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23 March 1931 – Revolutionaries hanged in connection to the Lahore conspiracy case

This week in working class history


18/03/2026

“…on behalf of the helpless Indian masses, we want to emphasize the lesson often repeated by history, that it is easy to kill individuals but you cannot kill the ideas.”

On 23 March 1931, the death penalty was meted out rapidly to the south Asian revolutionaries Bhagat Singh, Rajguru and Sukhdev Thapar of the Hindustan Socialist Republican Association (HSRA) by the British following the judgement passed coincidentally on October 7, 1930 for the murder of a British police officer in 1928. They were all 23 years old.

Reemerging from hiding, Bhagat Singh–arguably the most famous revolutionary of his time–and another fellow member Batukeshwar Dutt gave themselves up to the police following a strategic public action in the Lahore Assembly in 1929. They set off two low-intensity bombs in an empty area of the assembly in session and threw flyers intended to attract public attention to their cause. Their arrest and Singh’s eventual execution were among the final blows to the revolutionary cause in British India, leaving the hegemonical Indian National Congress and the Muslim League to fight it out till independence in 1947. 

HSRA, like many revolutionary youth organisations of its time, was founded in diametric opposition to Gandhian non-violence following the debacle of the Gandhi-led Non-Cooperation movement (1919-1922). A violent incident in Chauri Chaura led Gandhi to call off the successful popular mobilisation against the British which he intended to be “non-violent”. Bhagat Singh, who closely followed the developments in Russia and espoused anarchist and communist ideas, had several family members involved in the anti-imperialist struggle. Singh dived head first into the revolutionary movement, which was spreading across the north of India and Bengal. HSRA was involved in the Kakori conspiracy to steal arms from a British train and in the bombing of the Viceroy Lord Irwin’s train. Responding to Gandhi’s “Cult of the Bomb”, HSRA wrote a brilliant piece called the “Philosophy of the Bomb”, stressing on violence as the answer to imperialist oppression. HSRA members were young poets, scientists and university students across different faiths. 

In a peaceful protest in October-November 1928, the radical Congress leader Lala Lajpat Rai was killed following a lathi (baton) charge in front of Bhagat Singh. As a prominent member of HSRA at the time, Singh conspired to kill James Scott, the superintendent who called for the lathi charge. In December 1928 he acted, along with Rajguru, Sukhdev and Chandrasekhar Azad but mistakenly killed a young police officer John Saunders instead, forcing them into hiding. As HSRA members were picked off one by one, Singh knew his time was near, and decided to exploit the power of the court to publicise their cause. The Lahore Assembly bombing was thus carried out, inspired by the French Auguste Valliant. Bhagat Singh defended himself in court, the published proceedings in newspapers made him a household name in India. He was initially given a life sentence in connection with the bombing. 

While in prison, Bhagat Singh witnessed discrimination between Indian and other European prisoners, and demanded to be treated as a political prisoner which meant better access to food and reading material. Thus began a 116-day hunger strike along with fellow revolutionaries, that also included the death of Jatin Das on day 63. British force-feeding and Congress lobbying did not deter him and his comrades. By this time, the British managed to tie up the ends regarding Saunders’ murder and sentenced the trio including him to death by hanging. The British were afraid that their eventual murder would set off nationwide clashes, and secretly killed them on March 23, 1931.

It is said that the three went to the gallows laughing, singing “Inquilab Zindabad” (Long live the revolution). The site where their bodies were disposed of in Husseiniwala ironically stands on a heavily fenced border area between India and Pakistan. Bhagat Singh remains a popular figure in the subcontinent, co-opted by all parts of the political spectrum.

Bhagat Singh famously read Clara Zetkin’s reminiscences of Lenin as the police came to take him to the gallows. For his last wish, he wished he could finish that book. He was an excellent writer and his writings are all over the internet. The reader is advised to start here.

Inquilab Zindabad!

12-Hour workdays, crushed rights: Argentina under Milei’s labor law 

The new labor reform in Argentina drastically reduces the rights of employees.

President of Argentina Javier Milei speaking at the 2025 Conservative Political Action Conference

On Friday, March 6, 2026, in Argentina, the labor reform came into force. One of the cornerstones of Milei’s administration is now law. The reform affects the relationship between workers and employers. Voted in the Senate on February 11 and in the Congreso Nacional on February 27, it left behind a wave of controversy, mobilization, and, above all, repression. Strongly criticized by the opposition, this reform changes the regulation of labor relations, favoring employers and drastically reducing the rights of employees. According to Deputy Myriam Bregman, the law was supported and backed only by “entrepreneurs and law firm lawyers”, maintaining a strongly anti-popular character. Composed of 25 chapters, it introduces radical changes on issues such as compensation, dismissals, vacations, and overtime. Crucial and dangerous is the freedom granted by the new rules to employers. These create a relationship between employer and employee that is extremely unbalanced in favor of the former. It is because of this imbalance that the reform has been defined as “slavish”. According to Bregman, “the only freedom Javier Milei defends is the freedom to enslave.” 

The first major change concerns the length of the workday. The maximum limit of 8 hours per day is eliminated, introducing the possibility of working up to 12 hours a day, provided that 48 hours per week are not exceeded and 12 hours of rest are available between shifts. Another problematic point concerns the possibility for employers to pay wages with food, housing, or goods instead of money. Another ambiguity concerns the creation of a bank of hours. Under this mechanism, overtime may not be remunerated. The alternative to payment consists of compensation through additional days off. On paper, these options must result from an agreement between the two parties. In practice, the employer always holds the upper hand, especially considering the increasingly weak role of unions. 

Also worrying is the attack on workers’ right to strike, particularly in sectors such as commerce, education, port services, and telecommunications. For these categories, it is mandatory to guarantee at least 75% of services during strike days. 

The approval of the law has been, and continues to be, at the center of struggles by Argentine social movements. Strikes and demonstrations have highlighted the strong unpopularity of the reform. Bregman herself was present at the mass mobilization on February 11 that took to the streets of Buenos Aires and the country’s main cities. Her testimony is a crucial denunciation of the brutality used by the police to suppress the protest. “They approached (the police) to the sidewalk on motorcycles and started shooting from two or three meters away.” Saved only, according to her, by “the enormous solidarity of the people.” According to the deputy, the repression had the declared aim of concealing the massive rejection of the labor reform. The far-right responds once again to general discontent with its most representative weapon: repression, at any cost. 

The struggle, however, does not stop. The main Argentine unions and opposition politicians have called for a large popular demonstration on March 24. Not a random date, since that day marks 50 years since the coup that led to the dictatorship of the military juntas initiated by Videla, lasting until 1983 and stained with crimes such as murders, repression, and forced disappearances. Beyond the demand for a trial and adequate punishment for the remaining unpunished perpetrators, the organizers call for the repeal of the labor reform itself

The measure represents a huge blow to workers’ rights. The government continues with a hardline approach, saying that the situation in Argentina will improve. Improvements that come at a high cost for workers, stripped of their rights. The number of informal or precarious workers is extremely high. Reforms like this risk widening the gap between wages and the cost of living, effectively increasing this phenomenon. Once again, Milei’s ultraliberal policies end up favoring large companies and foreign investors, placed first, ahead of the needs of the people he had promised to uplift. 

Charges are dropped against Palestinian couple raided by the police

Repression in Berlin – report #5

In February 2025, after a five-minute court hearing, the case against a young Palestinian-American student was dropped: a case that had entangled her, as well as her Palestinian-German partner in a month-long campaign of targeted state violence and persecution.

Ten months earlier, the home of the couple was stormed at 6am by a the State Criminal Police Office (LKA), as well as forces from the Special Operations Unit (SEK). While the official pretext for the raid and subsequent court case was a Facebook post that read “From the River to the Sea, Palestine Will Be Free”, the case illustrates that rather than merely criminalising a slogan, the German state attempts to terrorise and intimidate those who publicly express dissent to the genocidal “Staatsräson” paradigm.

The investigation was triggered when a person, likely a neighbour, scanned the student’s facebook profile and reported her to the anti-discrimination office in Hesse called “Hessen gegen Hetze” (Hesse Against Agitation). This office escalated the case to the Frankfurt Public Prosecutor’s Office, who then forwarded it to Berlin.

After the raid the couple learned that then a three-month long investigation followed, in which they were never addressed to respond to accusations, which they first heard off when charges were read to them during the raid.

Moreover, files accessed by their lawyer showed that enquiries were made about both to all kinds of authorities: from regular police, the state resident’s registration, to enquiries to the Office for the Protection of the Constitution (Verfassungsschutz).

The student described the raid, which left her in utter disbelief of the disproportionate measures taken by the cops:

On 16 May 2024, at around 6 am, my husband and I were woken by a knock at the door. My husband quickly got up to see what the commotion was about. When he opened the door, police officers stormed in. I got up quickly and tried to shut the door. As I did so, two female officers burst in – I was half-naked! I was ordered to get dressed so they could take me to the living room.

Her partner, who was later also charged for the same slogan, as well as the alleged use of banned organisations and trespassing, relayed:

While two female police officers were in the room with my wife, supervising her as she got dressed, my details were being checked and I was made to wait in my own living room. When my wife was ready, she was sat down next to me, and we were finally told what was happening.

As it turned out in hindsight, the raid itself had also been thoroughly prepared, in a bizarre display of state power. Two days prior to it, the police came to the building, photographed the outside, the nameplate on the doorbell, the front door, letterbox, and wrote a report on how many entrances and exits the building had, the window facade, and other details. The Palestinian-German engineer described the absurdity:

Later, we found out that the police had frantically rung all the neighbours’ doorbells to get into the building. While they were knocking at our door, they had covered our peephole with black tape. It’s all pretty excessive for such an allegation.

The actual reason a judge signed this search warrant was that the police couldn’t definitively identify my wife from the profile pictures on Facebook. So nowadays, the police can conduct house searches just to establish someone’s identity.

The case, which culminated in the suspension of proceedings illustrates that state repression does not always aim for eventual conviction in court, as cops are well aware of the frequent insubstantiality of accusations. Instead, raids and the terror and intimidation they are supposed to inflict appear to be a goal in themselves.

However, in this case, as in many others, the accused continued their activism for Palestine unafraid, as reflected in the students’ statement:

Anyone else facing repression needs to speak out about it! And make sure you get good lawyers. Most of these allegations have no legal basis that would hold up in court. Keep fighting, and Free Palestine, forever and ever!

Ramadan behind bars

A fictional story inspired by the experiences of young North African men in Berlin


16/03/2026

Many arrive at Kottbusser Tor in Berlin either without documents or after their asylum has been rejected. With no legal means to earn money and their social benefits cut, they often end up surviving by selling drugs on the streets. During the processing of their asylum claims, they are housed in refugee camps known as ‘Wohnheime’. This story draws on those realities to follow one character’s journey through a system that too often leads from the Wohnheim to the pre-trial detention center at Moabit. For more of my work on this topic, please see here.

Throughout the year, the boys at Kotti will always talk about their wish to spend Ramadan out of jail. Especially those that experienced it inside. Twenty-eight-year-old Omar heard those stories and, as Ramadan was drawing closer, he, like the other boys, really prayed that he wouldn’t go to jail until the Holy month is over. Remembering this now makes him laugh. He has been held in pre-trial detention in Moabit’s correctional facility, Justizvollzugsanstalt Moabit, since November. Until now, there has been no decision regarding what he is accused of, and the court date remains undetermined.

He was calling his best friend Mohammad everyday when he first came to prison. But even that doesn’t comfort him anymore. He sits here locked up between four walls as he waits for Iftar; it must have been over a week since he last called Mohammad. He just doesn’t have the energy for anything anymore. The outside world seems so far, and sometimes calling reminds him of the isolation rather than breaks it.

Prior to coming here, he and Mohammad were inseparable. In fact, Omar was heading to Mohammad’s room to sleep over there when he got caught by the police. It was a random Thursday that seemed like any other Thursday. He called Mohammed to ask him which S-Bahn to take and quickly hung up on him to answer a call from his mum.

Everyone knows how close he is to his mum. She prays everyday that he will stay safe, she tells him. What she doesn’t tell him is that she prays to see him in person one last time before she dies. She is still grateful that now there is WhatsApp and video calls to stay in touch. She remembers the uncle that left to Europe when she was a child; no one ever saw his face again or even knew what he looked like after he left home. He would call his mother twice or three times a year, just to say a few words. The short, expensive call that was fraught with bad connection did nothing but make him feel more separated from his family. And those calls were the only connection that her grandmother and mother had with him. Now, with Omar unreachable in Moabit, that old, familiar feeling of a son being swallowed by Europe has returned, as sharp and as painful as her grandmother must have felt it.

Until that Thursday, this had not happened to her. Omar called her all the time. They were close in a way her grandmother never could be with her uncle. But this last call was quite short. He said he will call her back and quickly hung up. His number didn’t ring again. She knew something was wrong. She called his friend Mohammad over and over again but he didn’t dare to pick up before he could find out what had happened to his friend. It wasn’t until several days later that he picked up her call with some news. During those several days, she couldn’t eat or sleep or think of anything other than Omar.

Mohammad was waiting for the formal confirmation from the social worker, but deep inside he knew from the first minute that Omar had been taken by the police. This is the moment that Mohammad and Omar and all the other boys fear the most—the moment when they get stopped by the police in a busy S-Bahn station, get asked for the papers they don’t have, and get searched in front of everyone. The police make sure they don’t search in a discrete way. They are trained to turn the boys into a spectacle. It’s called the art of policing and law enforcement.

But still, for Omar, even when all hope disappeared on that day and he knew he would get taken to jail, he never imagined that he would be held without a trial date all the way to Ramadan, which is March. They didn’t catch him with anything on him and he wasn’t doing anything wrong other than just being in the station. So why would it take such a long time for them to determine the accusation and decide on a court date. He hasn’t even been assigned a social worker in jail, which means that people on the outside have no possibility to communicate with him. And that his only channel to the outside world is the phone number of his friend Mohammad, which he can only call if he has money left on his card. Omar keeps asking his lawyer, who was hired by his social worker, to find out when he will get some answers, but she just shrugs or tells him to wait. No one knows anything yet.

He keeps thinking of this over and over again. He is locked up 23 hours a day, so lots of time to think. One of his Arab cellmates say that Moabit detention is like a luxury hotel. But he doesn’t think so. In fact, he doesn’t like anything about it. Being locked up in here, his mind goes to places he never thought of before. And now that he has been fasting all alone here, and half of Ramadan is already behind him, he has started to lose his patience. The dark thoughts keep on increasing. This morning, he found himself wondering how long it would take for his mother to find out that sometimes he used to take Lyrica, the infamous anxiety pill that his mates at Kotti introduced him to. Would she find out that he even sells this stuff? Would she forgive him if she found out? How would he explain to her that there is no other way for him to make money. His Sozialleistung had been cut since he stopped going to his Wohnheim. He got too scared after the security woke up one of his mates at four a.m. and deported him. Even when he was still going regularly, the Sozialleistung was hardly enough for his basic needs.

These questions keep coming to his mind. Suddenly he gets all these feelings that he can no longer describe, feelings that are both heavy and strong, but he doesn’t know what to call them. Fear. Regret. Grief. Loneliness. He doesn’t even know or use those words. He heard others saying things like that since he came to Moabit. He even started to avoid calling his Mohammad because he doesn’t know what to say when his friend asks how he is doing.

He tries to remember his mum’s voice telling him to look for patience from within, and warning him of the pain of those who lose patience inside prison. He knows she is right, but he can’t take it anymore. Ramadan isn’t over yet. Half is behind him, half still ahead filled with uncertainties, like everything else in here.

He doesn’t know about the trial date. Doesn’t know if he’ll call Mohammad tomorrow. His mother’s messages pile up somewhere he can’t reach. And somewhere in Morocco, his mother sits with her phone in her hands, waiting. She thinks of her uncle again, of the grandmother who waited for calls that never came. She always thought technology would protect her from that fate.

In his cell, Omar doesn’t know she’s praying for him. But for a moment, the dark thoughts stop. He doesn’t know why. He only knows that tomorrow, maybe, he’ll try calling Mohammad.

Outside, the boys at Kotti are still talking, still praying they don’t end up here.

The End Times Holy War

Western imperialism has stopped even trying to plausibly justify its wars. We should be scared


15/03/2026

My father always reminded me to keep a “cool head and a warm heart.” Today, we are living through one of those moments when it is wise to apply that advice.

First, let us make a few things clear: the United States and Israel have once again violated every conceivable rule by launching their war against Iran. Once again, while negotiations were still underway, they attacked that country, flagrantly violating not only a nation’s sovereignty but also the international legal order. Yet, this should not surprise us if we look at the destruction in Gaza and the history of the United States, a nation so fond of war. We knew this would happen; the question was only when.

What we know so far is that Iran has struck hard against all U.S. military installations in the Persian Gulf. Despite Tehran being subjected to violent bombardment, it has proven capable of responding—and with unusual force. Once again, it seems the Americans underestimated their adversary, a clear sign of their arrogance and ignorance in failing to truly understand their enemy. Iran has closed the Strait of Hormuz, as it had announced it would, and this is hitting the global economy hard. While lives are being lost in Iran, money is being lost in the United States (and a few lives as well). The cost of the war has already surpassed the staggering figure of 10,217,000,000 US dollars (last update 10.03.), and continues to rise every second, as indicated by the Iran War Cost Tracker website.

The battle is also being fought in the corporate media, which are striving to justify and cheer for this war as if it were inevitable. Western media outlets defend the criminal conduct of the aggressors while blaming the attacked party for responding. However, the manufacturing of consent for this war is rather weak. Twenty-two years ago, when the empire was preparing to invade Iraq, it made the effort to invent some excuse. Today, the justifications are ridiculous and reveal how little effort has been made to truly legitimize this war. What is the reason, the excuse, for this war? Regime Change or the Iranian ballistic missile program, or the threat of any use of uranium enrichment, or all of these? Recently, the historian Emmanuel Todd said in an interview: “The Western media system has become an empire of lies, incapable of describing reality.” Ultimately, the truth no longer matters. The empire has repeatedly demonstrated its contempt for soft power, for international law, and for any commitment to truth. But when the empire believes its own lies, then you only have hubris.

We also knew who would support this new war and who would oppose it. True, European leaders always manage to surprise us with their extraordinary capacity for servility. This was to be expected from such lamentable figures as Kaja Kallas and Ursula von der Leyen. But not everyone in Europe is willing to twist the truth in the face of the obvious and kneel before Emperor Trump. Spain and Belgium seem to be exceptions, offering some condemnations. Meanwhile, the usual trio—the three stooges, Macron, Merz, and Starmer—compete to see who can demonstrate the greatest willingness to submit. All three leaders are ready to support U.S. logistics by allowing American forces to use military bases on their territory. That turns their countries into legitimate targets—or even makes them enter the war outright. Yet the supposed “unity” of Europe has been exposed as little more than a myth. This is illustrated by Chancellor Friedrich Merz agreeing with Trump that Spain should be punished for daring to contradict the American president’s will. It seems the empire increasingly demands that its vassals commit themselves more fully to its overseas wars. Those who wish to remain on the sidelines—or who still cite rules that this supposedly “civilized” world once claimed to respect—will become pariahs within an increasingly warlike and nihilistic Western alliance.

Western propaganda against Iran has been effective. Without defending the current regime in Tehran, we must reflect that many people accept this war simply because “the Iranian regime is bad.” Those who think this way have simply swallowed the entire narrative of Western propaganda, which absolves the true aggressors. It is as if we were to believe that the bombs now falling on civilians and defenseless children will somehow bring them salvation, freedom, and democracy. Gaza is destroyed with a death toll 50 percent higher than the official figure. Syria is now Balkanized after the overthrow of Assad, led by a former Al-Qaeda figure who now serves as a puppet of imperial power. We should not expect Iran’s story to end very differently if the regime falls. 

Consider the project of Greater Israel, which Netanyahu and his band of fanatics are constructing as a colonial project based on dispossession, genocide, and war. We already see this in Israel’s advances into Syrian territory, its incursions into Lebanon, and the looming illegal annexation of the West Bank and Gaza. When the criminals who give these military orders speak of democracy and women’s rights while dropping bombs, remember the million direct and indirect deaths that resulted from the Iraqi invasion. Iraq is a society that could indeed sing a tragic song about that fable of ‘democracy’. For this reason, I believe that those who defend this war care little about the people of Iran. Rather, they ride the wave of their own hatred toward the ayatollahs. That hatred may not be unfounded, but to believe that bombs dropped by an external power will be welcomed as liberation is mistaken. If you think so, then Western propaganda has succeeded, because in the end, we come to accept what should be utterly unacceptable.

Take a brief look at the history of the United States and its interventions, invasions, and regime-change operations around the world. We see that it has always been an empire addicted to war. War is what the empire knows how to do – destroy, deceive, kill, annihilate. That is not the same as winning. Has Israel “won” the war in Gaza? Undoubtedly, it has destroyed it, but it has not won the war. In fact, several analysts already suggest that the empire will lose this war because, for Iran, it is an existential conflict. Whereas for the United States, it is optional—just another war in its long historical repertoire.

Yet there are other issues that should keep us awake at night now that Pandora’s box—already described by some as the beginning of a third world war—has been opened. Strict censorship in Israel prevents the world from seeing how Iran is striking its cities, military, and logistical bases. But once Iran deploys its most modern arsenal and once the anti-aircraft batteries of the United States and Israel begin to run out, Israel may suffer far more severe damage. We should not forget that the political leadership governing “the only democracy in the Middle East” is deeply fanatical and messianic. In their mystical-religious delusion, one may reasonably fear that they might resort to the “Samson Option”. That is the nuclear option. With such individuals at the helm of a genocidal government, the worst can be expected when that wounded animal finds itself cornered.

But this religiosity is not limited to Israel. Political analyst Pascal Lottaz, who runs the discussion platform Neutrality Studies, warns that several members of the Trump administration frame this war in explicitly religious terms. High-ranking officials, such as Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth, are known for their radical Christianity. We know that the United States and fundamentalist Christian evangelicals are among the most openly declared allies of Zionism. They share a messianism and expectations of Armageddon. These Christian fundamentalists appear to conceive of this conflict as a holy war, in which the Armageddon they anticipate would herald the return of Christ. 

Last year, political analyst Naomi Klein spoke of “end-times fascism”, referring to the network of bunkers that technology magnates are building around the world. In other words, while these people push the world toward a greater conflagration, they also seek to shield themselves in case things go wrong. What do these ultra-billionaires know that we do not? Klein pointed to the strong alliance between the MAGA sector and the techno-feudalists—figures such as Peter Thiel—who have already demonstrated their contempt for the world and ordinary people. It is as if overnight we had awakened in a dystopian Mad Max world, where two parallel projects appear to converge: the fortified city of the hyper-wealthy and the world outside it. As Klein and Taylor wrote: 

“The start-up contingent clearly anticipates a future defined by crisis, scarcity, and collapse. Their high-tech private domains are essentially fortified escape capsules designed so that a small chosen group can enjoy every possible luxury and opportunity for human optimization, giving them and their descendants an advantage in an increasingly barbaric future. Put bluntly, the most powerful people in the world are preparing for the end of the world—an end they themselves are frantically accelerating.” (Klein & Taylor, 2025) These signs should alarm us. When fanatical and radical religious political figures lead what they call a “holy war” against “absolute evil,” we should not be surprised if these leaders are willing to set the entire world ablaze. A glance at the U.S. doctrine of nuclear warfare is enough to confirm that these people genuinely believe that a nuclear war can be won. We can only hope that the costs of this entire campaign become so immense for the political and financial class that these warlords ultimately decide to abort the mission. They will still declare victory, even if, strategically speaking, the United States and Israel have been defeated. Iran’s strategies appear to be effective in targeting both global oil flows and American assets in the region. While Iranians are being sacrificed, the empire collapses under the weight of its own contradictions, its unsustainable militarism, and its enduring arrogance.