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Leyton and Wanstead Labour Party Resignations

21 members of Leyton and Wanstead CLP are announcing their defection from the Labour Party


08/10/2025

An image of Leyton underground station

On 30 September, 21 ex-officers and active members of Leyton and Wanstead Constituency Labour Party (CLP), in East London, issued a press statement announcing their defection from the Labour Party in order to:

“Help to build an alternative socialist party that we can be proud to be members of – one that can act in the interests of working class people and provide a real alternative to the “populist” authoritarian far right.”

Leyton and Wanstead had always been a traditionally left CLP. It was one of the first in the country to nominate Jeremy Corbyn in 2015.

It had a proud record of work with trade unions, supporting picket lines of teachers, rail and post workers, NHS staff and others and inviting strikers to its meetings. In October 2022, it played the main role in setting up a local Cost of Living campaign springing from a public meeting of over 200. Over the following year, it collected over £4,000 for striking workers and local food banks at tube stations and outside Leyton Orient football ground.

From right back in October 2023, it took a principled stand against the Israeli attacks on Gaza. Its members attended the regular demonstrations in support of Palestine, including local protests against their own MPs!

The CLP was a little socialist fortress in a hostile party and inspired a lot of loyalty from members who would otherwise have walked away. It was locked in a constant battle with the national, regional and borough right-wingers and their allies in the party bureaucracy.

But as the situation went from bad to worse, many increasingly felt that they could no longer actively work for the party in any capacity. This was felt particularly keenly in this part of London, as the constituency borders Ilford North, where the pro-Gaza independent candidate, Leanne Mohammed, came within just 500 votes of removing the senior, right-wing Labour figure, Wes Streeting.

Streeting is now Health Secretary in Starmer’s government and very close to private health care companies to whom he offers lucrative NHS contracts. He has also made permanent a temporary ban on “puberty blocking” medication for trans adolescents and wants to keep trans women out of women’s wards on hospitals. And this from a gay man!

Leyton and Wanstead also borders Chingford and Woodford Green constituency, where the popular left candidate, Faiza Shaheen, who had been working to establish a strong local support base for years, was scandalously dumped by Labour just days before the general election, and mounted her own vibrant, independent but sadly unsuccessful campaign against the official stooge Labour candidate imposed by the party bureaucracy.

And of course just a few train stops away in Islington North, Corbyn himself managed to stand independently and thrash the official Labour candidate, drawing in hundreds of enthusiastic volunteers from far and wide.

At the same time, the sitting MP in Leyton and Wanstead suddenly resigned days before the last nomination date for election candidates, so that a completely unknown, right-wing candidate, could be imposed by the Starmer clique, to the fury of local members.

In the face of all this, some Labour members helped one or other of these independent candidates in the 2024 election, constantly expecting “automatic expulsion” letters from Labour. Many good socialists left the party in ones and twos. The CLP membership has halved since Starmer first took over, and is becoming hollowed out and inactive except for existing councillors and wannabe councillors.

The Labour vote in Leyton and Wanstead fell from a record 70% in the general election of 2017, to just 47% in 2024. Current opinion polls predict that it will fall to less than 40%. The national party is already down to just 20% in opinion polls and has experienced truly disastrous local government election results. The huge trade union, UNITE, is openly talking seriously about disaffiliation.

Finally, once the Corbyn/Sultana, provisionally named “Your Party” project looked to provide the possibility of a serious mass alternative left party, many of the remaining socialists in the party decided, rather than drift away from the party as individuals, to leave as an organised block and to send a statement to the local press and to national left media outlets.

Most of those who signed the statement and resigned are now campaigning with many others to establish a “Your Party” branch in the constituency, where a public meeting was held on 16 September, attended by over 150 people, which was imbued with enormous enthusiasm. It provided a real basis for future progress and united action until the new national party is formally founded.

However, some of that optimism has had to be tempered by the legendary ability of the left to inflict damage on itself. The press statement was originally scheduled to be released on 18 September but was delayed by extraordinary developments on that very day at the top of the proposed new party based on what appears to be an acrimonious split.

On one side is Jeremy Corbyn himself, and a group around him, many of them from his team when he was Labour leader. He has also allied himself with four so-called “Gaza independent” MPs, all from the Muslim community who had shocked Labour by taking previously safe seats from them. They are not all socialists; they have never even claimed to be. Yet Corbyn seems to be favouring them in the process of developing the new party, placing some of them in key roles.

On the other side is Zarah Sultana, a much younger firebrand socialist who resigned as a Labour MP to “lead the process” jointly with Corbyn, of establishing a new party. She has much more socially liberal and secular views than the independent MPs on issues such as abortion, sexuality and trans people’s rights. She has become a figurehead for those who want a more democratic socialist party, free from the domination of the coterie around Corbyn.

She feels shut out by Corbyn’s allies and has responded by taking two reckless unilateral actions. Firstly, she publicly announced the formation of the party back in July, seemingly without even consulting or warning the “co-leader” Corbyn! Then on 18 September she announced that an internet membership portal for the new party was open and live, only for Corbyn to post on social media that this was completely unauthorised and that anyone who joined (over 20,000 in a matter of hours) should cancel their direct debit instructions! He also reported Sultana for an alleged illegal data breach. She in turn has spoken of a “sexist boys club” and threatened him or his allies with a defamation lawsuit, though this has been withdrawn.

All of this was a body blow to the new party and to the hundreds of thousands up and down the country who had invested their hopes and dreams in it. Frankly, it was a self-indulgent, incompetent disgrace—on all sides.

The membership portal is now open again but it is clear that the enthusiasm and trust has dissipated and many people are reticent about joining unless these disputes are properly resolved. They have not announced how many have joined, leading to the suspicion that the numbers are underwhelming. And over the last few months, 20,000 people have joined the Green Party under its new, charismatic, and more explicitly socialist leader, Zack Polanski, many of them since the Your Party debacle. The Green Party’s membership now stands at 83,000.

In Leyton and Wanstead, work enthusiastically continues to build a left alternative, drawing in those who have left the Labour Party, Palestine activists, sections of the revolutionary left, new people from no party and wide layers of people campaigning on private landlord rent levels, the climate crisis, and many other single issues.

The “Your Party” national conference has been arranged for the end of November, with delegates chosen at random by “sortition”, rather than being elected at a local level via active branches—another source of disagreement and suspicion. The decisions regarding the final name of the party, the leaders and the main policy platform will then be put to an online ballot of all members.

But whether or not the national party is formed or how large it is, it is likely that strongly supported left candidates will stand in Leyton and Wanstead as in many other areas, or that deals are made with the Green Party.

It is still just about possible that the Labour Party, under a new leader, could swing leftwards, to gain more votes and members. But is also very likely that Labour will continue to offer nothing to working people, and make more concessions on asylum and immigration to the far-right, leading to an electoral catastrophe. This will simply open the door to the nightmare of a future Reform UK government.

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Full Text of statement

We the undersigned are active members of Leyton and Wanstead Constituency Labour Party (CLP). We have all been in the party for many years and some of us for decades. Many of us have been CLP and local branch officers, including CLP chairs and secretaries, and a general election agent.

We have watched with anger, frustration and astonishment as the current dishonest leadership has abandoned the principles the Labour Party should stand on. It has tried to solve the economic crisis at the expense of ordinary people who did nothing to cause it, while doing next to nothing to address unprecedented levels of inequality and poverty, including child poverty. This has had disastrous electoral results.

The Government’s shameful inaction and active complicity in Israel’s genocide in Gaza is intolerable. In the face of hundreds of thousands of deaths and injuries, the total destruction of infrastructure, the deliberate starvation in Gaza and the state-sponsored settler violence in the West Bank, the Labour Government has limited itself to minimal, mainly symbolic, actions, taken far too late, while continuing with weapon sales and military co-operation with the Israeli regime. This will be a permanent stain on its reputation.

The proscription of Palestine Action as a terrorist group is a terrifying extension of authoritarian state power and has led to the shocking and absurd arrests of hundreds of entirely peaceful demonstrators, many of whom are our friends and family members.

The Government is pandering to the fake patriotism and poisonous anti-migrant rhetoric of Reform UK in a doomed attempt to win their voters on that basis. It has savagely cut international aid and completely betrayed the interests of trans people. All this has led to intensified community conflict and is opening the door to a future Reform UK government.

This is not a complete list! And even many of the reforms that we would welcome have been weakened and watered down.

The leadership of the party at regional and national level, with their local supporters and their allies in the party apparatus have used shameless anti-democratic manoeuvres – tearing up the rule book – to prevent properly democratic selections of candidates for Parliament and local councils and have increasingly closed down any method by which party members can try to determine or influence local or national policy. They have created a climate of fear in the party to shut down opposition.

We have remained members of the Labour Party, despite being told to leave by Keir Starmer, and in spite of many good socialists being expelled or leaving in disgust. We have done this out of party loyalty; to ensure the removal of the Tory government; for the sake of unity with the main organisations of the Labour movement; and because no viable alternative presented itself.

But enough is enough. We now feel that we have no choice but to resign from the Labour Party and to help to build an alternative socialist party that we can be proud to be members of – one that can act in the interests of working class people and provide a real alternative to the “populist” authoritarian far right.

October 14th 1943 – Escape from Sobibor

This week in working class history


07/10/2025

In Autumn 1941, Nazi Germany implemented Operation Reinhard—the systematic extermination of all Polish Jews. This directive required the building of three additional death camps: Bełżec, Sobibór, and Treblinka. Between 1942 and 1943, 1.7 million Jews were murdered under this operation, along with countless Roma and Sinti people, Poles, and Soviet prisoners of war.

From its opening in May 1942 until its closure in October 1943, an estimated 180,000 people were murdered in Sobibór—nearly 100,000 in the camp’s first 90 days. Most deportees were murdered immediately upon arrival, but a small number were selected for forced labour. These prisoners were forced to carry out tasks such as disposing of corpses or working as skilled labourers—goldsmiths, tailors, and others. Female prisoners were often raped by SS officers.

On 14 October 1943, an armed uprising broke out inside the camp. The revolt was inspired by news of the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising earlier that year. Around 4 p.m., Johann Niemann—the acting camp commandant—was killed, along with nine other SS officers and two guards. Soon after, prisoners cut the camp’s telephone and telegraph lines. During a roll call later that afternoon, a firefight broke out, triggering a mass escape attempt.

Around 300 prisoners managed to escape—nearly half the people still imprisoned at Sobibór. Many were killed in the surrounding minefields or captured and executed. In the end, just 58 escapees survived the war. Alexander Pechersky, a Jewish Red Army officer and one of the revolt’s leaders told its participants: “Those of you who may survive, bear witness. Let the world know what has happened here.” The next day, 15 October 1943, all remaining prisoners in Sobibór were murdered, and the Nazis shut down the camp—effectively ending the killing at Sobibór’s gas chambers.

Sobibór was one of three armed revolts in Nazi death camps in occupied Poland. The others—Treblinka in August 1943 and Auschwitz-Birkenau in October 1944—were ultimately unsuccessful in achieving escape. But Sobibór proved that resistance was possible, even under the most brutal and dehumanising conditions. In the words of  survivor Gershon WIllinge: “It is so important for us to remember the Sobibór revolt, to remember that Jews did resist. Jews weren’t just led like sheep to the slaughter. We did resist and we wanted to live!”

Gaza genocide: “I wonder what lessons we’ll learn from this.”

Berlin activist convicted because of pro-Palestine protest sign files appeal. Interview with Martina Winkler.


Martina Winkler (name changed for anonymity) was convicted for carrying a sign which read “Have we learned nothing from the Holocaust?” at a protest against the Gaza genocide in Berlin’s government district.

In June you were sentenced to pay a €1,500 fine because you walked around the governmental district holding a sign on which you’d written “Have we learned nothing from the Holocaust?”. What do you expect the appeal process to look like?

The verdict is unjust. I knew from the beginning that I would take action against it. For me, it’s less about obtaining a desired outcome, and more about setting a precedent. I don’t consider myself to be guilty and would like that confirmed for myself and for others. 

What does your lawyer have to say about the decision?

From the beginning she was convinced that the verdict would have to be in my favour, and other lawyers I spoke to thought the same. 

What makes you think that the outcome could be different this time?

Particularly in cases related to Palestine, different judges have made very different decisions. To me, this means that it’s important to repeat the process with another judge. 

Were you surprised at the time that charges could even be brought against you?

I definitely didn’t expect it—I was convinced that I was protected by freedom of expression and freedom of speech. I never thought that what I was doing could be even remotely criminal. 

Do you get the impression that more people from the international community are active in the Palestine Solidarity Movement here?

Yes, I also get the impression that there are more people with Arab origins.

Could the proceedings be influenced by the international recognition of the situation in Gaza as a genocide by the UN Human Rights Commission?

At this point, many people living here understand that it’s a genocide, because it’s been confirmed by international authorities. But many feel that it isn’t their responsibility, and put it on a level with other wars, for example the one Ukraine.

Do you think this can be explained by the fact that the government, and businesses with headquarters in Germany, are both responsible for the damage Israeli soldiers are wreaking in Gaza?

Definitely. People who criticise Israel’s military actions in Palestine or simply express their solidarity with Palestinians face severe repression or lose their jobs—because of this, many are wary. And then there’s the role of the media, which spreads certain narratives, shaping public opinion. 

For those who aren’t aware of your case, what motivated you to make the signs and carry them with you?

I moved to Berlin about a year and a half ago—so now I live in a city that is also the seat of government. I work in the social sector and have grown fond of the city. My motivation for carrying the signs came from following coverage of Israel’s military action in Gaza every day since October 7, 2023. Then, in no time at all, so many people were killed by the Israeli army, even hospitals were attacked, and I couldn’t bear it. The world had watched this all live. It was traumatising. I was distraught and overwhelmed and it was clear to me that I couldn’t sit at home and do nothing. All that remained was for me to go out into the streets, hold up the signs and confront the public with them. 

My grandparents witnessed the Holocaust. The most important lesson for me is that we, as Germans, must never allow crimes against humanity to happen again—against anyone. It’s important to me that no one thinks that I’m relativising the Holocaust. It’s the opposite: I’m asking myself what lessons we can learn from it. It’s dangerous for Germans to think that this issue doesn’t concern them. We certainly bear that responsibility. 

This interview originally appeared in German in junge Welt. Translation: Ciara Bowen. Reproduced with permission. You can order a free trial subscription to junge Welt here.

Absolve the sentence of this land: Migrant vote now!

On migrant voting rights in Germany


06/10/2025

Since its creation in 2018, Bloque Latinoamericano has directed most of its political work towards transforming the many dimensions of the eminently precarious conditions of the migrant life in Berlin. This precariousness is not only defined by how migrant labor contributes to the reproduction of capital, and the workforce in global centers such as Germany—most often inserted into sectors where exploitation is brutally manifested, such as gastronomy, platform economy jobs, cleaning, and care work. It is also revealed in the political exclusion from the most fundamental right that defines any democracy: the ability to vote. 

This is neither a new feature of German history, nor something specific to the Latin American migrant population. At least since the massive displacements of the so-called “guest workers” (Gastarbeiter)—mainly from Turkey, Greece, and Italy, who, after the Second World War, contributed to the “miraculous” recovery of the German economy (Wirtschaftswunder)—migrants and their descendants have been systematically excluded from citizenship and the right to vote in this country. These antidemocratic and racist tendencies have consolidated over the decades to the point where today more than 14 million people live in Germany without having German citizenship (16.7% of the total population), of whom 11 million (13.1%) are of voting age. 1.5 million of these people were born in this country but do not hold a German passport.

In a political context characterized not only by the rise of far-right forces, but also by a generalized conservative, repressive, and militaristic turn across the entire political spectrum, migrants have become the fundamental public enemy, replacing the rich vs. poor contradiction that dominated the narrative in previous decades. As we have noted on various occasions before, racist narratives portray migrants as the scapegoats for poor economic management, the housing crisis, insecurity, and antisemitism. However, economically, migrant labor today is not replaceable in the German economy. A total expulsion or halt of migration is neither possible, nor in the interests of the various factions of big capital, nor of the political parties of the status quo.

Nonetheless, in this ominous landscape, some progressive developments have begun to emerge that we must deepen through collective struggle. One of the most significant ones has been the strong electoral performance and renewal process of the leftist party Die Linke, following the last elections in February this year. Much of the optimistic mood found expression in the figure of Ferat Koçak, who became the first Die Linke national MP with a migrant background to win a direct mandate in the history of the Federal Republic of Germany. His candidacy was supported by broad sectors of the left and of civil society, which, although not part of the party structure, placed their trust in voting for Koçak as a way to block the advance of the far-right (AfD) and contribute to renewing traditional ways of doing politics, with a new style, more closely linked to the concrete needs of the working and migrant populations living in the Berlin neighborhoods most affected by criminalization and repression.

For these reasons, if the fundamental goal of the left-wing forces and the rest of the political parties is to stop the advance of the right, then granting voice and vote to the sector most targeted by that advance becomes inescapable: only by giving voice to the most precarious bodies, who are the favored targets of fascist threats, can we defeat them!

Some campaigns and civil society initiatives have begun the important task of raising these issues in parliamentary debates and within the public opinion. However, Bloque Latinoamericano considers it fundamental that the demand for migrant voting rights is not limited to lobbying, but instead becomes part of a struggle through which a broad political front and social movements expand the social gains of the German working class. Migrant voting rights are non-negotiable: they are won in the streets, at the ballot box, and in history!

This is a translation of an article in Spanish from the Bloque Latinoamericano website. A German version of the article is also available. Translation: Inês Colaço. Reproduced with permission.

The end of the loud silence

Tens of thousands of people demonstrated in Berlin against the war crimes in Gaza. The protest against Israeli policy had majority support, says Michael Barenboim.

and
05/10/2025

Faruk K. (30) stands on Alexanderplatz on Saturday afternoon with a Palestinian flag. He says: “I am disappointed that human rights are not universally applicable for the German government. If they were, Germany would have to sanction Israel for its crimes in Gaza. “Just like Russia.”

Around 20,000 people set off for the Großer Stern, an hour’s walk away. By evening, there will be well over 50,000 at the “All Eyes on Gaza” rally. Maybe 100,000.

Faruk K. was born in Berlin, works as an employee, and has Palestinian ancestors. It’s good, he says, that the demonstration “is peaceful and that there are different people there.”

As you push your way through the crowds, you hear German, Arabic, English, Spanish. It is a metropolitan event, multicultural, mostly younger people, with many expats and activists wearing Palestinian scarves. Black, white, green, and red flags dominate. Red Left Party flags also shine, while the inevitable DKP (‘Deutsche Kommunistische Partei’) and MLPD (‘Marxistische-Leninistische Partei Deutschlands’) flags are lost among the sea of flags.

Germans want more pressure on Israel

Around noon, radicals gathered at Moritzplatz in Kreuzberg for a counterdemonstration. Representatives from groups such as ‘Kommunistischer Aufbau’ (KA) and ‘Young Struggle’ (YS) were present. A spokesperson said they were against the “normalization” of the Zionist entity. There could be no peace in an apartheid system which commits genocide. Any form of resistance against it is legitimate. The crowd chants “Free Palestine,” “Yalla Intifada,” and the classic: “German weapons, German money, murdering all over the world.” There are 250 police officers for around 500 demonstrators. According to a police spokeswoman, a total of 1,800 officers were on duty in the city that day.

At 2:30 p.m., before the speeches begin, Jewish-German musician Michael Barenboim stands next to the rather modest stage on Alexanderplatz, where Left Party leader Ines Schwerdtner is about to speak. “The protest against German politics is already capable of engaging the majority. We are making that evident here,” Barenboim tells the ‘Taz’ newspaper. “Stop the genocide” is a slogan that many can rally behind.

The polls prove Barenboim is right. More than half of Germans consider what is happening in Gaza to be genocide. Two-thirds of Germans want Germany to exert more pressure on Israel.

Before the speeches begin, the rules are read out in Arabic and German. Burning flags and propagating the destruction of Israel are prohibited, as are hate messages against ethnic groups, symbols, flags, and stickers of Hezbollah, the PFLP (‘Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine’), and Islamist organizations. But none of this is to be seen.

Ines Schwerdtner shouts, “We are here today because a genocide is happening in Gaza.” There used to be a consensus within the Left Party to avoid using the word genocide, in order to maintain internal party balance and to avoid a prolonged debate about a word which easily distracts from the horror. Now that most Germans accept the word genocide, this seems to be a thing of the past. Schwerdtner calls for “the release of the hostages and all political prisoners,” but above all for an end to arms exports and an end to the war in Gaza.

However, at most a tenth of the demonstration participants hear that the Left Party has new wording. The speakers are too quiet. Organizing large demonstrations used to be one of the core competencies of the left. Another prejudice that can be checked off the list.

“Human dignity is inviolable.”

A member of the Left Party, around 30 years old, with a beard and wearing a leather jacket, has traveled from Cologne and is waving a party flag. Around 50 comrades have come from Cologne, he says. He was pleased with the mobilization of the grassroots. But 50 is a rather modest number, considering that there are now more than 3,000 comrades in Cologne.

Small migrant and left-wing groups such as the Israeli peace movement ‘Standing Together’, the ‘Workers’ Party of Turkey’, and the ‘VVN’ (in English, the ‘Association of Persecutees of the Nazi Regime’) can be recognized by their banners. A large banner reads “Human dignity is inviolable.”

The demonstration is a colorful mix of people, unlike the rather gray-haired, bio-German-Wagenknecht Gaza demonstration from three weeks ago. But some groups are missing. The churches, and apart from a few lost ver.di activists, the unions as well.

Tsafrir Cohen, head of ‘medico international’, stands at the edge of the demonstration in front of Marienkirche on Alexanderplatz on Saturday afternoon and tells ‘Taz’: “A few months ago, ‘medico’ was still alone on the Gaza issue.” That has changed now. The hesitancy has disappeared among many NGOs. ‘Terre des Hommes’, ‘Medica Mondial’, ‘Care International’, and ‘Oxfam’ are also getting involved.

A bridge between migrants and mainstream society

“All Eyes on Gaza,” co-organized by ‘medico international’, is an attempt to build a bridge between “migrant society, activists, and the mainstream German society.” Even if actors such as the SPD, Christian Democrats, or Greens are still missing, the time when “loud silence” was considered protest is over, according to Cohen.

The demonstration march sets off very slowly at 4 p.m. It is led by a Palestinian block, from whose loudspeaker truck a woman encourages the crowd to chant slogans such as “Viva Palestine” and “Israel bombs, Friedrich Merz finances.” However, the old battle cry “Long live international solidarity” receives the most response. Another popular chant is “This is not war, this is genocide.”

The walk to the Großer Stern is long, taking around an hour. The best atmosphere is in the Latin American block, which keeps spirits high with drumming. A small group with Israeli flags and photos of Hamas hostages has gathered at the Lustgarten. The demonstration march responds with chants of “Shame on you” and “Fuck Israel.” Otherwise, the demonstration march proceeds without any major incidents.

‘Amnesty International’ and ‘medico international’ have set up a large stage for the rally in front of the Victory Column. The sound is better than at the Left Party rally on Alexanderplatz. Rapper Ali Bumayé sincerely thanks Germans without a migrant background for coming. He says he learned in kindergarten how important it is to love your neighbor and is happy that this society is finally standing up for its values.

German-Palestinian chemical engineer Iman Abu Qomsan talks about her over 80 relatives who were killed in Gaza. The RAM Project from Cologne plays Arabic pieces. At 7 p.m., rapper Massiv, who had previously called for the Wagenknecht rally in front of the Brandenburg Gate, makes a surprise appearance and performs a melancholic song.

Arrests in Kreuzberg

At 7:45 p.m., 18-year-old Israeli conscientious objector Ella Greenberg, who has been imprisoned several times for refusing military service, speaks. Not far from the Victory Column, ‘Amnesty International’ and ‘medico international’ have set up their stands.

The rally at the Victory Column continues until 9 p.m., long after dark. Around 7 p.m., a spokeswoman announces that the police are now brutally cracking down on the demonstration at Moritzplatz. “There are arrests and many detentions,” she says. She expresses solidarity with all those demonstrating today. “All of Berlin hates the police,” she shouts to the crowd.

The press spokesman for the Left Party, Lars Peters, is also on Straße des 17th. Juni and sends out a press release from there at 7 p.m. “Today we have made clear what the majority in this country has long been thinking,” Ines Schwerdtner explains. “This demonstration was not only impressive in its size, but it also stood for a promise: we will not look away when people are dying every day in Gaza.” The federal government must no longer evade its responsibility. The Left Party estimates that more than 100,000 people are attending the demonstration and rally.

Where are the Greens? Where are the unions?

Kassem Taher Saleh (32) stands next to the stage of the “All Eyes on Gaza” rally at the Großer Stern in the early evening and says: “I would have liked the Green Party and its parliamentary group to have called for this rally.” Taher Saleh was born in Iraq and came to Saxony at the age of ten. He has been a Green Party member of the Bundestag for four years.

Why is he here? His answer echoes that of many at the Gaza rally: “The federal government must recognize Palestine, stop all arms deliveries to Israel, and provide more humanitarian aid to Gaza.” He understands that Germans whose grandfathers fought on the Eastern Front before 1945 have a different relationship with Israel.

Nevertheless, he is offended by the Greens’ reluctance. “The protection of human rights and minorities is part of our DNA.” Except in Palestine and Gaza.

This article originally appeared in German in the taz newspaper. Translation: Ana Ferreira. Reproduced with permission.