bias against whites in the US and beyond. Anti-DEI measures are meant to correct the ignored plight of white Americans, who cannot get by anymore, not because of capitalism, but because all jobs are offered to unqualified people of color. When addressing the “white genocide” in South Africa, Trump employs the same argument. If it were non-white victims, the media would “talk about it. That would be the only story they talk about.” But because the genocide targets white farmers, “it’s a genocide that’s taking place that you people don’t want to write about.”

The land expropriation bill that US commentators keep pointing to as proof of white discrimination is neither an arbitrary dictatorial measure nor a definitive solution to the lingering racist structures of post-apartheid South Africa. But this matters little. The white victimhood fantasy fulfills several functions, none of which depend on accuracy and truth. It presents colonial and racial hierarchies as natural and merit-based. It transforms any struggle against these hierarchies into a personal attack against white people. And it paints a picture of systemic repression that morally justifies actions supporting white supremacy as acts of resistance.

This worldview is a strong personal commitment for white men in power. Under journalist pressure about the speed and unfairness of accepting Afrikaner refugees into the US, a Department of State spokesperson repeatedly deferred to what the President “has said,” “has identified,” “has been clear on,” to what the President considers “a priority.” No wonder that, in March, South Africa’s ambassador to the US called out Trump’s use of white victimhood in service of supremacism and was promptly expelled. The US President’s personal directive to admit Afrikaner refugees united the domestic dismantling of racial liberalism with an ongoing diplomatic dispute and with what South African journalist William Shoki calls “the administration’s fascination with old-style colonialism.”

As Shoki writes in the same profile of Elon Musk, the South African billionaire turned US Presidential right-hand man “represents an unresolved question: What happens when settler rule fails but settlers remain?” The arrival of Afrikaner refugees in the US inscribes the country’s racist regime into a global colonial order that extends from the US to Africa to Israel. This order has never been uncontested, and settler rule or its legacy continues to be under attack. But the order’s beneficiaries also respond with vicious resistance. The fantasies of white victimhood, reinforced by policies, by the media, and by online AI bots, legitimate this resistance and so legitimate colonial rule itself.

May 25 2020: Police kill George Floyd

This week in working class history


22/05/2025

On May 25th, 2020, George Floyd was arrested for allegedly using a counterfeit bank note. Arresting officer Derek Chauvin knelt on Floyd’s neck for 8 minutes and 46 seconds. As a result, Floyd died of asphyxiation. His dying words “I can’t breathe” became the slogan for a movement.

Floyd’s case was not an isolated incident. According to Washington Post research, 10,429 people were killed by the US police between 2015 and 2024. That is over 1,000 people every year. Black US Americans are killed by police at more than twice the rate of White Americans.

The murder gave a new lease of life to Black Lives Matter (BLM), which had been formed in 2013, following the murder of Trayvon Martin, and the subsequent acquittal of his killer, neighbourhood watch coordinator George Zimmerman. In 2020 in Berlin, BLM organised the first significant progressive demonstration post-Covid, when 3,500 people protested against Floyd’s murder.

This demonstration – primarily organised by BIPoC activists outside the White German bubble – marked a small but significant shift on the German Left. The next year saw 15,000 people demonstrate in Berlin on Nakba Day, the biggest pro-Palestine demonstration in a generation. One of the many reasons for the size of this demonstrations was the constant support of BLM for Palestine.

As we mourn Floyd’s death, we should learn the lessons – positive and negative – of what followed.

Election Results and Structural Fraud in Ecuador

We call on social movements and left-wing parties in Germany to denounce the serious disruption of the democratic order in Ecuador

From the Bloque Latinoamericano Berlin, we join the voices denouncing the structural fraud in the electoral process in Ecuador. This is not just a matter of manipulating the vote count in favour of Daniel Noboa, but of an election that took place under an authoritarian regime with anti-democratic practices: from the illegal candidacy of the president to the state of emergency on the eve of the second round. In light of this fraudulent and militarised situation, we demand that legal channels be opened for an independent investigation into the violations of the Code of Democracy that affected the electoral process as a whole, and we support the request for an audit of the National Electoral Council’s computer system.

What happened in the second round?

The 2025 electoral process in Ecuador took place in a context of heightened violence, fear-mongering, and anti-democratic attacks by the government of Daniel Noboa, who did not even request leave from office to run for president. In the first round on February 9th, the gap between Noboa (44.17%) and Luisa González (44%), the candidate of the Citizens’ Revolution (Revolución Ciudadana), was only 0.17%. Leonidas Iza, the Pachakutik candidate, came in third with 5.25% of the vote. Between the first and second rounds on April 13th, the Citizens’ Revolution and Pachakutik, together with left-wing movements, signed a historic agreement with 25 programme points to support González’s candidacy and committed themselves to promoting a process of national unity. All 13 polls, including those conducted by the ruling party, indicated that González was leading the race.

Given these circumstances, the result announced by the National Electoral Council on April 13th came as a surprise to everyone. Noboa was declared the winner with 55.63% of the vote, ahead of González’s 44.37%. The difference of more than 10 points seems implausible in a contest that, although close, never showed such a large gap. González did not accept the result: “The Citizen Revolution has always recognised defeat when the statistics have shown it. (…) We are going to ask for a recount and for the ballot boxes to be opened. (…) The country is facing the biggest and most grotesque fraud that we Ecuadorians have ever witnessed.”

The Citizen Revolution-Challenge alliance filed challenges to nearly 2,000 ballot papers showing numerical and signature inconsistencies. However, at its session on April 24th, the CNE dismissed these challenges and proclaimed the results of the second round, confirming Noboa as the winner. From this date, political organisations have two days to appeal this decision and three more days to file appeals with the Contentious Electoral Tribunal.

As popular movements that raise the banner of truth and justice, we know that the legal battle will be arduous and exhausting, but we must fight with all the tools at our disposal and on all fronts.

An undemocratic, fraudulent and irregular electoral process

The movements that make up the popular camp inside and outside Ecuador have received the CNE’s election results with great concern, alertness, and open questions. We already knew that the playing field was uneven, as the race did not take place under even the most minimal democratic conditions. However, we may have erred in not emphasising even more in our previous analyses the profoundly anti-democratic implications of the electoral and criminal violations, alongside the escalation of persecution, intimidation, and dirty campaigning by Noboa’s extreme right-wing regime. It was a process riddled with irregularities from start to finish, ones that violated both the Constitution and the Code of Democracy. These violations were possible because the authoritarian regime has co-opted all the bodies that, in theory, should be autonomous and independent, mainly the Attorney General’s Office, the Constitutional Court, the Electoral Court and the National Electoral Council.

The American Association of Jurists concludes that “the elections held under these conditions must be considered a structurally fraudulent process” due to the misuse of executive power, violations of constitutional and electoral regulations, the undue concentration of power and violations of international law, irregularities and manipulation during and after the process, as well as statistical anomalies. It is the electoral process as a whole, lacking democratic guarantees, that various organisations and movements, including ours, are denouncing as structural fraud in Ecuador.

Let us name some of the scandalous irregularities: Noboa could never have been a ‘president-candidate’, a legal aberration; he should have requested leave and appointed the elected vice-president, Verónica Abad. Not only did this procedure not take place, but the Electoral Court sanctioned Abad with the suspension of her political rights. This sanction was the culmination of the political persecution against Abad unleashed by Noboa in 2023. During the campaign, Noboa made illegal and illegitimate use of huge amounts of public resources, both to issue bonds for patronage purposes and to hire international artists and mercenaries such as Erik Prince, founder of the US paramilitary company Blackwater (which participates in wars around the world, such as in Iraq and Afghanistan), for his campaign.

The privatisation of the iron fist. Erik Prince in operation with 650 military and police officers to raid homes (Photo: Gerardo Menoscal / AFP)

The regime deliberately obstructed the exercise of political rights by the population in the provinces where the Citizen Revolution won in the first round, slowing down the issuance of identity cards during the election period and escalating the violation of rights on the eve of the second round. On April 12th, Noboa declared the ninth state of emergency of his term across five provinces on the coast (Guayas, Los Ríos, Manabí, Santa Elena and El Oro), two provinces in the Amazon region (Orellana and Sucumbíos), in a canton that is the epicentre of the anti-mining struggle (Camilo Ponce Enríquez in the province of Azuay), in Quito, in two other cantons, and in all prisons. This authoritarian executive order suspends citizens’ constitutional rights and guarantees for 60 days, such as freedom of assembly and movement, as well as the inviolability of the home and correspondence.

In turn, the civil-military regime imposed a curfew in 22 cities between 10 p.m. and 5 a.m. Polling stations were changed at the last minute or closed prematurely. Ecuadorians living in Venezuela were banned from voting. In preparation for the second round, at the request of Noboa, the National Electoral Council implemented a controversial ban on voters photographing their ballots under penalty of a fine, thus restricting individual freedoms. As a result, the personal data of many citizens who used their mobile phones in the voting booth were recorded on lists. There are reports of intimidation by military personnel who threatened those who used their phones for audiovisual recording anywhere on the premises, particularly delegates from accredited political organisations monitoring the election.

Irregularities have been reported in all phases of the counting process, from the counting at the polling stations to the digitisation centres. For example, many counting reports arrived without the signatures of the members of the polling station and the delegates of the political organisations present. In addition, the preliminary report of the Electoral Observation Mission of the Organisation of American States states that “at the time of closing and counting, both in overseas voting and in the national territory, the Mission observed that problems were encountered because the ink used to mark the ballots transferred between political options when they were folded, due to the symmetry of the design. This situation caused confusion in the interpretation of the vote and, in some cases, led to its annulment”. The statistical anomalies in provinces where González not only failed to gain votes but lost large numbers of votes between the first and second rounds are highly suspicious. The list of irregularities continues to grow day by day and has been documented and substantiated by various organisations.

We also denounce the intensification of political persecution following the April 13th elections. The repressive forces of the State and the immigration authorities have received lists with the names and photos of militants of the Citizen Revolution, members of social movements and alternative media outlets. The systematic attacks by the right wing against leaders of the plurinational-popular camp, such as Leonidas Iza, keep us on alert. We call on the international community to be vigilant in the face of the radicalisation of a civil-military regime that is using the most sinister practices derived from the doctrine of the internal enemy.

Fraud that matters, fraud that doesn’t…

All these irregularities during the electoral process are not isolated cases or decisions taken by the executive and other state functions in an accidental and unpremeditated manner, but rather respond to intertwined strategies to destabilise democracy, attack progressive and left-wing forces and violate the political and social rights of the population as a whole.

In the analysis we published prior to the elections, we emphasised the structural reasons and oligarchic interests at stake in the escalation of narco-violence in Ecuador. We also argued why the Agreement for Life between the Citizen Revolution and Pachakutik seemed to us to be the correct response in the run-up to the second round. However, we failed to highlight more explicitly that this was not a normal election between candidates from different political sides, but rather an authoritarian and structurally flawed electoral process. In this sense, the election, beyond being between the candidate of the progressive left and the right-wing drug trafficker-president, was an election between democracy and authoritarianism. What is at stake is the possibility of rebuilding democratic minimums or deepening the free fall towards authoritarianism with fascist practices carried out by Noboa.

The playing field has always been tilted in favour of the economic and political interests of the current regime, and the fraudulent electoral process is a dangerous sign of the consolidation of increasingly authoritarian power in the government. Just as there was no respect for human rights or democratic guarantees for the four Afro-Ecuadorian children murdered by the state in Guayaquil, there are no democratic guarantees for the entire Ecuadorian people to decide who will govern their country for the next four years. We are thus facing a breakdown of the rule of law in Ecuador that has reached a climax with the current structural fraud.

This scandal adds to the worrying setback of the rights fought for and won by workers and the plurinational-popular movements in the countryside, to neoliberal policies of hunger and terror, to the militarisation of impoverished neighbourhoods and to the obscene enrichment of the oligarchy, not despite but thanks to the growing level of violence that it has itself caused in order to profit from drug trafficking and illicit economies.

But since Ecuador is not Venezuela, the international community seems unconcerned about considering Noboa’s government illegitimate and imposing sanctions on Ecuador for electoral fraud. There are allegations of fraud that matter to the international right-wing narrative in order to reaffirm its condemnation of any government not allied with imperialism; and there is fraud that goes unnoticed because it allows Latin America to remain the Yankees’ backyard. Today’s Ecuador is no longer just the backyard, but has been turned into a sacrifice zone where techniques of militarised social control, repression of dissident voices, and annihilation of bodies considered disposable are being experimented with at an unprecedented speed. The necropolitical state murders impoverished children, while the oligarchy sells out the country and the global ruling classes accumulate wealth.

Where are the ‘democrats’ of the world who tore their clothes demanding that the polls be opened in Venezuela? The only leaders who have not recognised the results of the elections in Ecuador have been Gustavo Petro in Colombia, claiming that “there are no free elections under a state of siege”,’ and Claudia Sheinbaum in Mexico, who described the results as “dubious”, reaffirming that she will not resume relations with Ecuador after the unprecedented assault by police and military forces on the Mexican embassy in Quito in April 2024.

Who said all is lost?

As part of the popular forces and the Latin American diaspora in Germany, as internationalists, we denounce the irregularities that occurred during the electoral process in Ecuador, just as we have previously denounced the systematic violation of rights under Noboa’s neoliberal regime of death. We urgently call on social movements and left-wing parties in Germany to denounce the serious disruption of the democratic order in Ecuador.

We call for the continued building of left-wing political organisations and social movements that can respond to the most urgent needs of the Ecuadorian people now and in the future. In the face of Noboa’s narco-state policies, which are tearing apart the social fabric, the response is and will always be popular organisation and compassion, in order to build and dream of an Ecuador where children’s lives are not at risk, where the land, water and dignity are not plundered.

As a migrant organisation in Germany, we are committed to consolidating our political community, which is active in solidarity with what is happening on the other side of the Atlantic. Together with sister collectives such as SoliSur, we have organised a series of political and cultural meetings to collectively analyse the situation in Ecuador and to accompany each other as a community in these difficult times. We invite you to join us in our spaces to continue fighting together for a better future for Ecuador.10

We embrace our Ecuadorian brothers and sisters in this difficult time and stand in solidarity with their pain. Hope is a fire that is difficult to extinguish, but our peoples have known how to resist centuries of horror, dictatorships, genocide and cipayos. Against Noboa and his regime of terror, we will also resist!

Let us fan the flames of hope, of hard-baked clay, of the soul of the green hills, of the light and blood of our people, of the sun of our ancestors.

Sign up for the Latin American Bloc newsletter at this link, and follow SoliSur on YouTube here.

Cultural gathering for hope, Casa Popular Marielle Franco, Berlin (13 April 2025)

This article originally appeared in Spanish on the Bloque Latinoamericano website. Translation: Roser Gari Perez, Reproduced with permission.

Video Gallery – That was Palivision 2

K19, Berlin, May 17th 2025

Photo Gallery – That was Palivision 2

K19, Berlin, May 17th 2025