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The defence team of the Ulm 5 go onto the offence

The trial of the Ulm 5 started in Stuttgart-Stammheim yesterday, and The Left Berlin journalists were there.

Roser Garí Pérez reports from inside the court, while Yasemin Özdemir, Compañera Emiliana, and Pepe T. were at the protests outside

Kafkaesque scenes in court

by Roser Garí Pérez @rosergariperez

The lawyers of the Ulm 5 following a sham-show of the ruling court have written a statement. It is printed in full below.

It has been clear since the arrest, extreme charges and prolonged cruel pre-trial over the six months limit detention that the trial against the Ulm 5 was not going to be fair. And today’s legal shit-show did not disappoint.

We started the day with a rally outside court with people that have come from all over Germany greeting the courageous Ulm 5 on their way to their show trial. The early hours did not diminish people’s solidarity and energy and the Ulm 5 were greeted with chants “Free the Ulm 5” and “Free Palestine”. Some of the people continued the rally, while others headed to the court room. Keffiyehs of some people were taken away as they entered the court.

The show trial was riddled with irregularities before it even began. Starting with the fact that despite communication with the court about the conditions of the principle of publicity, and the right to have pens provided and paper allowed were not met, the number of seats available for the public were 6 less than previously communicated. 62 people in the public were surveyed by over a dozen heavily equipped security personnel, with even police coming in at one point. The trial did not seem to attract any attention from mainstream German media, apart from a representative from Deutsche Press Agentur (DPA) and SWR. The report from DPA is as Staatsräson-influenced as it gets with sentences worth repeating in a journalism class of what biased media looks like. Nevertheless, all mainstream German media is repeating it without question: Painting the public solidarity and the amazing team of lawyers as problematic, while defending the actions of a judge that seemed overwhelmed for such an important trial.

The moment that the sharply-dressed human rights defenders Vi, Daniel, Zo, Crow and Leandra came in they were greeted with a standing ovation from the solidarity public. They were brought in shackled and put in a bullet proof glass cage, separated from their lawyers – even after their lawyers having fought for them prior to the trial, to be sitting next to them to have a fair defence It is crystal clear that the judge and prosecutor office are trying to paint them as dangerous criminals. Even though the shackles were removed the first image for the German press was set.

Despite repeated attempts by the ten-lawyer team to be heard and present their official motion to have the clients sit next to them, the judge denied them not only the possibility of presenting this motion until the charges were heard, but the possibility of presenting a motion to present a motion. Meanwhile their microphones were turned off, not allowing the public, including the press, to follow accurately what was happening. Their own defendants could also not hear them properly. After almost an hour of a pitiful spectacle of the German state, and not being able to even be respectfully heard, the team of lawyers in a power move left the room.

The judge stuttered about a 20 minute recess only to change her mind within seconds and say 2 hours. The 14 security personnel escorted the public out, and then threatened us with violence if we did not leave the room fast enough. During this recess lawyers came to the rally to speak with the press present (that wanted to actually do their job) and held some speeches, informing the people of what was going on.

When the recess was over, and we were allowed to return, to our surprise the lawyers had made a power ranger move and sat themselves in the security glass box. This was met with barely contained fury by the judge, who did not let them speak and gave them 5 minutes to take their previous seats. They just stood up and had a chat waiting for the 5 minutes to be over.

After that the judge called it a day, and the show trial will resume on the 4th of May. 

By refusing to bow to injustice, and positioning their defendants dignity and wellbeing as the main focus, the team of lawyers — considering how well prepared they seem to be — are playing 3D chess against a state playing peek-a-boo with the only thing they have going for them, their hate of any solidarity with the self-determination and right of life and land of the Palestinian people.

Demonstrating Outside the Court makes a difference

by Compañera Emiliana, and Pepe T. 

We travelled as a group of activists from the solidarity movement in Berlin to Stuttgart to show the Ulm 5 their support and to join other regional groups. The goal was to be present and loud while the Ulm5 were transported separately to Stammheim for the first hearing. It was clear that the morale of the Ulm 5 was uplifted and it was a joyful moment for the movement to see them through the vehicle windows: Their faces full of joy, smiling and showing a victory V with their handcuffed hands. 

During the “show” that happened inside the court, the solidarity group held a rally outside, listening to some speeches, music, and writing them letters. There were chants demaning justice for the Ulm5, for a free Palestine, to end Germany’s active role in the Gaza genocide and for shutting Elbit Systems down (Israel’s largest weapons manufacturer, supplying the vast majority of arms used in the war in Gaza, and famous for their killer drones).

A great part of the group came all the way from Berlin and a good-sized rally as well as a full courtroom of observers was able to be achieved, for them to be present alongside the Ulm 5‘s family and the solidary press. Nevertheless, there is much more potential for increasing the presence of activists at the court hearings, for at least keeping a very good presence of observers for all the dates. 

Consider joining the upcoming court hearings, since our presence is paramount for the best chances of success for the Ulm 5 and the antizionist and antigenocide movement in all of Germany and worldwide. Direct action is the most effective but also the most risky way of activism, so the least we can do is do all we can to support them, at best with our presence, moral backing and our encouragement. Free the Ulm 5! Free Palestine!

“Ulm 5, we are proud” 

by Yasemin Özdemir

The chant that echoed loudly through the otherwise quaint residential area of Stammheim-Stuttgart, where the Ulm 5 are being tried inside the maximum security prison court. “Only a few meters away from where the RAF activists were tried”, an Anarchist comrade explained about the historical significance of this location on the 10 hour ride from Berlin. Transported by the most solidary and well organized activists from the Solibus, the Pro-Palestine community showed up in full conviction and affection for their comrades.

The sense of purpose and community was palpable, the common goal clear. We will leave no one behind if it’s up to us, and certainly not to the German state. Beyond full solidarity with the Ulm 5, the movement has understood that the state aims to end direct action by anti-zionist activists through heavy criminalization, invoking paragraph 129. If that becomes the sentence, this would be disastrous.

After a short night in a hall in Karlsruhe, where comrades improved the walls with missing Palestine stickers and a little round of antiD cleansing, the bus left to arrive at Stammheim by 7:15, making sure to catch the Ulm 5 arriving. One by one they were driven in by unmarked cars from different prisons across the South. Each car was welcomed with steadfast chanting and declarations of loyalty and love. Nothing was more important than showing them we were there.

The rally outside began, often invoking chants against Elbit Systems, the actual perpetrator of war crimes operating from Ulm. It is the lack of state and corporate accountability in ending the Gaza genocide, that the brave people have to step up and obstruct genocide at a high cost, their freedom. After having to tow an entire row of parked cars from the lot, because the cops ‘forgot to prepare for our rally’ we joined the Stuttgart team. Banners lit up the parkplatz while Lowkey’s famous song led the Versammlungsleiter to receive an Anzeige. Comrades from Shut Elbit Down and the Bündnis gegen Waffen gave moving speeches that tied the Ulm 5 case seamlessly to the militarization of our economy. Afterwards, it was time to settle down in the sun and wait for news from inside.

After 2 hours the family, legal defense team, press, court observers and others came out, exclaiming about the farcical nature of the proceedings. But despite that they were also thrilled. Thrilled for the glorious way the Ulm 5 showed up and how iconic they looked, despite these harsh months alone (not to diminish how disturbing and tough they were). A video journalist from Junge Welt mentioned how emotional it was to capture them on camera and groups sprawled around him to see the photos, some tearing up at the sight. The lawyers gave an update, how they had to stage a walkout because the judge wouldn’t let them sit next to their defendants, upsetting the obstructive judge. An “offensive defense”, and a “revolutionary spirit” were some of the jubilant ways the defense team was being described, leading to elation and standing ovations.

Finally, the recess was over and the queue to go inside did not diminish this time. Shortly after, it was over. The defense team in a surprising act of defiance got behind the glass and took their rightful place next to their defendants.

See you on May 4th.

Press release: Start of proceedings against the “Ulm 5” at the Stuttgart Regional Court – Motion for recusal against the presiding judge

During today’s opening of the trial at the Stuttgart Regional Court in the case against the “Ulm 5,” events escalated rapidly.

Prior to the hearing, the defence had attempted to contact – both by writing and by calling – the presiding judge in order to discuss various matters, in particular the seating arrangement in the courtroom. However, these requests went unanswered.

Instead, the court unilaterally scheduled a so-called “inspection appointment” without coordinating with the defence.

From the outset, the defence emphasised that the defendants should be seated next to their lawyers in order to ensure unobstructed and confidential communication in accordance with the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR).

This fundamental right was not, in the eyes of the defence, guaranteed under the planned seating arrangement in the courtroom today.

Motions to change this and other related objections were not given consideration. The defence was not given the floor, and the microphones were not switched on, even though, according to the presiding judge, anything not spoken into the microphone would not be translated and would “disappear.”

The defence sought dialogue with the court not only prior to and during the main hearing in order to reach a constructive solution, but also during the recess. The court did not respond.

The defence views this conduct as an unacceptable violation of the defendants’ right to a fair trial and has therefore filed a motion for recusal against the presiding judge.

The undersigned are available for further inquiries.

  • Dr. Maja Beisenherz, München, Info@beisenherz.eu, 0177 / 70 95 812
  • Michael Brenner, Nürnberg, michael.brenner@anw-nbg.de, 0911 / 37 66 42 77
  • Mathes Breuer, München, breuer@kanzlei-abe.de, 0175 / 52 46 963
  • Anna Magdalena Busl, Bonn, busl@anwaltsbuero-bonn.de, 0176 / 23 23 32 35
  • Benjamin Düsberg, Berlin, mail@rechtsanwalt-duesberg.de, 0157 / 30 30 8383
  • Carolin Kaufmann, Berlin, kaufmann@akm-berlin.de, 0172 / 47 21 420
  • Rosa Mayer-Eschenbach, München, eschenbach@kanzlei-abe.de, 0176 / 65 35 94 43
  • Christina Mucha, Memmingen, info@kanzlei-mucha.de, 08331 / 69 08 136
  • Nina Onèr, Berlin, kanzlei@ninaoner.de, 01520 97 33 278
  • Matthias Schuster, Berlin, mail@anwalt-schuster.de, 0176 / 24 75 8230
  • Martina Sulzberger, Augsburg, kanzlei@anwaeltin-sulzberger.de; 0821 / 50 87 385O

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Videos and Pictures from the Trial

Videos before the trial: Hebh Jamal

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Photos from inside the court: Ignacio Rosaslanda https://www.instagram.com/nachonal_geographic

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Photos from outside the court: Compañera Emiliana

Elbit Systems and the Ulm 5

The Israeli weapons manufacturer powering genocide and the activists who tried to disrupt it


27/04/2026

As the trial of the Ulm 5 starts, we take a closer look at Elbit Systems and how it powers not only the genocide in Gaza but also violence worldwide. 

At the bottom of this page, you will find a link to an article about how you can get active against Elbit in Germany and support the Ulm 5 as best as you can.

What is Elbit Systems?

Founded in 1966, Elbit Systems Ltd. is Israel’s largest weapons manufacturer. As of 2026, it is the largest Israeli company by market value

Elbit is the main provider of Israel’s drone fleet: its Hermes drones form the backbone of Israel’s military capabilities, enabling constant surveillance and targeted strikes against the Palestinian population. The company also produces a wide range of other combat systems—from AI surveillance technologies, to bombs and advanced systems for the military’s Merkava tanks. 

Elbit has played a central role in the mass murder and displacement of Palestinians long before October 2023, through its ammunition, drones or surveillance systems. The company regularly markets its weapons as “battle proven”, a chilling euphemism indicating they have been tested in operations against Palestinians.

Since October 2023, the company has increased its deliveries to the Israeli Ministry of Defense (IMOD) and its arsenal has been widely used in both Gaza and the West Bank. 

Powering genocide and murder at the borders

Elbit is not only a key provider of the technology powering the genocide in Gaza, it is also a major global arms exporter. The company has subsidiary factories around the world and sells its weapon systems to numerous countries, including France, Germany, Azerbaijan, and Austria. The company’s weapons are deployed globally to hunt people at the borders or target dissent—as in Brazil, where Elbit drones were used to crack down on protests during the World Cup. Elbit has also sold weapon systems to Myanmar’s military junta following the 2021 coup and supplied tanks to the Duterte regime in the Philippines. 

In the EU, Elbit has benefited from funding through the FP7 (2007–2013), Horizon 2020 (2014–2020), and Horizon Europe (2021–2027) programmes. In 2020, Frontex awarded €50 million to Elbit and IAI (Israel Aerospace Industries) to acquire drone technology for its border operations. As a reminder, EU border policies have killed more than 60,000 people between 1993 and 2025 alone, with Frontex being Europe’s main border police force and the EU’s largest agency.

And Europe is not the only region where Elbit is deeply integrated into the border surveillance apparatus: the company’s technology is also deployed in the US, where it supplies the Customs and Border Protection agency (CBP) with autonomous, AI-powered surveillance towers at the Mexico border.

Elbit in Germany

Elbit acquired the German radio communication division of Telefunken, a company with a long history of enabling genocide, and rebranded as Elbit Systems Deutschland in 2020. The subsidiary is headquartered in Ulm, Baden-Württemberg, where it produces military communication devices, radars and laser target designators, among other technologies. 

The company also maintains offices in Berlin and Koblenz, and has recently opened a branch in northern Germany, without publicly disclosing its exact location for fear of protests. It’s important to note that technology built by Elbit in Germany doesn’t stay in Germany, and that shipments to Israel have been documented. 

Meanwhile, Germany is negotiating a multi-billion deal with Elbit for the purchase of up to 500 rocket launchers. The weapons will be produced in Germany and used to equip the German army as well as NATO partners, thus helping the country to reach its stated goal of becoming the biggest armed force in Europe.

This highlights the level of interconnection between Germany and the Israel military industrial complex: Germany purchases weapons from Elbit, builds Elbit technology on its territory, while also exporting weapons to Israel (Germany is Israel’s second-largest arms supplier after the United States). 

Support the Ulm 5 and Shut Elbit Down

In September 2025, five activists entered Elbit’s Ulm offices. The aim of the non-violent action was to disrupt the flow of arms to Israel and stop the genocide in Gaza. Ever since, Daniel, Zo, Crow, Vi and Leandra have been held in pre-trial detention in separate prisons in south-west Germany. 

Alongside trespassing and property damage, the Ulm 5 have been charged with membership of a criminal organisation, underSection 129 of the German Criminal Code. This charge carries a potential sentence of up to five years in prison and has historically been used as a tool of political repression.

According to the lawyers and families, the activists are facing restrictive conditions and, in some cases, violations of their human rights, such as solitary confinement, restricted visitation and inadequate medical care. 

The Ulm 5 need our support. Similar non-violent actions have been successful around the world—in the UK, for example, Elbit was forced to shut down branches following campaigns by Palestine Action. The activists of Palestine Action were recently found not guilty of violent disorder. Additionally, since 2009, several funds have divested from Elbit after sustained pressure from campaigners. 

But in Germany, where any mention of the word “genocide” remains taboo and Palestine solidarity is consistently criminalized, support for the Ulm 5 has been limited, to say the least. What happens to them now is only the beginning and a template for how Germany will likely continue to punish political dissent—even when that “dissent” means fighting for human rights and the respect of international law. 

How can you help?

For information and resources on how you can support the Ulm 5, see here.

What if they were your children?

On the eve of their trial, families and lawyers speak out for the Ulm 5


26/04/2026

On Friday, 24th April – just 3 days before the beginning of the Ulm 5 trial – families, friends and lovers released a press statement addressing antisemitism accusations against their children and loved ones. On the same day the team of 10 lawyers also released a press release addressing the problematic venue where this show trial will take place, the disproportionate pre-trial detention, and the failings of the prosecution office to investigate the real criminals. Both statements are published in full below.

On Monday 27th April the show trial against the Ulm 5 begins. The stage is the infamous Stammheim court house and high security prison, known for being where the trials against Red Army Fraction (RAF) members were held in the 1970s. The main actors are the representatives of the German state – a state currently on trial in the ICJ for its complicity with the genocide of the Palestinian people, the 10-lawyer defence team and the human rights activists Crow, Vi, Leandra, Daniel and Zo. The backdrop of the show trial is not a court room wall but the genocide in Gaza.

This is the same genocide that the German state and too many Germans are ignoring and/or denying. It is the same genocide that has claimed the lives of at least 70.000 people including 20.000 children. The genocide that, as the Danish Refugee Council, the Norwegian Refugee Council, Oxfam, Refugees International, and Save the Children stated in April 2026, continues through: “extreme deprivation, hunger, injury, and death”. The same genocide that still after 6 months of “ceasefire” leaves us images of corpses that we will never forget nor forgive.

This is the genocide that moved Leandra, Daniel, Zo, Vi and Crow-after two years of protesting on the streets-to take direct action against the Israeli weapons manufacturer Elbit Systems. Elbit Systems is the largest supplier of weapons to the Israel Defence Forces. Elbit Systems Deutschland has a factory in the southern German city of Ulm, in which they manufacture, among other things, communications equipment and laser warning systems used in the genocide in Gaza.

While the Ulm 5 are being investigated for property damage, and have been held in pre-trial detention for almost 8 months in horrible conditions, the prosecution office refuses to investigate Elbit’s war crimes and crimes against humanity.

The choice of venue for this trial show makes crystal clear that the intentions of the State are to paint these activists as dangerous criminals. One quick look at courthouse webpage shows that trials for murder, intended kidnapping and grave sexual assault are held there, as well as the infamous trial of the RAF. And then there is the trial of the Ulm5.

As is now usual for the German state, the Ulm 5 are also being accused of antisemitism because they tried to stop the Israeli weapons manufacturer of killing more people. This is a preposterous accusation from a State which can’t see the difference between the currently-accused-of-genocide-at-the-ICJ-state-of-Israel and the Jewish people. In the State’s accusation they seem to confuse facts like Israel has killed 20.000 children with their own blood libels of their Nazi past. These accusations are an insult to everyone’s intelligence and should be dropped straight away.

This is Germany today. A country that invokes its past genocides to justify it’s newest. A country supporting an outlawed war criminal with an arrest warrant issued by the ICC. A country that weaponises one of its worst crimes, antisemitism, to incite hatred against minorities who are not good for Merz’s Stadtsbild (image of the city). A country yet again rotten with genocidal, racist, fascist mania.

Press release: 24th April 2026

Mothers of the Ulm5: “The Stuttgart public prosecutor is weaponising antisemitism allegations against young people seeking to stop a genocide”

Parents, siblings, and partners of the five activists who are on trial in Stuttgart-Stammheim starting April 27th, for their protest against the Israeli arms company Elbit Systems, accuse Baden-Württemberg’s public prosecutor of wrongly characterising the act as antisemitic, when its aim was to stop acts of genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes. Elbit supplies 86% of the Israeli military’s weapons and surveillance technology.

“Our children protested against Elbit’s involvement in Israel’s war crimes and genocide in Gaza,” says Mimi, the mother of Daniel. “Their action expressed outrage at the deaths of tens of thousands of innocent children and babies and other civilians, and the inaction of German politicians, in the face of a military campaign that international lawyers and Holocaust researchers agree is genocidal. Their motivation was to save lives.”

“Vi and their friends had tried all the usual ways, street demonstrations, contacting elected representatives, etc, to protest Israel’s genocide on Palestinians,” says Josey, the partner of Vi. “Meanwhile, the German state doubled down on its weapon shipments, and police continued beating and arresting peaceful protestors. The action the five took is in line with international law. States have an obligation to prevent genocide.”

Relatives of the accused also criticise the prison conditions in which their loved ones have been incarcerated in Baden-Württemberg and Bavaria since September 2025 – nearly eight months so far. Several are only allowed to leave their cells for one hour a day. Some have witnessed suicides and received inadequate health care. Visits and contact with relatives are constantly surveilled by police and only permitted twice a month for half an hour. Opportunities to access books have been rigidly restricted for several of the accused; one was only granted the right to order books after appeals escalated to the Stuttgart Higher Regional Court.

The families of the Ulm5 also reject the accusation that their loved ones are members of a criminal organisation. They point out that this was the action of five friends who shared a passion to defend human rights and prevent further international war crimes; that no-one was hurt, that no allegation of harm to anyone has been made; and that the young people’s action was directed solely against the buildings and property of the arms manufacturer. “The action took place at night. No uninvolved citizens were affected,” the families say. “Our loved ones did not endanger anyone, let alone harm them, and they would not do so. Their aim was to prevent harm to others.”

Families and partners are available for interviews and background discussions: ulm5family@proton.me

Ulm5 lawyers press release April 2026 English

PRESS RELEASE – Defence Team of the “Ulm 5”

Trial Opens 27 April 2026: Five Activists Face Court – Defence Accuses Judiciary and Prosecution

On Monday, 27 April 2026 at 9:00 a.m., the trial of five young people who have been held in pre-trial detention since 8 September 2025 – for more than seven months – will begin before the State Security Chamber of the Stuttgart Regional Court. The hearing will take place in Courtroom 2, Ground Floor, Asperger Straße 47, 70439 Stuttgart.

The five defendants – the “Ulm 5” – are accused of having caused property damage on the premises of Elbit Systems Deutschland in Ulm. No one was injured.

Stammheim Is No Coincidence – and the Court Remains Silent

The defence team has repeatedly asked the court in writing why the trial is being held at the Stuttgart-Stammheim courthouse – a venue inextricably linked to the terrorism trials of the 1970s. This is not a regular courthouse in any meaningful sense; rather, it consists of courtrooms annexed to the prison and used by the Stuttgart Court of Appeal.

To date, no answer has been provided. The defence sees no reasonable justification for this choice; other courtrooms in Stuttgart were available. Staging the trial in this building amounts to a prejudgement of the defendants and gives little confidence that there will be a fair, rule-of-law process.

Seven Months of Pre-Trial Detention Are Disproportionate

The prosecution has charged the five defendants with: membership of a criminal organisation, joint property damage, and trespass. None of the defendants has a prior criminal record. None used violence against any person.

Continued detention for more than seven months is not proportionate to the alleged offence. The defence team continues to demand the immediate release of the defendants from pre-trial detention.

The Prosecution Has Persistently Failed to Ask the Decisive Questions

Central to the defence is something that the prosecution has consistently refused to investigate: the role of Elbit Systems Deutschland in the genocide of the Palestinian population in Gaza.

As early as November 2025, the defence team formally requested that the prosecution investigate which products the Ulm-based company supplies, and to whom. The prosecution ignored this application and did not even deem it necessary to question a single person at Elbit Systems Deutschland on the matter.

In the course of the proceedings, the defence will demonstrate that Elbit Systems Deutschland actively and in multiple ways contributes to the genocide of the Palestinian people in Gaza. To this end, we will submit corresponding motions for evidence before the court.

Criminal proceedings that ignore this question are incomplete proceedings. It will become clear that the actions of our clients were legally and morally justified as an act of necessity.

Who Are the “Ulm 5”?

Five young people – students, artists, activists – from Ireland, the United Kingdom, Spain, and Germany, who for years have campaigned for Palestinian rights through legal means. Their action on 8 September 2025 was an expression of deep moral conviction – civil disobedience directed exclusively at property, in order to save human lives.

Members of the press are warmly invited to attend the opening of the trial. The defence team is available for enquiries.

The Defence Team in proceedings 18 KLs 36 Js 123/25

Contact:

  • Rechtsanwältin Dr. Maja Beisenherz, Munich – Info@beisenherz.eu – 0177 / 70 95 812
  • Rechtsanwalt Michael Brenner, Nurnberg, michael.brenner@anw-nbg.de, 0911 / 37 66 42 77
  • Rechtsanwalt Mathes Breuer, Munich – breuer@kanzlei-abe.de – 0175 / 52 46 963
  • Rechtsanwältin Anna Magdalena Busl, Bonn – busl@anwaltsbuero-bonn.de – 0176 / 23 23 32 35
  • Rechtsanwalt Benjamin Düsberg, Berlin – mail@rechtsanwalt-duesberg.de – 0157 / 30 30 8383
  • Rechtsanwältin Carolin Kaufmann, Berlin – kaufmann@akm-berlin.de – 0172 / 4721420
  • Rechtsanwältin Rosa Mayer-Eschenbach, Munich – eschenbach@kanzlei-abe.de – 0176 / 65 35 9443
  • Rechtsanwältin Christina Mucha, Memmingen – info@kanzlei-mucha.de – 08331 / 69 08 136
  • Rechtsanwältin Nina Onèr, Berlin – kanzlei@ninaoner.de – 030 / 22185454
  • Rechtsanwalt Matthias Schuster, Berlin – mail@anwalt-schuster.de – 0176 / 24 75 8230
  • Rechtsanwältin Martina Sulzberger, Augsburg – kanzlei@anwaeltin-sulzberger.de – 0821 / 50 87 3850

Hungary after Orbán

What the fall of Hungary’s NER means, and what the left can learn from it

AFCO Committee constitutive meeting

It’s hard to describe what it feels like to be Hungarian today. In the last 16 years there have been hundreds of political analysts diligently writing opinion pieces about the Hungarian hybrid system and its illiberal government. A lot of them have probably grasped some bits of the political realities of Orbán’s reign well, but I doubt any of them have really managed to flesh out the full context, because some of what has happened is simply not translatable or explainable to those not breathing the suffocating air of NER (Nemzeti Együttműködés Rendszere—System of National Cooperation). Yes, the world-class kleptocracy of the Orbán government—even as they pushed Hungary to be the poorest country in the EU—or the servitude towards both Putin and Trump were defining characteristics, but these were by far not the worst aspects of the decomposed democracy that left behind a traumatized society.

There will surely be many analyses, opinion pieces, and hopefully TV shows recounting the intricacies of the years, months, and weeks leading up to this election, describing how and why the Tisza party with Péter Magyar won in an extremely asymmetrical system, against a well-oiled propaganda machine and despite the explicit will of two superpowers.

The recently deceased great Marxist philosopher Tamás Gáspár Miklós described the situation we need to navigate in Hungary as anti-capitalists (and seeing the universal truth, with endless parallels across Europe, especially Germany) like this:

“Living in capitalism is not good. It’s not pleasant. It’s ugly. It’s a bad society. It poisons a person‘s relationships. And everyone knows this. To replace capitalism through parliamentary means, well, it’s a ridiculous thought. In order to improve our situation we are condemned to act according to a system, in which we do not believe. A huge number of  people, especially those who don’t come out badly, accept capitalism and use its advantages, but they don’t like it. Facing the ultra-capitalist and autocratic and dictatorial system is an opposition that itself is ultra-capitalist[…]. But the fact that for a while it is not Orban in power, that in itself would do this country a great deal of good. In a psychological sense it would definitely do a great deal of good.“

Here, I won’t attempt to give even a superficial overview of what happened in the last few months. I’ll link a few resources that can be a good starting point, and hopefully help to understand how this was not only unpredictable, but close to impossible.

But there are a couple of takeaways for us on the (radical) left, that are worth pointing out.

For one, the thesis that only the extreme right can build populist movements in Europe in the 21st century, something we have conveniently accepted, is simply not true. Magyar considers himself a conservative, but his supporters have certainly a wide range of beliefs across the political spectrum. About the same proportion of the voter base says that they are left or very left leaning (40%) as centrist (38%), with the rest being right or far-right leaning. His party is, in the classical sense, a national front.

Magyar has brought back a classically left-wing analysis of the material conditions our people need to face. TISZA (the party behind Magyar) built up solidarity across the entire Hungarian society. Its movement has shown that voters don’t, and probably never have, moved on a classic left–right–liberal spectrum or decided on political offers based on that.

The analysis that we have heard about TISZA, that they tend towards technocracy—basically a FIDESZ without the stealing—is also wrong. Magyar and his party started from a deep hatred towards the system two years ago. As someone who used to be an insider, Magyar understood the Realpolitik aspect of Orbán’s conservatism, and probably for a long time he could reconcile it with his values. But the issue of the presidential pardoning of the paedophile enabler K. Endre in early 2024, and the collective handling of the scandal on the government’s side, broke not just his, but many Hungarians’ trust. Magyar recognized the moment and put himself forward to carry the political momentum.

To introduce himself to the people, having no significant money or political backing, he did something that probably only New York’s Zohran Mamdani did in recent history. While Orbán’s regime launched a black campaign against him across all platforms (the media landscape in Hungary is 80% owned by Orbán cronies), in the following weeks, months, and years Magyar went on what he called “Országjárás” or a “Walk Through the Country.” He truly saw the deprivation and the poverty in the country, spent weeks and months among the most vulnerable, and stopped and asked and learnt about their lives. This admittedly changed him and provided not just an incredibly powerful campaign tool but also shaped his worldview immensely. The second important lesson can be found in this: you cannot build politics and movements if you are not willing to spend time with the people. Building trust needs time and presence, and credibility that can only be produced if you are there, talking, listening, and not assuming what the people need. Magyar had a message from the beginning: it is possible to overcome this regime. But the positive offer of what Hungary after Orbán should look like, came from this painstakingly laborious step.

His inglorious departure from the system that had fed him could’ve pushed him to be more of an Edward Snowden–like figure, telling the truth and disappearing abroad. But exactly because he was so close to power, that simply didn’t occur to him. Magyar came from a political culture where not winning is simply not an option. This all-in (at TISZA they call it “All Out, Now or Never“) has initiated the third pillar of the success—and another lesson.

Because Magyar was so close to the people, and he visibly did sacrifice a lot, he could credibly represent his slogan: “Don’t be afraid.” This was not evident in a country where state propaganda kept a huge part of the population in constant fear of a never-ending line of boogeymen—from “migrants” to the latest being the Ukrainians—and where Orbán built a neo-feudal country in which the largest part of its population was dependent on his mercy. Orbán’s power was omnipotent, from artificially bloated conglomerates led by his family members or cronies (construction and manufacturing industries, agriculture, tourism), and direct oversight via the state apparatus (education, health care, police, state administration, etc.) to the undignified public work program, which is directly controlled by his party functionaries at the most local levels and is the lifeline for hundreds of thousands of Hungarians in the countryside. This system kept people in fear in the most material sense. People were never stupid; we all saw the incredible amount of money being embezzled, but dissent was simply so expensive that for individuals it became impossible to act against the system. Orbán has clearly demonstrated many times that he was willing to destroy lives and livelihoods through this system, blackmailing by withholding money, or in the most outrageous cases, even access to their children.

Magyar talked to these people and he visibly wasn’t afraid, and even among the most vulnerable, people started to stop being afraid of the oppression that permeated the most intimate parts of our lives, slowly choking us over the past 16 years.

As that happened, people could look around and start to believe that in the end THIS *waves hands around wildly* IS OURS. This land is ours, this air is ours, this school is ours, this media is ours, these castles are ours, this Balaton is ours.

This kind of courage, and inspiring others to be courageous, is absolutely needed to get people to follow you, and people did. TISZA started this election campaign with over 50,000 volunteers, each of them dedicated and delivering an incredible amount of work. This made it possible that the party, which had no conventional media presence, turned the country over. And when I write “no media presence,” it literally means that. As an example, if you recently visited Budapest as a foreigner and lived through the spontaneous street carnival on election night, you probably would’ve had no idea which party was celebrating. I talked to people from the Netherlands that night, and they were utterly confused. The whole city was full of election posters for FIDESZ or the controlled opposition, but close to none for TISZA. They had no idea who we were celebrating.

This last point, the realization that we, the people, can move together to change the system, is the reason why nobody I talked to in the past couple of days (even people much more on the left than TISZA) was worried about the possibility that Magyar will be the next Orbán. We now have the understanding that eventually we hold the power over these politicians. We know that there are a few main promises that we collectively will hold the new government accountable on: to bring back plural democracy, to rebuild the institutional framework of checks and balances, and to keep the people who were the pillars of NER (the oligarchs and the propagandists) accountable.

We are uncertain what the future holds for Hungary. As the new government is still in the process of being appointed, and the buzzing of the shredders, busy burying the evidence, fills the otherwise empty corridors of ministries, the people and the newly appointed government cannot be sure what awaits beneath the ruins. It is, however, certain that the government inherits an incredibly difficult economy, and that all services are in disrepair. Magyar and most of the politicians in TISZA are completely new; they have never before sat in the Hungarian parliament or held public office.

While we contemplate the question—what’s next—we are all still in collective awe and shock. NER has collapsed in a matter of days. While we still walk among the backdrop of it—with its hateful gigantic posters, the twisted national symbols like the National Theatre, the gigantic prestige real estate developments, the stadiums, the super-bloated occupied media, previously brainwashing 24/7, now like a deer in the headlights—all the actors have left. Some disappeared without a trace; others now try to pretend they were democratic and harmless, just doing their jobs. The blame game has kicked off in FIDESZ as well. But for the rest of us, it’s hard to understand why we were here for so long. We want to move on, but we are also afraid that we will forget and forgive too easily.

This is a time for self-reflection for all of us, to ask what our role was in keeping all this going. Because we need to face it: opposing Orbán was a very cohesive and easy identity. It created a readily accessible space for art and self-expression and community inside and outside of Hungary. A lot of us will need to start to dig deep into what our real values are, and how we can start living by them now that this is all gone.

And I think this is something others can also learn from this experience. Yes, we need communities of like-minded people, but this is not enough. The community needs to aim for political power, and to achieve this, it needs political imagination and it needs political courage.

“There’s nothing in the film that feels far away or not relatable”

Interview with Annemarie Jacir, director of ‘Palestine 36’


25/04/2026

Movie poster for Palestine 36. A man surrounded by fighting stands, adjusting the white cloth around his head and stares straight ahead.

Hi Annemarie. Thank you for making a great film. Can we start with one question. Most histories of Palestine start in 1948 or maybe later. Why was 1936 so important to you?

The uprising of 36 is arguably the longest and largest anti-colonial uprising, and the six month strike was the longest strike to date. It spread to the whole country. I think it marks a very critical moment, because although the revolt was crushed in 1939, it really sets the stage for 1948, which, as you said, is usually when we talk about Palestinian history.

I don’t think it’s possible to talk about 48 without understanding what happens in 1936-39 with this uprising. The political leadership is exiled. There is no longer a leadership in the country. One out of every 10 Palestinian men is in prison or killed. It has a huge effect on the country; that has to be part of the conversation.

The first proposals for partition, starting with the Peel Commission, are all things that I think are really important to know when we talk about Palestine.

One of the interesting things about moving to 1936 is that it shifts the focus away from the Israelis and the Jewish settlers and more to the British. What do you think was the role of Britain leading up to ‘48?

I definitely wanted to talk about that, to explore the role of the British in this. Palestine is often called one of the last colonies. And all the lessons from everywhere else, like India, were put into practice here. The British and the French carved up our entire region according to an agenda that would serve them.

We feel this today very much. It’s still here. I think much of what we’re dealing with today is a result of that, and the fact that many governments are still complicit in it.

Something that’s often missing from the discussion is that the 1948 Nakba was around the same time as the liberation of India, and then the partition of India. It’s also the beginning of anti-colonial struggles in Africa and Asia

There’s a scene in the film where you see the men on the horses come in and if you speak Arabic, you hear that his accent is Syrian. I wanted to flirt with the fact that there was an anti-colonial revolt happening against the French in Lebanon and Syria. There was a connection between what was happening to the Palestinians and the Syrians and the Lebanese.

It’s also often forgotten that anti-colonial struggles are often connected, or that there’s movement between them. That scene is a reference to that. The scene is a lot about unity which was lost. Colonialism divides and separates. When we hear the way he’s talking in this scene about unity—that unity is gone today, unfortunately. That divide-and-conquer strategy worked and it’s still at play.

Could you say something about the role class plays in the film? We see that all Palestinians are affected by the occupation, but they’re not all affected equally, and they don’t respond in the same way.

For sure. Class was important. This revolt in particular was a farmer-led revolt. Then you also have Khalid at the port. The film talks about the working class and what was happening at the port. This film was always about groups of people in different classes, each dealing in their own way.

Kholoud, an upper class journalist supports the revolt, but in a very different way. They are affected differently. The brutality of the army, for example, is something that the villagers are confronted with on a regular basis.

For the British in the cities and diplomatic life, and the kind of life that Kholoud and Amir experienced, there were parties, there were clubs, there was movement, there were good times. They didn’t see the brutality of what was happening in the countryside. And unless you knew about it, you could even pretend it didn’t even exist.

Quite often resistance struggles are portrayed as being just about men with guns. Your film spends a lot of time also talking about the resistance of women. I guess this was a choice on your part.

It’s just the reality, because you have a revolt, but it’s not just men with guns. That’s not what a revolt is. It’s also this woman, Kholoud in the city, a journalist who is involved through writing articles. There’s also a woman in the countryside, the mother of the little girl who never picks up a gun, but she’s bringing food to the fighters.

These are all moments of what revolt is. But maybe not in the typical ways we see revolt. The whole film takes place at this very critical moment. But I’m less interested in the battle scenes or clashes.

I’m more interested in the father and son, this boy walking home with his father and getting stopped by the soldiers and getting searched, and the humiliation that that boy feels at that moment; the question in his mind of why his father doesn’t respond in a stronger way. Why is his father smiling in this moment that he finds so uncomfortable?

These little things are more interesting to me as a film maker than the big men with guns. I like that phrase.

There’s one thing I’d have liked to see more in the film, and that is of the general strike. It’s always there in the background, but it’s something that’s just there. I know you don’t have the time to show everything, but what was the thinking behind this?

There’s a lot I would love to have spent more time with. I agree with you. I think that the general strike was an incredible moment and a very important one. And we do feel the strike, but it’s not delved into as much. There’s just so much to say. There’s so many stories during this period that I focused on other things, I guess.

What do you think are the similarities and the differences between occupation and resistance in Palestine in 1936 and occupation and resistance in 2026?

I live in a place where we are surrounded by checkpoints to go from point A to point B. Our bodies are searched. Our hair is searched. Our fingers are searched. There are curfews. You need a transit pass. You need this. You need that. The borders are closed. Printing presses are shut down.

Everything that the film deals with is still happening right now—administrative detention, a young man being tied to a car and driven out—which the British often did. They would tie somebody to a car to get out of a village, so that they would protect themselves with a human shield.

The day we shot that scene, the same thing happened in Nablus. A Palestinian man was tied up to an Israeli military vehicle, and it happened to be caught on a news camera, so people saw it. But this happens all the time. The army comes crashing in and out of villages and towns.

There’s nothing in the film that feels far away or not relatable. There’s the collective punishment, the wall. I could go on and on. Everybody talks about Palestine today and the wall. But the concept of the wall came from the British. Liam Cunningham’s character, Charles Tegart, made the first proposal to build a wall. So, past and present are absolutely blurred.

The film ends with defeat, but it also ends with hope. We hear people shouting “Down with colonialism” and “Revolution,” I guess we should hope that defeat 90 years ago doesn’t mean that Palestinians will lose again

I hope so, and it’s why for me that the last image of the film is this little girl with her hair down, barefoot and running. Where she’s running to, I know for myself, but it doesn’t really matter. She’s like a light to me. Afra was always this light in the film, and she represents perseverance. No matter what, you just continue and you keep going.

Do you have Afra’s hope?

I do. I try to work on that. Without it, we don’t have anything else. I believe hope is important, because otherwise, we’re in darkness.

Have you got plans for what you do next?

I’ve got a couple of projects I’m thinking about. But one thing is recovering from this one and taking care of myself a little bit. Making this film was extremely difficult and became infinitely more difficult. It took years more to make it, stopping and starting production. It took a toll mentally, emotionally, and politically. You look out the window, and you know what’s happening here is not good.

So, I’m trying to sort of take care of myself. I’m also thinking about a few projects. I don’t want to wait 10 years to make the next one, though. I can’t do that.

How important was it that you held out and filmed in Palestine, rather in the neighbouring states?

For me, it was very important. Some things we could not shoot in Palestine, and we had to shoot in Jordan. But then we came back and finished the film in Palestine. It’s very important to me that Jerusalem was Jerusalem, and not another country that looks like Jerusalem.

This is one thing I kept telling the crew. We are the refugees of the world. 75% of Palestinians are refugees. I don’t want this to be a refugee film. It’s really important that we push to do what we can. Maybe next year we won’t be able to do it. But right now, we have to fight for keeping our feet on the ground.

We live here, we have to hire locally. We have to work together. We’re talking about an independent film industry. You have to live and work and make things in the places that you’re talking about. I think it’s important.

If someone sees the film and is inspired, what do you want them to do?

Talk about it. We barely made this film. It was on, off, on. We never knew if we would be able to finish it. Everybody just went crazy to do it and to put it out there.

Now it is out there. So, if somebody watches it, this conversation—this connection—is important. It’s important that there’s an audience after people put everything in order to make this film. And the reason is because we want to connect. We have to connect with each other in this world.