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Photo Gallery – Revolutionary 1 May Demonstration: Berlin 2026

Kreuzberg and Neukölln. 1 May 2026


02/05/2026

All photos: Cherry Adam

“I want to show my university that there are huge differences between activism in Spain and Germany”

Social work student seeks German Palestine activist interviews for her thesis

Dima is seated with arms resting on a table. She is looking right at the camera but her face is tilted slightly to the left. Her mouth curves into a slight smile. She wears a kuffiyeh around her neck.

Hi, there. Could you start by introducing yourself?

My name is Dima. I’m Palestinian. My parents are from Palestine. I was born and raised in Germany, but I consider myself Palestinian.

I’m a student in my last year. I’m studying social work at a Spanish university in Almeria. Currently I’m doing an internship working with unaccompanied minors who are refugees, and who came to Germany either by themselves or with a parent. At the same time I’m writing my dissertation.

And as part of this dissertation you are doing a survey?

Yes. It’s a research project, basically. The topic is the experiences of pro Palestinian activists in Germany with a special focus on violence and discrimination.

Are you trying to address all pro Palestinian activists, or just a particular sort?

I’m interested in talking to anybody who is active around Palestine. You don’t have to go to
demonstrations all the time, or consider yourself an activist. Some people are engaged and active, but they don’t consider themselves activists, and that’s completely fine.

I don’t care how old you are or what back story you have. All genders, all ethnicities are welcome. The important thing is that you’re open to talk to me. It’s obviously only in the way that you want to. I’m not looking for a specific profile. It just has to be activists in Berlin.

I’m interested in talking to anybody who is active around Palestine. You don’t have to go to
demonstrations all the time, or consider yourself an activist. Some people are engaged and active, but they don’t consider themselves activists, and that’s completely fine.

What are you interested in hearing about in particular, or won’t you know until you hear it?

I want to hear about experiences that either you had by yourself or you have observed in terms of discrimination and violence. So if you can tell me about something that happened to you that was discriminatory or difficult to handle, or that had an impact on you.

It can be police violence. It can be just violence on the street, family topics, or professional consequences of participating in something. That happens a lot as well. I’m looking to find out how that impacts people, because there is a huge difference in activism in different countries. And Berlin is very different from the rest of Germany.

I’m studying in Spain, and I lived in Spain for the past three and a half years. Activism is handled very differently there. Because it will be published in Spain, I want to show my university that there are huge differences between activism in Germany and Spain, using examples from people who have lived it.

Why are you specifically interested in Berlin? You could have done this about Spain or about Bayern. What’s so interesting about Berlin?

I didn’t know that Berlin was interesting in that sense until I moved here a couple of months ago. I wasn’t here before, but I saw it in the news a lot. Friends that I know here told me that the violence and polarization in Germany is brutal. Even if you’re a Leftist, it doesn’t guarantee that you are pro Palestinian, and that’s worrying for me.

Berlin is also such a concentration point for activism and political standing that I think it’s a really good place to analyse the dynamics and find out what the reality is for Palestinian activists living here.

What have you experienced about the differences between the Palestine movement in Germany and in Spain?

It’s so different. The first protest that I went to here was in March, about three weeks into me being in Germany, and the vibe was completely different. There were a lot more police. People were, like, really engaged with everything.

In Spain, often the protests are kind of cute and wholesome and really beautiful to see. I’m not saying the protests here aren’t beautiful, because it is beautiful to see a lot of people united and fighting for the same cause. But in Spain, you don’t have to be worried about anything. You don’t have to be worried about being discriminated against because you’re wearing a Palestine scarf or for expressing your political views. In that sense, the police are really, really chill.

If you have a leftist political opinion in Spain, then you’re pro Palestinian in Spain. I hung out with a lot of leftist people, and no one would ever consider defending Israel’s right to exist or the genocide. No one ever denied the definition of what’s happening in Gaza, which is a genocide.

Is there a difference between the Spanish and the German governments?

The Spanish government is pretty great in that sense. Well, Pedro Sánchez is. I’m not a huge fan of him, because I think there’s a lot of things that he’s not doing right, but regarding Palestine he’s doing the right thing. He condemns Israel’s actions. He condemns the genocide. He supported the flotilla. It’s really great. Such things as antisemitism accusations would just not happen.

And then there’s the German government. You’re not allowed to wear a Palestine jumper in parliament. I think that says it all.

Do you think that Sanchez means it, or is he responding to public opinion?

Great question. I think he wants to be popular as well. Obviously, he needs it. He would lose the vote very quickly if
he wasn’t responding to public opinion. I don’t think it’s great, but we’re in desperate times. If his actions are these, but his opinion is a different one, I think I have to just try to ignore that.

Tell us about your survey. You’ve only just started. How’s it going so far?

It’s going okay. My deadline is in five and a half weeks. I work well under pressure, so I hope the pressure will kick in soon. It’s difficult to get people to do an interview with me, because people are busy. Activists are busy. I know political work takes a lot of energy and courage and time. So sometimes people just can’t make the time, which I understand.

But sometimes I think people also don’t trust—not me, maybe, but my work, and maybe how safe they are. Maybe they think I expect too much, but I just want to have a normal conversation and then try to bring that into my work.

Obviously, everybody’s anonymous. You won’t be in danger.

To meet your other deadlines, the interviews should really be finished by around 10 May. How many interviews do you intend to do in that time?

My dream would be to have between 8 and 10 interviews. We’ve just done my third interview. I’ve got another one later on. Eight would be really good, because without that the research wouldn’t have that much credibility or weight.

I know it’s just a dissertation, but personally, it means so much to me. The more I can cause an impact, the happier I will be.

If someone wants help, how much of their time are you going to take?

All three interviews I’ve done so far were pretty exactly one hour and 20 minutes. We can make it quicker. We can make it longer. But between an hour and an hour and a half is normal.

But if someone only has half an hour, you can fit them in as well?

Yeah, of course. I can ask the important questions, but it’s always difficult to talk about Palestine within only half an hour.

Are there any findings you have made already, or have you done too few interviews to tell?

I can’t say exactly, and they were all three very different interviews, which I really like. But in terms of safety as an activist, people said similar things, also in terms of the perception of Palestinian activism in Berlin. The situation is difficult and it needs a lot of work and engagement.

Is there any specific sort of person who you haven’t interviewed yet that you really want to hear from?

I haven’t interviewed any Palestinian people yet, which would be really cool. But, I’m genuinely open to anything. I can do interviews in Spanish, English, and German. Arabic would be a challenge, but I can try with the help of friends or family. I’m open to anybody who’s interested.

What do you want to do with what you learn? Do you see further ways of using this knowledge to be able to help the movement?

I think with this dissertation, I wanted to show my university in Spain what the reality is there and here. It’s also an important piece of work for myself, because I want to know how to have a positive impact on the movement and find ways to make the movement grow.

One topic is the emotional work that you connect with Palestine activism. I want to see how people deal with those challenges and emotions, because I’m a social worker, so it would be cool to offer psychological and social health to people that suffer from oppression.

I want to help the movement. I’m also trying to find ways of bringing myself into activism in Berlin

What’s the next step for you personally? Are you going to stay in Berlin? Are you going to move back to Spain?

I’m staying in Berlin. Four months in Berlin is not enough. I want to stay in Germany. I was born and raised here, and I haven’t lived here in almost seven years. So I want to be back here.

I want to become a social worker. My internship is working with migrants and teenagers. I’d like to stay in that area.

Do you see a specific link between your social work and your Palestine activism? Or are they two separate things?

I can’t separate that very well. Social work means defending human rights and acting against repression, and my area will be antiracist practice. So it’s very combined.

As a social worker I have to work with the system, but at the same time I have to somehow trick the system to help people out.

You’ve only been here for a couple of months. Have you already got involved in the Palestine movement in Berlin?

I went to a plenum of the Gaza Committee on Monday, and I’m planning on going to a few more. I want to bring myself in there. I go to demonstrations whenever I can. I go to a lot of fundraisers and donate. I talk a lot about my type of activism as well, just spreading the word.

I know you’ve got to go in a minute to your next interview. So just quickly, if people are interested in talking to you, how can they contact you?

They can e-mail me at dj873@inlumine.ual.es.

Just say: “Hi, I’m interested. Can you tell me more?” If you’re unsure, I’m happy to respond to questions. I’d love to hear from people who are interested and want to help me make this project.

People have until 10 May, so rather sooner than later. And maybe you can write us something about the results when you’re finished?

I’d really love that. Thank you so much for the opportunity.

Victory for Jewish Voice – and a heavy blow to the German Staatsräson!

A Berlin court overturns the “extremist” designation of Jewish Voice


01/05/2026

As criticism of Israel continues to be criminalized, Jewish anti-Zionists are increasingly coming into the crosshairs of the intelligence services and political actors.

A heavy blow to Germany’s Staatsräson: On Monday, the Berlin Administrative Court ruled against the Federal Republic of Germany and in favor of Jewish Voice for a Just Peace in the Middle East (JS). The domestic intelligence agency must remove its designation of the Jewish association as a “proven extremist endeavor”—the highest level of surveillance—from its 2024 report. There, JS had been listed in the sections on “left-wing extremism,” “foreign-related extremism,” and in a footnote on “extremist pro-Palestinian groups”—marking the first time since the secret service’s founding in 1950 that a Jewish group was included in its spy report. JS has now successfully challenged this in court.

The anti-Israeli and anti-Zionist positions of Jewish Voice did not justify its listing, the judges argued. The court found no call for violence, nor any endorsement of violence as a political means, in JS’s statements or its statutes—a requirement for listing an organization as a “proven extremist endeavor.” Much of the proceedings revolved around the question of where Jewish Voice stands on the so-called “right to exist” of Israel. For an anti-Zionist group, its position on this “right” is not difficult to guess. And, neither in international law nor in national legislation, is such a “right to exist” codified. It quite simply does not exist—which is why, one might argue, right-wing Staatsräson hardliners have to drift into the metaphysical and treat it as if it were divine: praising the invisible and persecuting its rejection as blasphemous heresy. Anyone who publicly “denies the right of the State of Israel to exist” is to be made criminally liable in the future, according to a draft law by the CDU-led Hessian state government—which would amount to punishing the denial of the existence of unicorns with up to five years in prison. A turn to mysticism and superstition shapes Germany’s march toward authoritarianism.

The initial inclusion of Jewish Voice in the domestic intelligence report triggered fierce criticism of the state and strong solidarity with JS from within the Palestine solidarity movement. In contrast to Germany’s treatment of Staatsräson-aligned Jewish organizations, this attack carries a distinctly sinister undertone. The Central Council of Jews in Germany represents around 89,000 members across 105 organized communities, which tend to be more conservative and pro-Israel in orientation—amounting to just over 40 percent of all Jews living in Germany. It receives 22 million euros annually from the state, constituting the dominant share of its budget. By contrast, an association of progressive, often secular Jews advocating for a just peace and opposing the crimes of the Israeli state is targeted by Germany’s domestic intelligence service: the Federal Republic, as the state continuation of the Third Reich, is once again dividing Jews into good and bad.

The court’s decision on Monday is “a scandal,” fumed Israel’s right-wing ambassador in Berlin, Ron Prosor, on X. “Does the perpetrator first have to quote ‘Mein Kampf’ before people are willing to clearly call out antisemitism?” Prosor asked, with breathtaking crudity toward the Jewish group, many of whose members’ relatives were persecuted, gassed, and tortured by Hitler’s henchmen. In a direct attack on the separation of powers, the right-wing Prosor assails the court’s decision and could thereby arguably run counter to the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations, which in Art. 41 explicitly states that diplomats “have a duty not to interfere in the internal affairs of [the receiving] State”—but international law, as we know, hardly counts for the right-wing “value partners” within the Israeli government.

The significance of Monday’s proceedings for a potential ban of Jewish Voice was also discussed repeatedly during the hearings. Surveillance and data collection by the domestic intelligence agency would form the basis for such a ban procedure, the lawyer for the respondent explained. Bans have already targeted groups within the Palestine solidarity movement, such as the prisoner support network Samidoun, which is close to the Palestinian PFLP. Give it a few more years of rightward discursive shift and steroid-fueled pro-Israel self-radicalization in politics and media, and the German state will surely feel empowered to ban Jewish organizations again as well—all in the name of anti-antisemitism, of course.

Beyond the attacks by the domestic intelligence agency, Jewish Voice is also facing pressure from other actors. The group has been repeatedly debanked: in 2024, Berliner Sparkasse froze its account, and earlier the Bank für Sozialwirtschaft had already done so. Hesse’s “antisemitism commissioner,” Uwe Becker, called in January for JS to be banned entirely, claiming it acts “very clearly against the spirit of understanding between peoples.” In September 2024, the right-wing CDU politician honored soldiers of the Israeli army in a café in Frankfurt am Main; he said he had thanked “the soldiers for their service in defending Israel,” referring to a military that at that point had already been committing genocide for eleven months and was boasting of grave war crimes via livestreams on TikTok and Instagram. Last September, he also called for a ban on the Palestinian keffiyeh in German streets, arguing that it “glorifies terror.” Does Becker consider such openly racist attacks to be in line with “the spirit of understanding between peoples”?

While JS succeeded on Monday in having its designation removed from the 2024 domestic intelligence report, the chamber rejected its second request—to also prohibit the German government, on a preventive basis, from mentioning JS in its future spy reports and in other statements by the Interior Ministry. It therefore remains to be seen whether the domestic intelligence agency will include JS in its 2025 report. Its publication is expected in the coming months. Politically, that is certainly desired, but JS would also challenge such a designation in court. And it remains questionable whether the German state will prefer to spare itself another humiliation like the one on Monday.

For the intelligence agency’s lawyer, Wolfgang Roth of the law firm Redeker Sellner Dahs—which has repeatedly represented the German state in cases involving complicity in Israeli crimes, including over German arms deliveries to the Israeli regime for the genocide in Gaza and in the BT3P lawsuit against the 2019 anti-BDS resolution—delivered a truly poor performance. His argument, repeated several times, was that while JS had never actually uttered the words they would like to put in their mouths, it nonetheless did so—wily, as it were—“implicitly”; that “between the lines, everything is clear,” and that this is precisely the space where violence is “promoted.” All of this strongly recalls former Berlin State Minister for Culture Joe Chialo, who accused the left-wing migrant cultural center Oyoun in Berlin-Neukölln of harboring “hidden antisemitism.” Once again: the state, as it moves toward authoritarianism, must rely on elves and goblins to justify its repression—we may not be able to see them, but they are really there, scout’s honor, pinky swear!

Even if Monday’s ruling is to be welcomed, no one should be under any illusions. Isolated indications that the judiciary is (still) not fully politicized along Staatsräson lines, and that the separation of powers can still function, do not obscure the broader trend we are witnessing in this sick country. Germany is marching toward authoritarianism, and the broad-based attack on Palestine solidarity serves as the testing ground: brown, foreign, left-wing, majority-minoritized—the perfect object (because it lacks a lobby) for establishing the baton as the new normal in this country.

Yet, according to several polls, the population largely holds critical views of the Israeli government and its support by Germany—Staatsräson is a reactionary instrument of power wielded by political and media elites, forced through against the population and necessarily tied to a perversion of the concept of antisemitism. And increasingly, Jewish individuals are becoming targets of these attacks. The German state is, of all things, fighting Jews in the name of combating antisemitism.

Stop the techno-violence

An interview with Engineers Against Apartheid


30/04/2026

As the Ulm 5 are facing prison time over a break-in at an Israeli weapons firm, it’s becoming harder to ignore how closely the same technologies we use daily are tied to companies and states embedded in the economy of war and genocide.

Just two weeks ago I read a story on my Apple iPhone, through a link on my Meta-owned Instagram account, about Volkswagen (VW), a car I learnt to drive in. The article concerned the German carmaker’s recent announcement that production at their Osnabrueck plant will soon shift from cars to missile ​defence systems for Israel. 

Another German institution on the wrong side of history, surely not? You’d think that past context — see Volkswagen’s role in the Second World War — might encourage some kind of restraint, though at this point, why even bother finishing that thought. 

What this announcement actually makes clear is that the boundaries between civilian production, consumer technology, and violent supply chains are far more porous than they appear. We’re already entangled in an oligopoly of unethical phone and social media companies whose business models depend on extraction and exploitation across the Global South. The IOF’s weaponisation of technology across Palestine — and now in Lebanon — has shown how quickly systems built for everyday life can be folded into infrastructures of genocide. And in the United States, ICE is increasingly integrating cloud and AI systems to further authoritarianism. 

So when a car company like Volkswagen announces that it will shift production from vehicles to missile defence systems, it doesn’t read like a sudden turn. It reads more like a continuation of something already happening: the slow tightening of the relationship between a promise of the future and the machinery of war and oppression.

FANUC

One company identified as being deeply embedded in the production of dual-use products (products that have both civilian and military applications) is FANUC, a Japanese robotics manufacturer you might not recognise by name, but whose systems sit quietly at the centre of global manufacturing.

Founded in the postwar period, FANUC operates across hundreds of facilities worldwide. It produces robotic arms and automation systems that underpin everything from automotive assembly lines to high-speed industrial production, with clients spanning the aerospace, pharmaceutical, and food and beverage industries. Describing themselves as a smart solution to boost efficiency, their machines make production faster, cleaner, and more precise.

In reality, the same robotic arms that assemble these everyday consumer goods are part of the same production infrastructures of military use now growing and expanding like never before. Unlike Volkswagen’s recent public announcement, however, this part of FANUC’s business isn’t openly declared. Layers of subcontracting, industrial supply chains and denial, make responsibility difficult to trace.

But this isn’t a speculative connection, it’s one already being documented. International observers, including BDS Japan and United Nations Special Rapporteur Francesca Albanese, have identified FANUC among the companies linked to Israel’s military operations in Gaza and its broader regime of occupation. In the report, From economy of occupation to economy of genocide, Albanese notes that robotic systems supplied by companies like FANUC are present in production environments connected to manufacturers such as Israel Aerospace Industries and Elbit Systems, as well as major defence contractors including Lockheed Martin.

UN human rights experts have also argued that, following the International Court of Justice’s 2024 ruling on the illegality of Israel’s occupation — which obliges states not to aid or assist it — governments should implement a full military embargo, including on dual-use technologies, and ensure that corporations within their jurisdictions comply.

Despite this pressure, the call for a military embargo has not only been ignored but recent findings point further in the opposite direction. In its report on nuclear weapons production and financing, the International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons (ICAN) found that the USA, Japan, and Germany are among the world’s top investors in companies involved in the production of nuclear weapons. It’s a scary prospect, but given the record-breaking profits being made in conventional weapons financial markets, it’s unsurprising that numerous companies who use automated production lines and robotics are players in both markets.

#StopFANUCNow and Engineers Against Apartheid

On the ground, campaigns such as #StopFANUCNow have emerged to challenge the use of dual-use industrial robotics in weapons production. Focusing on FANUC’s role in global supply chains, the campaign calls for greater accountability and the exclusion of industrial robots from military applications. In Japan, activists are also pressuring industry leaders and lawmakers, arguing that the robotics sector has both the capacity and responsibility to prevent its technologies from being integrated into military supply chains.

Engineers Against Apartheid (EAA) — a US-based network of engineers and workers, are also part of a wider wave of organising within the tech and engineering sector. Opposing the violence in Palestine and the role of corporate actors in sustaining it, their work focuses on US-based engineering, but the concrete realities of these infrastructures can be applied anywhere.

Across the USA, Germany, and Japan, the same industries that once promised prosperity and postwar stability are now part of automated production systems that move between consumer manufacturing and defence supply chains. We spoke with EAA about what it means to confront these systems from within, and how resistance becomes possible in industries still framed as neutral.

Hello, can you introduce yourselves?

Engineers Against Apartheid (EAA) is an organization made up of working class individuals in the engineering and manufacturing sectors of the greater Detroit area in Michigan. Michigan is one of the main hubs for automotive and defense design and manufacturing – making it a strategic exporter of technology throughout the USA and the rest of the world. EAA’s purpose is to raise awareness of complicit Michigan companies that have global impact, not only in the sale of products for genocide, but also the adoption of Israeli technology used and tested in the ongoing genocide in Palestine. EAA’s main goal is to discourage engineers from working in the defense industry and to raise awareness of how non-defense companies are involved in the ongoing genocide.

Can you talk about how you got involved with the #StopFANUCNow campaign?

EAA is one of the main organizations in Michigan researching company involvement and technology usage in the ongoing genocide in Palestine. Due to this, BDS international reached out to EAA after the UN report by the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967, From the Economy of Occupation to the Economy of Genocide, was published. The report presented FANUC Corporation as one of the key contributors to the genocide by manufacturing the robots that build bombs for companies with genocidal intent, such as Elbit Systems and Israel Aerospace Industries. After further research, it was revealed that FANUC Corporation has a subsidiary North American branch headquartered near the Detroit area, which is also surrounded by FANUC manufacturing and shipping facilities. EAA was presented with the opportunity to support and escalate the BDS call to demand that FANUC divest from genocide.

Why is the participation of engineers and tech workers in such campaigns crucial?

Many engineers and tech workers do not typically view themselves as contributors to war crimes because they are not the ones making the direct decisions to murder civilians nor do they ultimately pull the trigger. While the contribution of engineers and tech workers is not so obvious, there are many historical cases, such as South African or Nazi Germany, where engineers played a key role in the design, deployment, and maintenance of weapons that maintained the oppressive regimes. Even in today’s case of the USA, there is a mass movement of tech workers resigning over the use of AI to mass surveil civilians nationally and slaughter civilians internationally. Historically and currently, it has never been more apparent that the genocidal regimes are upheld by workers who believe they don’t have the power to make change. It is time for engineers to understand, step up, and fight back. They are on the front lines and they have some of the greatest power to make the world a safer place.

FANUC robots are marketed for civilian manufacturing, yet they’re used to make weapons deployed in genocide. Who is responsible — the company selling the machines, the buyers using them for war, or the engineers designing the systems?

The responsibility of stopping genocide must fall on all parties, the company, the buyer, the workers, and even the local communities to those companies. It’s why there are so many organizations directed at bringing in different types of groups. It’s important to have pressure points in every area directed at these corporations.  Ultimately, the corporation will make the final decision to end their complicity But, in a capitalistic economy corporations tend to lean towards greed and building capital for the upper class. These days, those qualities are fulfilled by murdering civilians, starting wars, stealing resources, and stealing labor. Whether it comes to workers rights, communities protections or global impact, the average person – whether worker or community member – needs to understand that these companies must be taught how to operate ethically and morally. The only way that can be taught is by affecting what is most valuable to these companies – their money.

How do you see the broader tech and manufacturing industry enabling militarized violence through dual-use technologies?

The western world, especially the upper class in those societies, operate and maintain their superiority by building technologies that police the world, even their own civilians. At this time, there is nothing ethical about technology. From social media to home security to AI used in war zones, everything is being used to manipulate, train and pacify the global community. Even technology such as smartphones and automotive vehicles are built off the unethical treatment of people in the global south. If there is a seriousness in building a safer and more just future, these technologies must be ethical from their inception.

Dual-use technologies often move through several layers of suppliers and subcontractors. Do you think that complexity is accidental, or does it help companies avoid responsibility for how their technology is ultimately used?

This has been one of the difficulties in tracking how many companies are involved in the ongoing genocide in Palestine. One of these difficulties is found through the automotive industry for specific companies like Ford, Hyundai, or Toyota. There had been clear documentation of these companies vehicles being used as military vehicles for the Israeli Occupation Forces (IOF), but clear documentation/evidence of their contracts are difficult to find.  For example, there is an Israeli weapons manufacturer named Plasan North America that retrofits Ford vehicles for the IOF. The difficulty in obtaining information is that Ford Motor Company is a publicly traded company while Plasan North America is privately traded company, which does not allow you to determine whether there is a contract between he two companies to obtain Ford vehicles or whether they are bought from Plasan off the lot. There are many avenues for companies to complicate information that should be easily accessible for the community and to the workers. 

Do engineers and tech workers have the ability to resist complicity in systems of violence? How do you approach that tension?

Historically, there has been a level of manufactured superiority in the engineering field.  Engineers are taught early on in their education that they are the more educated workers that aren’t subject to poorer or dirty working conditions that are more commonly associated with the poor, lower class individuals. Engineers in the automotive workers are also not typically unionized; they are taught to view unions as institutions workers use to avoid doing their job while still getting paid. Corporations have done a great job in separating and villainizing workers who demand ethical practices, and many engineers have accepted these accusations as the norm. It is important that we as engineers continue to challenge these views and being working with each other across roles.  The only people who benefit from our separation are executive boards of the corporations we work for.

What tactics have been most effective in challenging companies complicit in armed conflicts, and what lessons can other activists take from your work?

The most dangerous thing we can do in a system that benefits of hyper-individualism is build community with each other and fight back. Many corporations deploy tactics that separate workers, communities, families, but its important that we continue to build with each other and take care of each other in times of hardships. This will grant people more confidence in their ability to fight back. In the end, corporations are for-profit; their goal is to make more money no matter what. Everyone should understand that their livelihoods are at risk and we should fight back while we still have the opportunity.

What can the public do right now to stop this complicity?

Keep speaking up. Keep fighting back. If you know that your company is complicit, inform your coworkers. We need more direct actions. Workers need to strike, the public needs to build pressure, communities need to purge these corporations from their cities. The global majority needs to rise in actions because everyone is at risk.

You can support the #StopFANUCNow campaign and sign the petition here. And you support the Ulm 5 here.

1-3 May 1929: Blutmai (or “Bloody May”)

This week in working class history


29/04/2026

International Workers Day, or May Day, has been celebrated by Berlin’s working class since 1890 through strikes, marches, and demonstrations. However, on 1 May 1929, following orders of the Prussian interior ministry and Berlin’s police chief, both from the Social Democratic Party (SPD), the Berlin police violently enforced a ban on public demonstrations. This led to the single bloodiest episode of police violence in Berlin’s history, later known as Blutmai (“Bloody May”).

In the wake of clashes between communist and Nazi paramilitary wings following a speech by Adolf Hitler in late 1928, open-air political gatherings were prohibited in Berlin by the chief of police and member of the SPD, Karl Zörgiebel. He explicitly extended the ban to demonstrations on May Day, citing the likelihood of violence being instigated by the Communist Party of Germany (KPD). While the SPD planned indoor assemblies on May Day, the KPD called on workers to defy the ban and take to the streets in peaceful demonstration, as was tradition. With tensions rising, Zörgiebel brought in police from surrounding areas of the Prussian state, declaring that they were tasked with stopping an insurrection by the KPD.

On the morning of 1 May 1929, workers gathered and formed processions heading toward the city centre. The police, far outnumbering the protesters, attacked the columns marching through the city and civilians caught in the vicinity, leading to demonstrators being repeatedly chased into nearby streets before reassembling again. Police tactics became increasingly violent, and finally at midday, the police opened fire without distinguishing between protesters and bystanders. The violence was especially concentrated in Wedding and Neukölln, where police fired into buildings and at protesters in the street with armoured vehicles, and workers erected barricades.

In the days that followed, clashes continued and the police carried out extensive house-to-house searches, resulting in mass arrests and further shootings. By the afternoon of 3 May, the fighting had largely ended. Police bullets from the street skirmishes and searches had left over 30 dead—none of whom were KPD members. Over 1,200 people were arrested, but only a fraction of these had any connection to the KPD. No deaths were counted on the side of the police, nor were any officers later investigated or charged.

The Blutmai of 1929 marked a major sharpening of hostilities between the SPD and KPD during the final years of the Weimar Republic. This deepened divisions within the German left and further weakened possibilities for resistance against the rising Nazi movement. The events also highlighted the willingness of the SPD to employ state violence to repress radical working-class movements, echoing the party’s role in the suppression of the German Revolution of 1918–19 and the murders of Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht. This May Day, let us honour those and other victims of police brutality, and remain aware of those who would benefit from our division.