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Dutch elections: Wilders stumbles, but the far right marches on

PVV slips, yet the far right stays powerful amid a fading left.


31/10/2025

Dutch Election Results

The victory of Geert Wilders’ extreme right PVV did not materialise as expected. With the neoliberal-pragmatist D66 party winning in much of the urban and well off suburban areas, Wilders now shares first place in a head-to-head race that remains undecided as of yet. The other main winner of the election, the Christian democrat CDA, comes back to life after the implosion of Pieter Omtzigt’s NSC, a recent split from the Christian Democrats that decimated the party at the last election.

The extreme right, however, did not lose the election as a block. The fascist FvD, and especially the “respectable” racist split from the FvD, JA21, profited from the PVV’s losses and gained 12 seats between them. The far right in total—to which I would add the farmer/agrobusiness right BBB and the Christian fundamentalist SGP—retain a third of parliamentary seats.

The Dutch left is in an even more disastrous state than it was at the previous election. The centre-left party GLPVDA (a merger from the Dutch Labour party and the Dutch Greens) as well as the left populists SP—which has shown racist tendencies—fail to convince swathes of working class voters and lose again to a total of 13% or 20 seats for GLPVDA and 2% or 3 seats for the SP. The strategy of the greens and social democrats to join forces to be able to come out ahead in the election falls flat on its face, leaving them in fourth place and without much of a recognisable profile or convincing narrative.

The SPs economistic focus on “bread and butter issues”, opposition to the defense spending hike combined with opportunistic support for racist scapegoating of refugees and migrants leaves them in total limbo, following a consistent downward trend since 2006, when the SP still managed to gain 17% of the vote. The animal rights party PVDD, seen by many as the party with the most solid left positions, retains 2% of the vote. The party I voted for, the new but conflict ridden left and anti-racist party Bij1, unfortunately failed to gain a seat in parliament.

The silver lining I can see is that Wilders cannot claim to have won the election and that the vote for D66 expresses a need to return to “normalcy” in the face of creeping fascisation of national politics. However, the economic platform of D66 and their potential governmental partners, like the hard right liberals of the VVD, the CDA and even of GLPVDA, who have also agreed to spend 3,5 % of GDP on the military, will do nothing to solve deep seated social problems like the chronic housing shortage for working people or the decimation of public services. There is therefore all the more reason to worry that the extreme right will grow even more in the coming years, absent a groundswell of authentic and self-confident left movement from below.

Why a legal response to the genocide in Gaza is necessary but insufficient

Takeaways from Berlin’s Gaza Tribunal


29/10/2025

This weekend, I attended the Gaza Tribunal, not the international event in Istanbul, but a conference in Berlin with the same name and held on the same weekend.

This tribunal was organised by Deutsche JuristInnen für das Völkerrecht (German Lawyers for Human Rights). With the subtitle “German Responsibility in the Light of Human Rights,” it heard expert reports on developments in Gaza, German Staatsräson, international perspectives, the role of the media, obligations under international law, legal consequences for Germany, and possible ways forward.

The tribunal largely focused on the legal aspects of the genocide. As a result, it was informative, often distressing, but also at times frustrating. Talking to a Palestinian friend afterwards, we both felt that it sometimes seemed more like a theoretical exercise for lawyers—more concerned with interpreting what has happened than with actively attempting to stop the genocide.

The tribunal followed South Africa’s attempt to prosecute Israel and Nicaragua’s case against Germany, both of which have been taken to the International Court of Justice (ICJ). Israel is being prosecuted for carrying out genocide, and Germany for “facilitating the commission” of that genocide. A related case—Gambia’s prosecution of Myanmar for genocide in the same court—was also frequently cited.

The case against Myanmar is due to be heard soon, with a ruling expected by late 2026 or early 2027. If Gambia wins, this will increase the likelihood of South Africa’s success. Even if Myanmar loses, the cases against Israel and Germany remain strong.

Genocide in Gaza. Repression in Germany

Various speakers painstakingly made the case for the prosecution. A recent UN report estimated that 680,000 people—29.5% of Gaza’s population—have died in the last two years. This figure includes both direct deaths caused by bombings and indirect deaths from disease and starvation. Diabetes, for instance, has now become a fatal condition in Gaza.

Eighteen thousand seven hundred Gazans have been kidnapped. These are not political prisoners who have languished in Israeli jails for years, but people captured since 7 October 2023.

The case against Germany rests on the fact that the German government continued to supply Israel with armaments despite a series of statements by Israeli politicians after 7 October that dehumanised Palestinians and threatened revenge on the population—indicating that genocide was a likely outcome.

Germany has also intensified its repression of supporters of Palestine, with 11,000 people charged in Berlin alone. Lawyer Alexander Gorski argued that this is part of a deliberate strategy to overwhelm protesters and wear them down.

Gorski described the case of his client, Hüseyin Doğru of red.media (whom The Left Berlin interviewed earlier this year). The German government has enabled the EU prosecution of Doğru because he spoke to all involved parties in his reporting on Gaza. Hüseyin interviewed and asked difficult questions of the PFLP and Hamas. This is the bare minimum we should expect of journalists. He is now not even allowed to hold a bank account.

The legal case

Canadian genocide expert Professor William Schabas gave a fascinating account of the history of genocide law, which Nicaragua, South Africa, and Gambia are using in their respective cases. The law was introduced in 1948 as an attempt to improve on the legal framework used in the Nuremberg trials.

The Nuremberg laws applied explicitly to racially motivated crimes committed during wartime. Nothing the Nazis did before September 1939 could be prosecuted. There was a good reason for this: with its history of slavery and segregation, the United States—backed by other countries with similar pasts—did not want to make itself liable to prosecution.

The new law was proposed by the United States’ nemesis, Cuba. It has only been ratified by around 70 countries—less than half of the world’s governments—and can only be implemented if both the prosecuting and prosecuted states are signatories. Both Germany and Nicaragua are among those 70, so a prosecution of Germany is possible.

Nicaragua argues that Germany is violating its own obligations to prevent genocide under international humanitarian law and the Genocide Convention. Its deposition demands the immediate cessation of actions facilitating the ethnic extermination of the Palestinian people.

Concretely, Nicaragua is asking the court to order Germany to halt all exports to Israel. This primarily affects weapons deliveries but could also include other forms of aid. Prosecution could have financial implications: when the Democratic Republic of Congo successfully prosecuted Uganda, Uganda was ordered to pay $325 million in reparations.

Is the legal system neutral?

All this sounds great, and we should welcome every instance where our side gains ground over theirs. But excuse my cynicism: I don’t believe the ICJ would be able to impose the same penalties on Germany and Israel that it did on Uganda even if it wanted to.

Professor Schabas himself conceded this point, noting that it is not within the ICJ’s remit to impose measures such as reparations or the ceding of territory. Such decisions are referred to the UN Security Council, which, as Schabas acknowledged, is effectively controlled by the US veto. And even if the ICJ were to rule in Nicaragua’s favour, Germany—backed by the United States—may simply choose to ignore the ruling.

The main open question, however, was how much we can expect change from within the system. Several speakers appeared to insist that our focus should remain on winning the ICJ cases. If we can prove Israel and Germany guilty, then we’ve won, right?

We need lawyers and mass movements

Let me make an analogy. Someone kills his wife and is taken to court. The court finds both him and his friend, who gave him the gun, guilty, but they are not punished and are not sent to jail. So, his friend gives him another gun, and he kills the rest of his family.

They are sent to court again. Once more, they are found guilty. Once more, they escape punishment. This might make it harder for them to get a bank loan, but it does nothing for the man’s wife and family—nor for anyone else he might kill after his friend provides him with a third gun.

A court victory means little in and of itself. Professor Schabas rightly pointed out that the recent UN ruling that Israel is carrying out genocide has made it easier for journalists to use the word genocide. This is true, as far as it goes, and it could play a small part in boosting the self-confidence of Palestinians and their supporters. But it misses the fact that the main reason journalists felt able to speak out was the mass movement on the streets.

Earlier in the day, Alexander Gorski noted that on 27 September, all of a sudden, the chant “From the river to the sea” became legal because so many people were shouting it. Gorski also said that he doesn’t trust the state or the legal system, and that all legal changes are the result of social movements.

The final statement at the Gaza Tribunal was made by Palestinian lawyer Nadija Samour. Nadija said, “Human rights are not a harmless instrument. We must put them under pressure. Demo bans were beaten not by lawyers but by street mobilisations.” She pointed out that during the Gulf War, British activists were prosecuted for destroying weapons and won their case.

Nadija praised the Shut Elbit Down activists in Ulm who took matters into their own hands and shut down a weapons factory. At the same time, though, she pointed out that Ulm is not London, where the existence of a mass movement meant that when Palestine Action was criminalised, thousands of people were arrested in solidarity.

Conclusion

Legal challenges are an important part of our struggle for justice in Palestine, but they are not the only part. Essential court work has a dialectical relationship with street movements, as each complements the other. Our side is more likely to win a favourable court ruling if we have a vibrant and active movement on the streets—but that movement can also draw strength and energy from victories in the courts.

This relationship was recognised by several speakers at the Tribunal, most notably Alexander Gorski and all the participants of the final session, where Nadija was joined by Nahed Samour and Professor Dr. Isabel Feichtner. These were the most vibrant parts of the day, which at other times was bogged down in legal wrangling.

Court victories are not irrelevant, but they must be understood within the wider context of collective resistance. We all have our part to play in building a movement so large and determined that we can win—both on the streets and in the courts.

The Deutsche JuristInnen für das Völkerrecht have promised to release a report of the Tribunal soon. Notwithstanding any weaknesses, it will be an interesting read.

The past misses you: the dangers and radical potential of nostalgia  

How the right is weaponizing nostalgia and why the left should be more nostalgic


28/10/2025

Recently, a new type of AI-generated video has been making the rounds. The clips usually follow the same format. A group of (almost always white) teens talk directly to the viewer, reminding them of all the cool things they were doing in the 1980s, 1990s, or early 2000s. Set in colorful environments reminiscent of shows like Stranger Things, these teens hang out in parking lots after dark, wander through cozy-looking malls, or cruise around immaculate suburbia in their vintage cars. The twin towers of the World Trade Center make regular appearances, still standing tall in all their glory. The fake AI-teens all convey a similar message: the past misses you. While you have been lost in a world of phones and social media, “back here” things are still real, kids are still talking to each other and summers never end. You should “just come back”. The teens are blissfully unaware of the realities of those decades: Chernobyl, the AIDS epidemic, the Iraq War or the damage wrought by neoliberalism.

These videos seem to be created mostly by AI content farms or hustle-bros trying to monetize nostalgia. They’re not the product of sincere longing, but a means to boost engagement and make money.

The use of AI to milk nostalgia for attention and clicks feels inevitable. Generative AI is, by definition, a regurgitative technology — it can’t truly invent anything new. It is always rooted in reinterpretations of the past, remixing information that already exists: recomposed, maybe, but never legitimately unique. 

As such, AI and large language models are the logical continuation of decades of technologies that have exploited our appetite for nostalgia to harvest data and keep us engaged.

Social media and algorithmic nostalgia

Social media platforms and their algorithms are designed to function as perfectly optimized nostalgia-production machines. Recommender systems work by suggesting content similar to what a viewer has already liked, with the ultimate goal of keeping the user engaged.

Nostalgia triggers a powerful emotional response, which correlates with high engagement (clicks, likes, and shares). It also helps algorithms infer a user’s supposed tastes. If a user likes 1960s psychedelic rock, for example, they will get more of the same style, along with some early-2010s revival of ’60s music, and — why not — an entire AI-generated band of the same genre.

The end goal of this strategy — what nostalgia researcher Grafton Tanner calls retrobait — is to use the lure of nostalgia to persuade users to give up their data. 

On the other side of the culture-production machine, artists will create more work that they know might perform better (such as 60s psych rock in this example), thus creating a sort of cultural feedback loop. 

The weaponization of nostalgia by Big Tech doesn’t just mine the past—it also actively blurs and distorts it, reshaping history into a perfectly cozy, sellable simulacrum of itself.

This folding of time in on itself is most visible in cinema, with its endless avalanche of remakes, reboots, and sequels to long-dormant “IPs” (in 2024, not a single original film broke the box-office top ten). But the trend has long infected every corner of the culture industry, down to your local rock band trying to make it on Spotify.

Nostalgia in politics

In politics, nostalgia has been a feature of right-wing conservatism for what feels like forever. Nazism was rooted in the Völkisch movement, which was itself trying to oppose modernity by going back to a mythical German past, untainted by the ills of christianity or technological progress. 

More recent political phenomena — from Brexit to Trump’s “Make America Great Again”, or the AfD’s Deutschland. Aber normal.— all seem driven by a longing for a long-lost, idealized past.

It has now almost become a meme to call AI the new aesthetic of fascism. Nostalgia has been the aesthetic of fascism for way longer: from the Nazi’s back-to-nature romanticism, to the “Trad Wife” lifestyle; from the 1970s “Hitler-Wave” in Germany, to the AfD-youth considering a Nazi-like eagle for its new logo

Yet, the leftist critique of nostalgia is too often a shortcut — a simple way to make the other side look like backward idiots, without engaging with the real struggles that animate them.

Nostalgia is a way to declare someone non-contemporaneous, to say that someone—or their ideas, attitudes—belongs to the past. This is what makes the nostalgia charge so suitable for political rhetoric and, by the same token, so bad for political analysis which tends to merely reproduce one’s own political bias.

Tobias Becker, The Politics of Nostalgia

Instead, it’s more helpful to see nostalgia as a valid articulation of loss: our way of emotionally expressing that something is wrong. Of course, this feeling can easily be exploited by nefarious forces, but it can also be harnessed for revolutionary aims.

Is nostalgia really all that bad?

The term nostalgia was first coined by Johannes Hofer in the seventeenth century to describe the symptoms of Swiss mercenaries stationed far from home who were suffering from a mysterious illness. The word comes from the Greek nostos and algia — meaning “homecoming” and “ache”. Before it became associated with time, nostalgia was understood as a yearning to return home.

At first, nostalgia was regarded as pathological, a new disease for a new world. It was also closely linked to war: during the American Civil War and World War I, nostalgia was frequently diagnosed among soldiers. For a time, the powers that emerged from the Industrial Revolution viewed nostalgia with suspicion. It was seen as a threat to progress—a backward impulse incompatible with the capitalist ethos of endless growth. Later, once it became clear that no one was actually dying from nostalgia, capitalism realized it could be used to sell. Nostalgia soon became a prominent feature of marketing campaigns around the world. 

Psychologists mostly agree that nostalgia is a bittersweet — but predominantly positive — emotion that arises when people feel a lack of meaning, when they are displaced and lost. It often accompanies periods of rapid social change. In a capitalist society, where change seems less like a smooth flow and more like a constant, battering storm, nostalgia is ever-present.

Nostalgia is both an unavoidable emotional reaction to the reckless missions of capitalism and an emotion often induced to justify them. 

Grafton Tanner, The Hours Have Lost Their Clock

But are we too hard on nostalgia? The left has historically viewed nostalgia as an inherently conservative — and therefore right-wing — impulse: the opposite of radicalism. This presents a paradox, as the left has often longed for a time before, sometimes naively, and occasionally in racist terms: before money, before urbanization, before hierarchy, before “civilization.”

Although nostalgia has largely been antagonized by the mainstream left, it has assumed a far more significant role for activist groups seeking to reclaim their cultural identity from colonial domination. Here, nostalgia is not an empty, AI-generated husk draped in stylish ’80s cool; it is a powerful tool used by activists to relocate and revive a culture that was violently taken from them. Nostalgia points to what has been lost: communal bonds, rootedness, and shared history. Recognizing these losses strengthens critiques of capitalism and modern alienation.

Taken in this way, nostalgia can be a powerful instrument for anti-capitalist struggles. It can be used to remember elements of the past that are genuinely worth being nostalgic about — such as a functioning social safety net, a rich local culture, or a time when capitalism didn’t seem like the only available option. Nostalgia, then, can be used to weave a new narrative that counters the “official” storytelling of capital. 

The breakdown of narrativity in a culture, group, or social class is a symptom of its having entered into a state of crisis. For with any weakening of narrativizing capacity, the group loses its power to locate itself in history, to come to grips with the necessity that its past represents for it, and to imagine a creative, if only provisional, transcendence of its ‘fate’.

Hayden White, Getting out of History

In his latest book, Foreversim, Grafton Tanner takes something of a U-turn from his previous works about the weaponization of nostalgia. He argues that what we are seeing is not a world gorging on nostalgia, but a system still pathologizing it. In this reading, what Disney, Trump or the AfD are doing is not serving us more nostalgia, but trying to alleviate the nostalgic “disease” altogether by offering a constant presentism. After all, how can we be truly nostalgic for Star Wars if a new Star Wars movie comes out every year?

Whatever we think of the current use of nostalgia by capitalists — whether as a numbing agent for the masses or as a disease to be fought — there is no doubt that a certain form of nostalgia can be restorative.

The past has to be continually re-narrated, and the political point of reactionary narratives is to suppress the potentials which still await, ready to be re-awakened, in older moments.

Mark Fisher, Acid Communism

The question, then, is how to incorporate nostalgia into leftist thinking. On the one hand, it seems vital to resist being numbed by the consumerist, racist nostalgia weaponized by social media algorithms, AI companies, and fascists. On the other hand, there may be much to gain from embracing a form of progressive nostalgia — one that helps us value past struggles, question the illusion of capitalism as the inevitable outcome of history, and remember that it is still possible to forge new paths informed by the potential of the past.

30 October 1947 – Bertolt Brecht appears before the House Un-American Committee

This week in working class history

The United States ended the Second World War as the world’s strongest power, both economically and militarily, and was determined to maintain that dominance. Abroad, the “Truman Doctrine” allowed the Soviet Union to control Eastern Europe while Communist uprisings were crushed in Greece. At home, McCarthyism denied public-sector jobs to anyone suspected of being a Communist. Most famously, writers and directors in the Hollywood Ten were jailed and blacklisted from working in film for 13 years.

The Hollywood Ten were originally the Hollywood Nineteen, but only eleven people were called to trial. The eleventh was the left-wing German playwright Bertolt Brecht, who had fled from Hitler and eventually settled in Los Angeles in 1941. He wrote the screenplay for just one film, Hangmen Also Die. On 30 October 1947, Brecht appeared before the House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC), the congressional body responsible for implementing McCarthyism. (You can see a recording of part of the hearing here.)

Although Brecht’s appearance before HUAC makes for compelling—often hilarious—theatre, it is also an example of how not to resist repression. Brecht did not confront McCarthy directly. Instead, his answers were riddled with the phrase “I don’t remember.” While his colleagues in the Hollywood Ten refused to testify, Brecht insisted that he had never been a member of the Communist Party in any country. Whether or not that was true is beside the point. Answering questions his colleagues had refused to address amounted to a form of scabbing.

In fact, Brecht’s individualistic resistance was typical of the protagonists in many of his plays—from Mother Courage to Galileo to Schweik in the Second World War. Each portrays persecuted individuals outwitting the authorities. Brecht later said he felt compelled to testify because he was not a US citizen, but it seems more likely that he chose the strategy with which he was most familiar. As he noted in his testimony, Brecht refrained from political activity during his six years in the United States.

We shouldn’t be too hard on Brecht. Many writers and workers in other industries lost their jobs in the McCarthy purges, and some were jailed. Given the balance of forces in 1950s America, Brecht’s choice was between self-preservation and persecution. The day after his testimony, he flew to East Germany, where the government had promised him his own theatre, the Berliner Ensemble. Despite some misgivings about East German “socialism,” he remained there until his death in 1956.

For Berliners who are interested in Brecht and McCarthy, I will be engaging with the subject more in my talk: Spartacus – the film that broke the McCarthy blacklist? on Sunday 2nd November at the Unframe festival.

Writers at The Berliner strike over censorship and pro-Israel ad

Writers at Berlin’s biggest English-language publication have called a strike over ad for the Nova festival exhibition

On October 5, freelancers for the English-language magazine The Berliner went on strike after negotiations with management failed. The main point of contention was an ad promoting the Nova festival exhibition, a travelling show meant to portray the October 7 attack by Hamas on a music festival. As it avoids any mention of the genocide in Gaza, critics accuse it of being war propaganda. 

This decision came after management had suppressed articles relating to Palestine for many months. While this editorial line was never formally stated, the magazine’s editor-in-chief repeatedly called for the need to remain “neutral.” This supposed neutrality was then breached by the Nova ads, while reports about Palestine demonstrations or repression in art spaces are forbidden. This comes in the context of the German and Berlin governments censoring speech about Palestine while promoting pro-Israeli propaganda.

Walter Crasshole, a queer columnist for the magazine, said: “In September 2024, I pitched a column about the Palestine/Israel conflict among queers in Berlin and was told no. I later got a private WhatsApp saying, ‘It’s an editorial decision above my pay grade, and I can’t really offer a specific explanation beyond that.’ That’s when I realized the subject was off-limits and that management had created real unease among the editorial team.”

On October 5, the ad was posted on The Berliner’s Instagram page. A member of the writing staff commented that the issue was not with the exhibit itself but rather “the hypocrisy in how this ad was pushed to the forefront after over a year of sidelining and ignoring reporting on Israel-Palestine. Surely if the idea were to ignore the issue simply, it would follow that we would also not publish the ad.”

The Berliner has no editorial statute. Employees of the magazine report that the owner, Yoram Roth, makes editorial decisions about what topics can be reported on. As one writer put it: “We were forbidden from writing certain stories. There was an explicit order: ‘no more Palestine.’ We tried to work around it at first, but the boundaries of what was acceptable kept tightening. For a while, culture was okay—but then we were told to remove events, demos, and exhibitions that mentioned Palestine. So, it became more and more restrictive.” 

Roth is the owner of multiple cultural sites around Berlin, including Clärchens Ballhaus and the Fotografiska museum (as written about in this puff piece). In 2023, Spiegel magazine reported that he acquired a 2.5% stake (1.3 million euros) in Aliada, the parent company of the spyware firm Cytrox—which later became part of the Intellexa Alliance. That company provided spy software to Egyptian dictator Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis, Libyan military dictator Khalifa Haftar, as well as to countries like Kazakhstan, Singapore, Qatar, and the United Arab Emirates. The software was used to spy on journalists, creating a terrible conflict of interest for the owner of any publication.

When writing staff found out about the ad in early October, they organized a meeting with management. Together with the editor-in-chief, Jonny Tiernan, they called for the magazine to abandon these ads. They even offered to pay the fee out of their own salaries. However, management refused—and the resulting discussions made it clear that this was an ideological, not just a financial, decision. The people in charge were uninterested in the views of their entire workforce.

Shortly after the first Nova ad was posted, Tiernan emailed the freelancers about his efforts to mitigate the ad’s impact, which included labelling the post as an “advertisement” instead of an “ad” and withholding editorial coverage of the exhibition. The freelancers rejected these measures and went on strike on October 5, withdrawing their work from the November issue and launching a GoFundMe the next day to cover their lost income.

As of today, management maintains its opposition to any compromise or dialogue on the writers’ demands: ending the Nova festival exhibition ad campaign, removing all related ads, ensuring a transparent editorial policy, and clearly separating advertising from editorial content on the website. Independent, free, and unbiased journalism is more important than ever. The Berliner is one of Berlin’s few English-language magazines. In the strikers’ own words, “We want to put an end to the editorial interference that is weakening one of the city’s most vital independent media voices.” If you would like to support the strikers, click here.