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To the sadists of my past and the fascists of our present

A core memory at the intersection of building solidarity, fighting for the oppressed, and refusing to give in to bullies


30/08/2025

Many years ago, I sat in my seventh grade English class and watched a boy named Jacob chew gum. 

He was sharp, a bit nerdy, handsome, with a whip-smart sense of sarcastic humor. There was nothing out of the ordinary about his mannerism, nothing noteworthy about the way in which he did his work, listened or didn’t listen. He was entirely pleasant, unobtrusive. Who knows if it is accurate, but I remember him as being one of those students who wasn’t particularly fussed about participating, but when he was called on, he always had the perfect answer. (We would end up briefly dating in the weeks leading up to prom five years later, and then for no particular reason, never speak again thereafter.) 

Our English teacher’s name was Mrs. O’Karma. She was middle-aged, with silver blond hair and glasses. She had been teaching for many years and was generally known for being a bit ruthless. The “popular” kids admired her for this, attention in which she openly delighted. 

On that day, she turned to Jacob, eyed his jaw cracking down on the piece of gum, and interrupted her lesson to say, “Jacob, come to the front of the classroom.”

Jacob’s face turned red. He was shy. He stuttered a bit, pointed at his chest. “Me?”

“Yes,” she replied with a raised eyebrow and a faint smirk. 

He stood up, walked to the front, turned to face Mrs. O’Karma with his back to the whiteboard.

She stared down at him, paused and then said, “Put your gum on your nose.”

The class burst out laughing. Jacob turned redder. “W-what?”

“You heard me. You are distracting the class by chewing gum, which you know is against the rules. If you have such little respect for the rules, then you can face the consequences in front of all of us. Now put your gum on your nose, or you will be sent to the principal immediately.”

Jacob was frozen. I watched, mouth hanging open with shock and trepidation. Just go to the principal’s office! I thought frantically. He reached up, a halting, trembling motion, to remove the piece of gum from his mouth. Then, from between his fingers, he pinned it to the tip of his nose.

The class roared. Mrs. O’Karma sat on a desk beside him, swinging her legs in depraved glee, grimacing with a sick thrill I had never witnessed in my life until that point; let alone on the face of an adult intentionally humiliating a child. I looked around in disbelief, utterly mortified. 

Mrs. O’Karma continued mocking and ridiculing Jacob, who turned redder and redder, as did I, in childlike innocence, half dissociated. I imagined that someone or something would come to the rescue. Another teacher? A heroic classmate? An all-merciful fire alarm? 

No one else in the entire room objected.

It’s been nearly two decades since these moments. Adrenaline, emotion and time have long since blurred and obscured most of the details of the memory, but Jacob’s horrified expression remains in my mind’s eye. And the far more powerful thread of the experience, which still cuts through my gut from that day to the present one, is the repulsion I felt as I observed those observing this show of malice: 

Why did they laugh?

***

I am retelling this story during a staggering, widespread rise of global authoritarianism and fascism. 

The so-called state of “Israel” is committing a Holocaust in Gaza, having murdered hundreds of thousands of Palestinians through the bombings of hospitals, schools, mosques, churches and refugee camps, and every other existing form of civilian infrastructure. They have sniped children and wounded people in hospital beds, assassinated journalists having smeared and dehumanized them for the crime of telling truths. They have employed industrial starvation, rape and torture in concentration camps using dogs and electricity, alongside virtually any other conceivable and inconceivable crime against humanity. 

The United States, Britain, Germany and much of the West have escalated their extreme repression of Palestine solidarity through horrifying police brutality and sexualized, racialized violence. For years, they have held political prisoners in inhumane detention without trial, raiding homes, criminalizing the use of arbitrary phrases and words on social media and at demonstrations (“Zionists are fascists”, “From the river to the sea”, “Israel murders children”). They have proscribed non-violent direct action groups like Palestine Action as “terrorist organizations”.

The Trump regime has spent billions of dollars on ICE, the beefed-up American variation on the theme of their affectionately regarded Gestapo, kidnapping people off the streets (immigrants and citizens alike), sending them to internment camps, and sometimes torturing them to death. Companies like Palantir produce surveillance technology that is death-tested on Palestinians and exported all over the world for governments to use in oppressing their own people. Weapons manufacturers’ profits have skyrocketed and investment in militarization is at an all-time high. 

The world, the land and its people burn, and the screaming urgency for a different, brighter future bursts more overwhelmingly than ever through the souls and wills of those who fight for it.

Living in Germany, I have experienced some of the most extreme repression in this climate as a result of my solidarity with the Palestinian cause, which represents a distinct threat to Germany’s sick, philosemitic obsession with defining Judaism as Zionism and arming “the Jewish state”. As a white, femme-presenting Jewish woman, what I have gone through is nothing close to what people of color have, particularly Arab men. But I am often in the streets at protests getting roughed up, arrested, manhandled, and choked by the Nazi storm troopers who go by the name of the Berlin police (they are, by the way, so affronted at being referred to as the former—while they pummel unconscious activists to a pulp behind the closed doors of police vans with illegal quartz sand gloves—that they will even sue you for saying so!).

I have been strip searched by cops who smirk with euphoria at the opportunity to degrade the Untermensch in front of them. I have been mocked, degraded and threatened while half naked on a toilet by armed officers living out the twisted 1930s Mengele torture scenes of their wildest fantasies. It is particularly hideous as a Jew whose family was slaughtered by Germans to gaze into the unfeeling, barbaric eyes of unreconstructed German SS-thugs. In 2025, the unbridled joy and perverse arousal they find in violently demeaning Jewish women is only exceeded by their unconcealed delight in stripping our Muslim sisters of their hijabs in the streets, grabbing Arab men by their genitals, and kidnapping minors out of their parents’ custody for chanting at protests. 

I arrive home after these long days of brutality to a canvas of soft leaves, moonlit against the curtain-clad window in my room. I dance on a semicolon of sleep before the morning brings the exclamation of further state violence. I notice the physical aches in my body and the far more painful ones along deep, shadowed grooves in my heart. I slow my thoughts and use the well and tradition of struggle in which I am held to blot the welts of humiliation, which they arrogantly believe will cripple us. My mind wanders to their Hitler-loving grandparents, proudly beaming up at them from the most blistering depths of hell, where they will soon be reunited. 

***

I rushed into the house after school, full of unstructured rage and tender pain. At the kitchen table with both of my parents, I told them about Mrs. O’Karma’s behavior, asked my mom to please call the principal and make sure she wouldn’t do this again.

My dad’s reply surprised all of us: He said he didn’t think my mom should call the principal. Rather, he said, I should go in and stand up to Mrs. O’Karma myself.

“Wait until the next time someone else chews gum in class. Maybe it won’t be tomorrow or this week, but there will be a next time. She will tell another student to put the gum on their nose. And you will go and report her to the principal yourself.”

I remember staring at him, wide-eyed. “Really? But – why? Can’t Mom do it?” 

“Mom can do it. And if that’s what you want, then that is what we can do.”

“But Mrs. O’Karma is a bully, and bullies are weak. She knows what she is doing is wrong. How could she not? She does it anyway because no one is stopping her. “

“You are strong. And we are not bystanders. Never allow yourself to be a bystander when someone is being bullied. You can stand up for Jacob and for the other students. You can do this yourself.”

I was smiling, hyped and giddy in that breaking-the-rules, doing-something-cool way. My mom looked at my dad, a question in her face, raising her eyebrows and smiling as well.

“Do you want to do this?”

I gulped. I smiled wider, starting to imagine what it would be like to stand up to my teacher, grounded in the knowledge, the fact, that it was the right thing to do.

We spent the rest of the evening planning. We rehearsed, I asked questions, built up confidence. I went to bed with my mind racing, my adrenaline pre-emptively pumping. 

It was within the same week that Mrs. O’Karma looked around the class and, with an eagle eye, spotted a girl named Lily, who happened to be sitting next to me, also chewing gum. 

She called Lily to the front of the class. “You know what you have to do.”

My head began to pound. The class started laughing and hooting. I turned to Lily, whispered, “Don’t go up. Say no.” She nodded quietly. 

“What are you waiting for?” Mrs. O’Karma sneered.

“I… I don’t want to,” mumbled Lily. 

A threatening expression slid onto Mrs. O’Karma’s face. Her beady eyes narrowed.

I sat in my cold plastic chair, my palms clammy, chewing on the words that I had prepared. I looked around at the jeering faces amidst the din and chaos of this cruelty. I felt a growing lump in my throat, of fury, of fear, of justice, which propelled me to my feet, and I shouted:

“I AM GOING TO REPORT THIS TO THE PRINCIPAL!”

The entire room went deathly silent. My classmates stared at me with a mix of bemusement and nervousness. Mrs. O’Karma stopped cold as if she had seen a ghost. In that moment, I experienced in flesh and blood and lived experience, how weak bullies truly are.

I spun on my heel and marched out of the classroom without looking back.

***

This experience would go on to shape my character and define the course of my life.

In moments where I am forced to experience, but particularly, watch excessive police brutality, racist targeting, and every type of harassment inflicted on my friends and members of my community, I flash back to that classroom. I remember the righteousness of refusing to be a bystander, which my father ensured would flow through my veins at twelve years old and never ebb.

Mrs. O’Karma was suspended with pay for two weeks. When she came back, she had clearly been sternly instructed to be exceptionally nice to me. There were no further incidents. Ironically, the bigger source of stress was the other students—even friends of mine—who berated me for having overreacted and made Mrs. O’Karma “suffer.” I would go on to learn over many years how resoundingly typical of a reaction this is to those of us who stand firmly on the side of the bullied, the oppressed, the exploited, and against the powers that be. We are targeted not just by “authority figures,” but by bystanders, liberals and those committed to their own privilege and comfort granted by a system in which they can claim and enjoy a form of supremacy. 

In a deeply unjust world, our material responsibility is showing up consistently to challenge its injustice. Our duty lies in an embodied understanding that our resistance is only as strong and lasting as our commitment to fighting for one another. Our power, and our hope for a better, fair, free humanity that belongs to us and not the bullies, relies on our choice to sacrifice: when it is hard, when it hurts, because it matters, because it is right. 

August 28 1968 – Police attack protests outside the Democratic National Convention

This week in working class history


27/08/2025

The 1968 Democratic National Convention took place in Chicago from 26-29 August against the backdrop of international unrest following the assassination of Martin Luther King in April, the May Events in France, and growing opposition to the Vietnam War. By then, a military draft was in effect, and 500,000 US Americans were serving in Vietnam. It was an election year, and President Lyndon B. Johnson had announced he would not seek re-election.

Chicago mayor Richard P. Daley was a Democrat with a track record of repression. In April 1968, cops under his command had attacked peaceful anti-war marchers, and following King’s assassination he ordered police to “shoot to kill”. For the Convention, Daley put 12,000 police on 12-hour shifts and called in 13,000 National Guardsmen. Demonstrations were called outside the Convention, but the threat of police violence meant that only 10,000–20,000 demonstrators came to Chicago.

On 28 August, protestors marched to the conference headquarters in the Conrad Hilton Hotel, where cops wielding clubs and pepper spray attacked demonstrators, journalists, and passers-by. An official investigation later called this a “police riot”. On the conference floor, Senator Abraham Ribicoff denounced the “Gestapo tactics”. Daley replied by shaking his fist at Ribicoff and yelling, “Fuck you, you Jew son of a bitch.” 

The attack was captured on TV news, which showed the demonstrators chanting: “The whole world is watching!” The US state looked for revenge, and put eight people on trial for allegedly organising the demonstrations. The only Black defendant, Black Panther leader Bobby Seale, was bound and gagged before he was allowed to enter the courtroom. Six of the defendants were sentenced to four–five years in prison. All convictions except Seale’s were overturned on appeal.

Looking back at the 1968 Convention, it is easy to spot similarities to the latest. In 2024, an election year in which an unpopular Democrat President—who would not stand again—was financing an unpopular war, the Democrats held their convention in Chicago. Later that year, Richard Nixon, a right wing Republican, won the election. Then, as now, the Democrat establishment blamed the anti-war movement for their defeat. Then, as now, they had only themselves to blame.

La France Insoumise prepares for a hot autumn

Report on FI summer school and larger impacts on the French left

Members of the France Insoumise party on a float during a parade. Some are triumphantly raising fists.

Well over four thousand people attended the radical left France Insoumise (FI, “France in Revolt”) summer school in Valence, in the South of France, this weekend. Around five hundred of them had spent two days previously at a young people’s event for activists under 26.

Meetings at the summer school ranged from “Introduction to Historical materialism” with Stathis Kouvélakis to “Building a Young People’s Antifascist Movement Across Europe” to “Is the Nation a left wing idea?” Among the 110 debates and round tables, there were meetings on secularism, Islamophobia, the conflict between China and the US, racism at work, housing injustice, defending the climate, building local branches, pesticides, animal rights, police violence, Palestine, extractivism, and fighting homophobia.

While this is a sharply radical organization, it is not a revolutionary Marxist one. Thus, many talks emphasized relying on the United Nations, and changing the laws on racism or sexism. But the insurgent tone of the movement was very real. In a situation where many forces are calling for a yellow-vest style day of action on September 10th, Jean-Luc Mélenchon said in his (two hour!) keynote speech, “We need a general strike on the tenth of September.” He also said that if in coming years the France Insoumise is elected as the government, the role of the activists will not be to obey but “to be in revolt everywhere.”

Islamophobia was spoken of in many meetings and was central to Mélenchon’s keynote––something absolutely unheard of on the French Left. The FI is attacked everywhere in the right wing and left wing press for its principled stand against Islamophobia, and it is now recognized as the leading force which has brought about a sea change in left attitudes to Islamophobia in France. There were also a number of activists present, many of them Muslim, who were pushing for the FI to go further against Islamophobia and demand the abrogation of the 2004 law which bans Muslim headscarves in high schools (the FI is divided on this).

A series of meetings was organized on local politics, since the municipal elections, which happen every six years, will take place in March 2026. Six years ago, the FI was smaller and unable to stand in many towns. This year the plan is to stand in as many towns as possible. Some FI proposals, such as not allowing municipal police officers to be armed, are already hitting the headlines. The talks covered experiences of left councils today, from Naples and across Spain, historical examples of radical left local councils, and debates on specific challenges today, such as reversing the privatization of water supply, building social housing, and so on. Left mayors, who in France are local council chiefs, spoke at several debates 

Stands from various campaigns and political groups were present: Palestine groups, antifascist groups and others. Three far-left groups had their own stands, but the vast majority of revolutionary groups in France––3-4 of which have over a thousand activists and 5-6 with over a hundred––are haughtily dismissive of debating with the France Insoumise, and hardly ever even invite FI people to debate at the far-left summer schools.

While national press coverage on the summer school continues to be largely negative, with a huge smear campaign against the FI, portraying us as antisemitic fans of Putin, mesmerized by the charisma of Mélenchon, there were some more objective reports

All in all, it is a vibrant movement with tremendous potential––I have never been at a political event where the average age of the speakers was so young, though it definitely needs far more revolutionary Marxist input, in particular on the nature and processes of French imperialism.

Red Flag: The New A100 Autobahn — A Monument to Car Supremacy

In his weekly column, Nathaniel Flakin looks at Berlin’s antediluvian transport policy.


26/08/2025

As much as we like to think of our city as avant-garde, on Wednesday we will get a massive reminder that Berlin remains a backwater stuck firmly in the 1950s. At 14:00, politicians such as transport minister Patrick Schnieder (CDU) will cut the ribbon on a new inner-city freeway at a ceremony inside Estrel Hotel in Neukölln. Why not gather outside, on their beloved asphalt desert? Because this project is extremely unpopular, and there will be protests starting at 13:00.

The latest segment of the A100, made of 750,000 tons of steel and 650,000 cubic meters of concrete, is the most expensive Autobahn ever built: the 3.2 kilometers cost 720 million euros (2.3 times more than planned!), working out to 225,000 euros per meter. In other words, each meter of highway could have paid for an affordable housing unit. Instead, five perfectly good buildings with 100 apartments were demolished to make room for this tiny strip through Neukölln and Treptow.

When critics denounce a transport policy from the 1950s, that’s not hyperbole: the plan for a ring highway in Berlin literally dates back to the 1930s, with a first section completed in 1958. Now, 67 years later, the 16th segment is going online.

Catastrophe

From the first day, it’s going to be a catastrophe. If 85,000 cars race down this part of the A100 each day, as predicted, they will be spat out at Treptower Park with nowhere to go. The bridge across the Spree, Elsenbrücke, is currently being replaced, with just a single lane open until at least 2028.

Immediately, there will be demands for more Autobahn: A 17th segment of the A100, cutting a path of destruction through Friedrichshain toward Storkower Straße, is in planning. This would be even more absurd, as it would require tearing down a dozen clubs (though I don’t mind the idea of bulldozing pro-Zionist club ://about blank, the building should be preserved and turned into a less racist venue). 

A Friedrichshain freeway would require a double-decker tunnel under the narrow, historical Neue Bahnhofstraße, followed by a bridge over the Ring Center 2 shopping mall. Cost estimates of a billion euros seem hopelessly optimistic, since construction would take decades. Nonetheless, huge swaths of inner-city land are being kept empty for this pipe dream — with one study showing this could provide space for 8,000 apartments.

Induced Demand

Car lobbyists — known in Germany as Verkehrsminister:innen — argue that there is a fixed amount of traffic and it needs to go somewhere. But no serious urban planner believes this is true. Berlin is currently carrying out an unplanned experiment in what scientists call “induced demand.”

Back in March, a freeway bridge on the oldest part of the A100, in Charlottenburg next to the ICC, had to be closed and demolished. A road carrying 230,000 cars per day was suddenly reduced to one lane. Everyone expected a massive traffic jam in surrounding streets. Yet after a few days, all the cars just kind of disappeared, with numerous drivers choosing other means of transportation.

This is why new freeways never clear up traffic jams — roads don’t reduce traffic, but actually induce it. Berlin will offer yet more proof for this well-established scientific fact starting on Wednesday: the endless investments in car infrastructure will just mean more cars and more chaos. 

Hope

It’s embarrassing that our multicultural, rebellious, queer city is governed by a parochial, car-obsessed bumpkin like Kai Wegner, who commutes into the city each day from his sleepy village. It’s even more embarrassing that Berlin might be the only city in the Western world building new inner-city highways in the 21st century.

The CDU’s transport policy is not an abstract question of personal preferences: Wegner’s government has managed to increase the number of traffic fatalities by over 50 percent, up to 56 people last year. That is several dozen lives extinguished in the name of slightly faster travel for the privileged minority who use cars.

Germany’s car industry, largely owned by Nazi billionaires, is destroying the planet and our city in the name of maximizing profits. The CDU is their political wing. Every euro they spend on roads is a euro that’s missing for keeping the trains running.

Berlin’s history offers some hope. Back in the 1970s, the Red Island in Schöneberg was set to be torn down to make room for a six-lane monstrosity. Yet direct action was successful in stopping that Autobahn.

Just about every European metropolis is building bike lanes, expanding public transport, and opening up streets for people, instead of for cars. Maybe this is just a fantasy, but I imagine that with enough protests, we can drag Berlin’s rulers, kicking and screaming, into the 21st century.

Red Flag is a weekly opinion column on Berlin politics that Nathaniel has been writing since 2020. After moving through different homes, it now appears at The Left Berlin.

Standing in Solidarity with Palestinian Liberation and All Marginalized Voices

We need everyone on the streets. This fight is bigger than any one community

Trans Pride Berlin stands unequivocally with Palestinian liberation and in solidarity with all racialized communities fighting for justice and freedom. Our commitment to trans liberation cannot be separated from our commitment to global liberation.

To our LGBTQIA+ siblings, allies, and everyone who believes in justice: we urgently need you with us. When trans people are under attack (through state surveillance, legal restrictions, and violence) it threatens the freedom of all marginalized communities. When any of us are targeted, we all become less safe. Your presence at Trans Pride Berlin is not just solidarity; it’s self-defense for all our communities.

Learning from Our Past, Building Our Future

We acknowledge the harm caused by last year’s national flag policy, which silenced Palestinian voices at a time when solidarity was most needed. We failed our community, particularly those standing with Palestine, and we take full responsibility for that exclusionary decision. This year, we are rebuilding Trans Pride Berlin from the ground up (centering the voices and leadership of those most impacted by systemic oppression).

Trans Pride Berlin is stepping away from white feminism and homonationalism that have dominated our spaces and community for too long. We reject the sanitized politics that prioritize respectability over liberation, that center whiteness while tokenizing racialized voices, and that align with state power instead of challenging it. True trans liberation requires dismantling these systems, not reforming them.

Our Solidarity is International

We stand alongside the International Queer Pride and Community Dyke March, whose powerful statements on Palestinian liberation reflect our shared values. There can be no queer liberation without Palestinian liberation. There can be no trans freedom without racial justice. There can be no true pride while genocide and occupation continue.

Fighting All Forms of Oppression

We stand firmly against antisemitism, Islamophobia, anti-Blackness, and all forms of religious and ethnic hatred. We reject the weaponization of antisemitism accusations to silence legitimate criticism of Israeli state policies and Palestinian solidarity. True opposition to antisemitism means fighting all systems of oppression (including the occupation and genocide of Palestinian people).

We also acknowledge the voices of Jewish queer community members who stand in solidarity against occupation, racism, and antisemitism—their perspectives are an essential part of our movement.

Our anti-colonial politics must include a clear commitment to addressing anti-Blackness, which has long been central to systems of domination across the globe. These systems continue to impact many communities, and Black trans people, especially Black trans women; experience this harm at multiple intersections. Their lives, leadership, and liberation are essential to the broader struggle for justice. We cannot speak of freedom without centering those most affected by these overlapping forms of oppression.

Recognizing Patterns of Repression

We recognize that the same systems used to silence Palestinian voices in Germany are blueprints for silencing all marginalized communities, including queer and trans people. When states criminalize solidarity, ban symbols of resistance, and label liberation movements as threats, they create precedents that will inevitably be used against all of us who dare to resist.

Over the past year, our queer and trans siblings (especially racialized, Muslim, and Jewish community members) have been subjected to extreme police and state violence. We condemn this violence unequivocally. The targeting of our people for their identities, their solidarity, or their resistance exposes the lie that we live in a free and equal society.

This pattern extends to the German government’s proposed registry system for trans people seeking legal gender recognition (a dangerous violation of privacy rights that echoes Germany’s own dark history of registering and tracking marginalized communities). The state also threatens to withdraw the Selbstbestimmungsgesetz and appears ready to follow the UK and US in criminalizing us and stripping away our rights. Any system that creates lists of vulnerable people for state surveillance should alarm us all. We know where such registries lead, and we refuse to accept that trans people should be tracked and monitored by the state under any pretext. 

The fight for Palestinian freedom is inseparable from our fight for trans and queer liberation. State surveillance, whether targeting Palestinians or trans people, serves the same function: control, intimidation, and the systematic erosion of our rights to exist freely.

Our Commitment Moving Forward

This year’s Trans Pride Berlin will be:

  • Anti-colonial: Rejecting all forms of settler colonialism and occupation
  • Anti-racist: Centering the leadership of racialized trans people
  • Trans-feminist: Amplifying trans women’s voices and experiences
  • Pro-sex work: Supporting the full humanity and rights of sex workers
  • Disability justice-oriented: Creating accessible spaces for all bodies and minds

A Call to Action

We call on our community to join us in building a Pride that reflects our true politics (one that doesn’t shy away from global solidarity), that doesn’t sanitize our resistance, and that doesn’t abandon our most vulnerable community members for the comfort of respectability.

Get involved – we need you:

  • Register a bloc for your community (Black, SWANA, Asian, disabled, sex worker, trans fem, and more)
  • Give a speech or performance that centers our politics of liberation
  • Help with logistics – from marshaling to sound tech to accessibility coordination
  • Support organizing through social media, flyering, or community outreach

To our Palestinian trans and queer siblings: your liberation is our liberation. We see you, and we commit to standing with you. Let us unite our fight towards collective justice and freedom for us all.

To our racialized community members: your leadership is not just welcome. It is essential. Help us build something worthy of our collective power.

Trans liberation means liberation for all