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The sound of death and the white cat

Short story of survival, grief, and the fragile hope a boy shares with his cat

A white cat laying on stone

This is the second of a series of creative fiction pieces featuring voices from Gaza.

It was never easy to hear the sound of death and remain strong, as I always tried to be. The sound of death hisses like a serpent; it coils around your soul in terror simply by existing. I know snakes well, but seeing them fly through the sky is a horror I never imagined.

The war began, and my strength began to unravel. Death’s whistle echoed through the streets, chilling to the bone. I pretended to be brave so my children could feel safe. But it was never real safety—only counterfeit courage, the only fragile shield we had. I didn’t want my children to die a thousand times from fear.

You can see death, but I had never heard it until the fiftieth day of this war. I remember it vividly. A missile hissed overhead before crashing into my kind neighbors’ home. They died without ever hearing it. They died once, but we died twice: once from the sound, once from the fear.

When the noise faded, I saw my little boy running in all directions, panic written across his face. I knew what he was searching for. His fear for his things mirrored my fear for mine—my children. His cat was his treasure. When he finally found her, I watched his features soften as he gently stroked her back, like a father comforting his child.

“We have to run, Dad,” he whispered with a sorrow older than his years. “The cat will die.”

All the neighborhood cats were starving—except for his. He guarded her like an orphaned child. I don’t recall a single night she went to bed hungry. That’s the power of friendship; it can rival love. Love may die with betrayal, but true friendship resists even that. My son was a faithful friend to his cat.

That day, we had to leave our loyal home—the home that loved us more than itself. You can see love in the eyes of those who protect you. Our home sheltered us from a missile once, absorbing its death with a final smile. It let itself shatter so we could survive the cruelty of war.

We fled to a place that felt nothing like us. Everything there was harsh, harsh like death. To be displaced from your home is a slow dying. You keep breathing, but every breath feels tighter, every day more grief-ridden. I came to understand: not all killing ends in death. Some deaths keep you breathing while your loved ones vanish.

The hardest loss was a friend I made in the camp. Every evening we’d gather behind our tents—tents like prison sheets—talking about a homeland lost in a blink, remembering laughter that had become sadness soaked in shame. We lined up for water, our lives reduced to a queue.

He had survived a bombing, only he and his blind mother. He had lost his entire family in a single moment. Yet he laughed. And I would wonder: how can he laugh with so much grief in his heart?

When he died, I understood. He was laughing his way out of this world; the world that mourns a single flower but stays silent as a nation dies. His soul was already on its way to join his wife and children. That was his secret.

He died without resistance, completely content. An airstrike hit a car near him. The pilot didn’t care who else would die; he just wanted revenge. But he only gifted my friend the reunion he longed for. In the language of love, my friend had won.

When I got the news, I did not tell his mother. I stayed by her side, serving her quietly. One night, she called out for him. I rushed over.

“He’s gone,” she sobbed.

“No, he’s not,” I lied.

“Don’t lie to me,” she said firmly. “I’m blind, but I see with a mother’s heart. He kisses me every night. You don’t.”

She was right. Two nights later, she joined her family in heaven. Her passing was as bitter as war.

The next morning, my son told me his cat had stopped eating. She was sick and frail. His voice broke my heart. I tried to soothe him: “Maybe she didn’t like the food.”

“But it’s the same food she always eats!”

“Maybe she didn’t sleep well.”

He nodded, knowing I was evading the truth.

Cats, like people, fall ill when torn from home. Our house was hers too. To lose your home is to suffer twice.

The next day, my wife was baking bread. She grabbed some torn papers to light the oven; they were my handwritten manuscript. I had written my story by candlelight, powerless without electricity. I stared at the flames devouring my heart’s ink. My wife looked horrified. I smiled bitterly and said, “Don’t worry. Bread feeds them more than my words. Writing is a long poverty.”

Later at the market, I met an old man with a water jug. I helped him carry it. He had no one left—only his sick wife. She lay under a thin sheet, devoured by illness. I rushed home, grabbed our mattress and warm blanket, and gave them to him. It was enough for two. When they lay down, I felt like my parents had finally found rest.

The next morning, my phone rang. War changes even the sound of a ringtone; it felt like a trumpet announcing doom. I prayed for good news. God did not answer. My brother was sobbing. My uncle, his wife, and their children were buried under rubble.

He had refused to flee. He knew the safest place was not on earth—it was above. I closed the call, my heart screamed silently. In this war, there are no goodbyes. Only brief sorrows waiting for the next.

I went back to the market carrying the weight of death, and returned with food—the price of surviving another day in this slow death. We dream of a better way to die. Being crushed under rubble is terrifying. I wondered: did my uncle’s family die fast or slow? I hoped it was fast. Dying slowly means dying a thousand deaths—of fear, waiting, and pain.

I slammed the door on memory. That is the only way to survive here. Painful memories must be shut out forcefully. They don’t fade on their own. We are all dead here. The difference is who can still walk.

When I returned, I saw my son crying. His sorrow filled the air, a child’s grief darkens the world. There is treasure in a child’s heart—pure, healing innocence. His tears burned like fire. I knew what had happened.

The cat was gone.

“She died, Daddy,” he said in a broken voice before dissolving into sobs..

I held him in silence. Sometimes, silence is the only funeral prayer.

The cat, like us, hated exile. Home is not where you live; it is what lives inside you. And when a homeland is crushed, so are the souls that loved it.

Statement on TU Berlin’s response to scholasticide

How the Technical University Berlin ignored Gaza’s universities’ call under attack but praised complicit Israeli institutions

Dear members of the executive board of TU Berlin,

We are writing to express our profound disappointment at the statement issued on 8 August 2025 regarding the open letter from five Israeli university presidents.

For almost two years, since the beginning of Israel’s genocide, the facts have been widely available, reported by the Palestinian Ministry of Education, UN experts, and international media. They have been there for anyone to see—for those who care, that is. 

University presidents in Gaza have been murdered: Prof. Sufyan Tayeh, President of the Islamic University of Gaza, killed in an Israeli airstrike on 2 December 2023 with his family; Dr. Said Al-Zubda, President of the University College of Applied Sciences, killed in an Israeli airstrike on 31 December 2023 with his family; and Prof. Muhammad Eid Shabir, former President of the Islamic University of Gaza, killed in an Israeli airstrike on 14 November 2023 with family members. At least seven deans have also been killed, among them Dr. Ibrahim Al-Astal, Dr. Omar Farwana, Dr. Taysir K. Ibrahim, Dr. Ahmad Abo Absa, Dr. Nasser Abu Al-Nour and others—all targeted in their homes. According to the Palestinian Ministry of Education, 1,256 university students and 16,721 pre-university students have been killed in Gaza and in the West Bank, along with 222 university staff and 736 pre-university. All universities have been destroyed in Gaza. 

Despite all this, In May 2024, Palestinian academics issued a Unified Emergency Statement from Gaza and exile. Explicitly affirming their existence and collective determination to remain on their land and to resume teaching, studying, and researching in Gaza, at their own Palestinian universities. “The Israeli occupation forces have demolished our buildings but our universities live on”, they wrote, resisting all attempts that sought to erase Palestinian educational life. They described issuing this call “from beneath the bombs… as the Israeli occupation continues to wage its genocidal campaign against [their] people daily”, while their families, colleagues, and students were being targeted. 

If any moment deserved your recognition, it was this—a direct message from Palestinian scholars asserting their right to survive, teach, and learn. But you ignored it. As much as you might want to claim you “see” Palestinians, you only seem to see them when their killers are the ones speaking.

Instead of finally centering these victims and their own calls to action, you issued a statement praising the “courage” of Israeli university presidents—leaders of institutions deeply embedded within the Israeli military apparatus, which has for decades enforced occupation, apartheid and for the last two years, supported an ongoing genocide in Gaza. The Israeli letter you cite does not acknowledge Israel’s responsibility for the famine in Gaza. It speaks only of “intensifying efforts” to “address” hunger without ending the blockade that causes it. It restricts references to international law violations to future proposals, ignoring two years of massacres, sieges, and targeted destruction of civilian infrastructure, including universities, and 77 years of violent illegal occupation.

By portraying this letter as moral courage worthy of praise, you are not showing solidarity, you are providing cover for complicit institutions. You are appropriating Palestinian suffering to perform a false balance and to shield yourself and zionist institutions from criticism for two years of deliberate silence

The message to Palestinian students, scholars, and staff at TU Berlin could not be clearer: Their lives, their families, their murdered colleagues do not matter enough to be named. Only when Israeli individuals speak up do you say something—and even then, it is to praise their courage. A courage, by the way, you did not dare to show. Even those complicit in genocide have managed to speak, albeit through a weak and evasive statement, before you—an institution “equally committed to the well-being of all its employees and students”, where “freedom from discrimination, morals and ethics, as well as human rights, apply to all [their] members”—ever did. 

You write, “At TU Berlin, we listen and offer space for discussion. However, much as talking can be beneficial, it is clear that listening alone is not enough when it comes to some of the stories related between colleagues and at consultations”. Yet you have done nothing to help Palestinians. You have refused to cut ties with institutions directly involved in the genocide. You have refused to condemn the scholasticide. You have refused to answer the call from Gaza’s educational system, which was sent to you on 12.11.2024. That call was not abstract. It laid out concrete priorities: Public pledges to rebuild Gaza’s universities—immediate support to continue teaching through their own institutions with volunteer lecturers—online platforms and essential IT equipment—scholarships and debt relief—partnerships and fellowships to keep faculty and students within their universities rather than hollowing them out in exile—and research cooperation to aid recovery and long-term rebuilding. These were practical, urgent steps that any university serious about solidarity could have taken. You chose to do none of them. Instead, you continue in your active complicity in the genocide and other forms of oppression of the Palestinian people. And we will not stop until we expose all of it.

Red Flag: Anti-Irish repression shows growing authoritarianism

In his weekly column, Nathaniel Flakin covers Kneecap ban and Irish Berliner getting punched

Kitty O'Brien with a bloody nose, being led away by two police officers.

As I write these lines, I should be at a Kneecap concert. The Irish hiphop group was supposed to play in Berlin on Tuesday night—but the gig was cancelled back in April without explanation. Of course we all know the reason: Kneecap’s German tour was scrapped after they said “Free Palestine” at Coachella.

Instead, they organized 15 sold-out shows across the US—which have all been nixed as well. This because Mo Chara, aka Liam Óg Ó hAnnaidh, has to appear in a London court facing terrorism charges.

It seems quaint now, but does anyone remember when the Right was warning of “cancel culture”? I can’t think of a single right-wing windbag who was actually cancelled. But now we have musicians being persecuted for speaking out against a genocide—and “free speech absolutists” like Elon Musk aren’t interested.

As the Western powers have supported genocide in Gaza, they’ve become more authoritarian at home. They say we need trillions of euros for weapons so they can protect our “freedom” and “way of life.” Meanwhile, they’re beating and arresting people for voicing opposition to government policy.

Mo Chara, Irish for “my friend,” is charged with supporting a proscribed terrorist organization after he draped a yellow Hezbollah flag over his shoulders at a show last year. The Lebanese group has certainly been responsible for violent actions—but so have the Israeli Defense Forces, which are currently carrying out genocide.

As of yet, no one in the UK has faced prosecution for using IDF symbols—and no one has been arrested for joining that particular terrorist group. The term “terrorism” is entirely political: it refers to violent political groups that a government doesn’t like. It can even refer to entirely peaceful groups like Palestine Action, who are guilty of nothing more than civil disobedience.

Who knows, really?

While we should have been listening to Kneecap, we were watching videos of other Irish activists. Kitty O’Brien, a 25-year-old, non-binary, Irish Berliner, was punched in the face twice by a black-uniformed cop. Their supposed crime was insulting an officer—and since German law mandates that police use “proportionality” and the “mildest possible means,” this means that nothing short of striking O’Brien’s nose and breaking their arm could have stopped this offense.

Every Irish media outlet took up the story. Within a few days, even the Taoiseach (prime minister) Micheál Martin said he was “deeply concerned” about such “unacceptable” violence.

Yet German media didn’t see what the fuss was about. Tagesspiegel waited a full day to publish a headline with a subjunctive formulation: a police officer “supposedly” punched a woman (sic!) in the face. Spiegel expressed the same uncertainty (though they did later correct the gender in their headline). Both articles acknowledge the numerous videos from different angles—but who knows, really? Maybe the fist stopped a millimeter before O’Brien’s face, whose nose started gushing blood spontaneously at that exact moment.

Germany’s bourgeois journalists are waiting patiently for the police to investigate. Yes, the thugs are supposed to look into their own thuggery. The same ones who clear the perpetrators in over 99 percent of charges.  

Germany’s ambassador in Dublin told the Irish Times: “I would like to stress that in Germany, peaceful demonstrations are not suppressed. Freedom of expression is a fundamental right and it is not under question in our democracy in Germany.”

Yet anyone with access to social media can see this is not the case. For two years, Berlin cops have been attacking basic democratic rights, often in violation of court orders. This is just a particularly appalling example caught by numerous cameras.

If you had the luck of the Irish

Ireland and Palestine share a history of British colonization, and even a few of the same oppressors: Arthur Balfour, who declared the British government’s support for Zionist colonization of Palestine in 1917, had previously been called “Bloody Balfour” for his violent repression of Irish self-determination.

So it’s no coincidence that Irish people are overrepresented in Berlin’s beleaguered but brave Palestine solidarity movement. The Berlin government tried to deport four activists—unsuccessfully, for now—and half of them were from Ireland. Berlin cops have banned the Irish language at protests. Even chanting “Saoirse don Phalaistín” (Free Palestine) in front of the Irish embassy is enough to get you arrested.

Liberal politicians claimed that Ireland had finally been pacified by a so-called “peace process,” with Western Europe’s last civil war ended and the legacies of colonialism buried under an intricate system of power-sharing and segregation. Globalization, we were told, would make partition irrelevant.

Yet, Irish opposition to the genocide in Gaza reminds us that the anti-imperialist struggle was never about one particular culture being suppressed. Rather, it is about a handful of capitalist great powers plundering the world and exploiting its people. That’s why it’s the same struggle, from Ireland to Palestine to Berlin.

In a video, you can hear Comrade Kitty telling those cops: “You don’t fucking scare us!” The German media might try to ignore police violence in Berlin, just like they ignore genocide in Gaza. But the whole world saw that punch—and everyone is trying to get tickets to Kneecap.

Red Flag is a weekly opinion column on Berlin politics that Nathaniel has been writing since 2020. After moving through different homes, it now appears at The Left Berlin.

17+8 demands from the Indonesian protesters

Core Principles: Transparency · Reformation · Empathy


02/09/2025

Trust is earned, not given.
We are waiting — prove to us that you are listening.


17 Demands Within 1 Week

(Deadline: 5 September 2025)

Responsibilities of the President

  1. Withdraw the military (TNI) from civilian security and end the criminalization of demonstrators.
  2. Establish an Independent Investigation Team into the cases of Affan Kurniawan, Umar Amarudin, and all victims of state violence and human rights violations during the August 28–30 protests, with a clear and transparent mandate.

Responsibilities of Parliament (DPR)

3. Freeze salary/benefit increases for DPR members and cancel new facilities (including pensions).
4. Proactively publish full budget transparency (salaries, benefits, housing, facilities).
5. Launch ethical and judicial investigations (including through KPK) into corrupt or problematic DPR members.

Responsibilities of Political Parties

6. Strictly sanction or expel cadres who act unethically and provoke public anger.
7. Publicly commit to standing with the people in times of crisis.
8. Involve party members in public dialogue with students and civil society.

Responsibilities of the Police

9. Release all detained demonstrators.
10. End police violence and comply with existing SOPs for crowd control.
11. Transparently prosecute and bring to justice officers and commanders responsible for violence and human rights violations.

Responsibilities of the Military (TNI)

12. Return immediately to the barracks and cease involvement in civilian security.
13. Enforce internal discipline to prevent TNI members from taking over police functions.
14. Make a public commitment not to intervene in civilian spaces during the democratic crisis.

Responsibilities of the Economic Sector

15. Ensure decent wages for all sectors of the workforce (teachers, healthcare workers, laborers, ride-hailing partners, etc.).
16. Take emergency measures to prevent mass layoffs and protect contract workers.
17. Open dialogue with labor unions to resolve issues related to minimum wage and outsourcing.


8 Demands Within 1 Year

(Deadline: 31 August 2026)

  1. Clean up and overhaul Parliament (DPR): conduct public independent audits, set higher standards for membership (reject corruptors), establish performance indicators, abolish privileges (lifetime pensions, special cars, escorts).
  2. Reform political parties and strengthen oversight of the executive branch.
  3. Draft a fairer tax reform plan and roll back unjust tax increases.
  4. Pass and enforce the Law on Asset Confiscation from Corruptors (RUU Perampasan Aset): strengthen the KPK and the Anti-Corruption Law (Tipikor).
  5. Reform the police to be professional and humane, with decentralized functions (security, traffic, national defense).
  6. Return the military (TNI) fully to the barracks, without exceptions.
  7. Strengthen the National Human Rights Commission (Komnas HAM) and other independent oversight bodies.
  8. Review economic and labor policies, including revising the Omnibus Law on Job Creation and PSN priority projects, to protect workers, indigenous communities, and the environment.

These 17+8 demands are a summary* of various demands and calls that have been circulating on social media over the past few days, including:

The 7-day demands from@salsaer@jeromepolin @cherylmarella, the result of deliberations from millions of people’s voices in the comment section & Instagram Stories.

The demands of 211 civil society organizations published through YLBHI’s website.

Press Release of the Center for Indonesian Law and Policy
Studies (PSHK).

Statement of the Association of Master’s Students in Notarial Law, University of Indonesia.

Statement of the Center for Environmental Law & Climate
Justice, University of Indonesia.

Demands from the Labor Protest on August 28, 2025.

12 People’s Demands Towards Reform, Transparency & Justice by Reformasi Indonesia on Change.org, which has already received more than 40,000 signatures.

*This summary seeks to capture the essence of the various reference sources mentioned above and may not include all details in full. This summary also does not intend to overlook other demands that may have circulated at the same time.

🔥 We are waiting.
🔥 Prove to us that you are listening.

September 4, 2009 – Kunduz massacre

This week in working class history

In the early hours of 4 September 2009, US planes dropped two 500-pound bombs on two fuel tankers in Kunduz, Afghanistan. This was a NATO mission, and the order to bomb was given by German Colonel Felix Klein. Well over 100 people were killed, most of them civilians, including many children. The European Center for Constitutional and Human Rights (ECHR) called the attack the “deadliest German military operation since the end of the Second World War”.

The German government showed no remorse. The army initially announced that there had been no civilian victims. Defence Minister Franz Josef Jung celebrated the attack, claiming that dozens of Taliban fighters had been killed. Jung’s successor, Karl-Theodor zu Guttenberg, described the attack as “militarily appropriate”. There were no direct disciplinary or criminal investigations. In 2013, Colonel Klein, who had ordered the bombing, was promoted to brigadier general. 

When lawyers representing the victims tried to prosecute, the German Ministry of Defence withheld important documents and reports. In February 2010, Germany amended its own laws, reclassifying the military deployment as an “armed conflict within the parameters of international law”. This meant that German troops, and their leaders, were no longer liable to prosecution for the Kunduz massacre.

In February 2010, an extensive article in Der Spiegel described the Kunduz bombing as a “war crime” that the German government had attempted to cover up. Two weeks later, during a Bundestag debate, LINKE MPs held up posters with the names of the victims. They were thrown out of the parliamentary chamber. Later that year, Germany paid $5,000 each to the families of 100 of the victims—former Afghan minister Amin Farhang described the sum as “laughable”. Larger claims for compensation were rejected by German courts.

In 2021, German troops left Afghanistan, forced out by a population which had suffered decades of occupation by both the Soviet Union and the US. History is being rewritten to suggest that before the Taliban took over Afghanistan, people lived in peace and democracy. Kunduz shows this was not the case and that Germany’s attempts to expand its army and reintroduce conscription must be resisted.