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All photos: Cherry Adam
The Ulm 5 show trial descends into farce again at Stammheim
Roser Gari Perez
15/05/2026
After the new shit show that was the second day of hearings of the Ulm 5, the families and friends issued a press release with some lawyers’ statements. It is printed in full below.
The second session of the show trial against the Ulm 5 was held on Monday the 11th of May in the same security room in the same high-security building in Stammheim, and we experienced a time warp.
Yet again the human rights defenders Crow, Vi, Leandra, Zo and Daniel were brought into a bulletproof cage and yet again in handcuffs. Yet again the presiding Judge Kathrin Lauchstädt refused to hear any of the lawyers’ motions, and yet again the trial date was cut short by an angry judge, and yet again the public was promptly kicked out by heavily equipped security personnel.
Indeed, in the Horror Picture Show Trial that is the case against the Ulm 5, everyone is involved in the show. From the state actors, mainly the 5 judges and prosecutor, playing the role of 0% legal and 100% political Staatsräson, to the team of 11 lawyers who are acting in sync and trying to bring the voice of reason and get a fair trial for their defendants, to the Ulm 5, who despite 8 months of terrible pre-trial detention conditions have retained the courage, dignity and smiles (all three rare commodities in Germany these days), to the now also integral part of the show: the public.
And we all played our parts. The German state, as deaf and blind as always to fair demands, denied hearing all motions presented by the defence until after the charges were read. These motions included: the motion that the defendants sit next to their lawyers and be able to communicate privately (as is the norm in any fair trial); the motion for the defence to have their own transcribers (as German courts do not have transcriptions of the proceedings, and what goes on record is decided by the judge—and this judge has already not included most of the lawyers’ demands from the first day of the hearing); the motion for the public to be able to take notes (as is the law in Germany); the motion for journalists to take audiovisual footage (now we only have photos and videos of the Ulm 5 in a glass cage with handcuffs); and the motion for fair press, since the court took away the press kits the lawyers were handing out to the press present the first day of the trial, with information about the Ulm 5 and their motivation.
The 11 lawyers played the part of the hero assembly trying to fight for justice in an impossible situation. The judge, this time aware of how bad she looked last time for not letting them talk, was pretending to be nicer. She let them turn their microphones on to present their motions, just to dismiss hearing them again, and again, and again, and again until after the charges were read. But as the lawyers have said repeatedly, after the charges and opening statements, it is just too late to be heard on whether they can sit together. Irreparable damage will have been done.
The Ulm 5, in the role of unwilling victims of the German repressive state, showed more compassion and dignity than the German state has shown in the last 3 years. We got to hear, mostly through the translators, the powerful voices of Vi, Leandra, Zo, Daniel and Crow. The judge managed, despite great difficulties and issues with the translation equipment, to establish the Ulm 5’s identities. Noticeably, she asked the Irish defendant Daniel if they were British, potentially starting the Troubles again. And she asked shamelessly—after being directly responsible for keeping them for no real reason in pre-trial detention for 8 months—if their current addresses were the jails they are subjected to live in. We heard 4 of the 5 faintly through the glass, and their translators, but we got to hear Vi’s powerful voice and wit, since they spoke in their native German.
The public this time was even more part of the show than last time. To the standing ovations every time the 5 walked in (we had several interruptions) and chants of “Free the Ulm 5,” they added a powerful Palestinian liberation song—the one the Ulm 5 sang the day of the alleged action—and hummed it later in the second part of the day’s show after lunch. The gallery also burst into laughs when the judge miss-countried Daniel. They kept their cool and cheer during the long day’s waiting periods. We came in at 9:00, left at 16:00, and although we had only a 1.5-hour lunch break, the total time of actual hearing was not even two hours. In a turn of events, what prompted the judge to call it a day was this time the public: after two lawyers made powerful statements, remarking on the obvious, that it is a show and sham trial and that she is too biased to preside over the trial, the public burst into applause. This caused the judge to lose whatever cool she had left and kick us all out.
We all had the feeling of having lived this before, because we did, on the first day of the shit show that is this trial.
If this perversion of justice continues, the damage will be permanent, not only to this trial, but to the whole German legal system itself. One has to wonder: how much more is Germany going to debase itself defending the indefensible? Israel’s right to commit genocide.
Next scheduled trial date: 20th May 2026
‼️ Press release from families & friends of the Ulm 5 with statements from the defence lawyers – 12th May 2026, Stuttgart-Stammheim
https://ulm5.info/en/blog/2026/05/12/family-press-release-12-may-2026
11th May 2026 finally saw the second trial day for the ‘Ulm 5’ at Stuttgart-Stammheim, after the presiding judge had suddenly interrupted proceedings on 27th April and cancelled the next two trial dates. The Ulm 5 are accused of trespass and property damage at the Elbit Systems site in Ulm, south-west Germany. Elbit Systems is the provider of over 80% of arms for the genocide in Gaza. Prosecutor also alleges membership in a criminal organisation.
The five defendants, despite defence counsel protests that fair trial rights were being violated, were once again marched in by law enforcement, in handcuffs, into a glass cage. They were greeted with supportive clapping and cheers from the public gallery. The court sitting, scheduled for 9am-5pm, again began 1.5 hours late. With four breaks (one of almost 3 hours), actual proceedings took place for less than two hours.
Presiding judge Kathrin Lauchstädt finally granted defence counsel the right to speak, having refused this on the first trial day. The lawyers argued their motions must be heard immediately, as they addressed irreversible rights losses. These included seating arrangements that prevent confidential lawyer-client communication; permission for the defence to take a detailed note of proceedings (there are no transcripts for most German trials); inadequate simultaneous translation; permission for defendants to take notes themselves; and freedom of the press. Yet after an extended performance of consultation the judge again summarily rejected the defence’s right to make every single application.
These are not minor procedural matters; rather, the defence argues, they go to defendants’ fundamental constitutional rights. See also quotes from 3 of the 11 defence lawyers below.
Once again, the trial never progressed to opening statements by prosecution, defence and defendants. Only the defendants’ personal details were established. Yet even this basic task exposed the gross inadequacy of the communication arrangements as information needed to be repeated several times, leading to confusion and delays. One of the defendants could even be heard in the public gallery when she spoke with defence counsel via the intercom. As long as fundamental issues repeatedly raised by defendants and defence counsel are not addressed by the court – particularly the inability of defendants to communicate confidentially with their lawyers and the lack of note-takers for the defence – there appears to be little hope proceedings will progress on future trial dates.
Previously, we expressed our fears that the Ulm 5 were facing a show trial. Yesterday, during the hearing, the defence also described proceedings as a ‘show trial’ (Schauprozess). Yet, up to now, with the court determined not to admit any perspectives from the defence, it has been mainly a show of force from the court, and very little trial.
Once again we call for international trial monitoring to ensure the Ulm 5s’ constitutional and human rights are upheld. It is not just the Ulm 5, but also German justice that is on trial at Stammheim.
The defence renewed its efforts today to bring its most urgent and pressing concerns to the attention of the court; these are, in particular, seating arrangements and the admission of note takers.
The defence cannot concentrate on its primary task without a team of note takers. There is no verbatim record of proceedings at the Regional Court (Landgericht). But the court has so far, and for no objective reason, denied us a note-taking team. A written record is exceptionally important to us, especially with regard to a possible appeal. The exclusion of note takers is not just a demonstration of power, but a substantial restriction on the defence.
Also, the issue of the seating plan, to which we objected on multiple occasions before, during, and after yesterday’s hearing, cannot simply be postponed until an arbitrary time set by the court, after the prosecutor has read the charges. An irreversible loss of rights arises if the defendants cannot follow the trial with their lawyers at all times.
It is our duty as the defence to ensure the agency of the accused, as this court is violating their rights as accused and thus their fundamental constitutional and human rights.
After last week, when the court did not even give us right of audience, today it became bogged down in a cycle of directives, opinions, and orders, simply because it refuses to resolve the most rudimentary organisational matters.
We could have been conducting this trial – alongside our clients – in an appropriate courtroom of the Stuttgart Regional Court for two weeks now. Instead, the trial is further delayed by unnecessary interruptions and disciplinary measures.
The fact that the presiding judge, after all this, even pretended that her interests aligned with those of the defendants and the defence is contemptuous in the extreme.
The court has once again proven that it does not care about the rights of the Ulm 5. The court denied our applications to sit with our clients and thus denied any possibility for confidential communications during the trial. The court has violated the right to fair trial in a way that is irreversible.
The State Security Chamber did not shift its position on the second day of the trial and continues to reject basic constitutional standards. As defence lawyers we will not stoop to being party to the sham legitimation of a show trial.
Joint Satement from the Internationalist Migrant Block
The Left Berlin
13/05/2026
The Berlin Senate and the police approved a route, blocked the way with concerts and festivals, and did not assist the people, creating the conditions for a tragedy. Only the people’s self-organization prevented deaths and serious injuries.
May 1st is a commemoration that has historically united the working class of the world in its different traditions: trade unions, cooperatives and political parties, anarchists, socialists and communists. A date of struggle and celebration, of discussion and resignification. And also a day that, beyond differences, unites us against a common enemy: the ruling classes that enrich themselves with our labor power. This May 1st in Berlin, that common enemy acted with an unprecedented irresponsibility that could have caused a tragedy.
In Berlin, mobilizations for Workers’ Day have been developing peacefully since 2021. The Revolutionary March organization officially advocates non-confrontation and non-escalation in the face of police aggression. For years, the existing repression has been generated by the police with the aim of demonizing the mobilization, but with each passing year, this tactic shows its inability to prevent tens of thousands from taking to the streets, and appears to civil society as a waste of valuable resources that could be used in other sectors (health, social assistance, education, etc.).
However, what we saw this May 1st, 2026, is something completely new in terms of the irresponsibility, inoperativeness and violence that the ruling classes and their representatives in the Berlin Senate and the police are willing to carry out in order to prevent the people from expressing their opinion.
A demonstration whose route had been approved by the police and the Berlin administration found parties and concerts blocking its path, causing tens of thousands of people to crowd into a few square meters with no possible exits. Panic seized the unorganized people, creating a situation that could have ended in tragedy. Thanks to the actions of the organizations present in the “Revolutionärer 1. Mai” demonstration, thousands of people were able to get out of this situation without having to mourn any deaths or serious injuries.
Meanwhile, the “plan” devised by the Berlin government directed people leaving the Die Linke festival at Mariannenplatz toward the place where the march was taking place. The side streets were open, cars were parked on Oranienstraße, and no one controlled where thousands of people were flowing. In addition, a concert was approved from a apartment window overlooking the demonstration street, which intensified the bottleneck and increased the risk.
At the same time, the police were waiting for the demonstrators in Görlitzer Park and by the canal, ready to repress, but never to help anyone.
There are hundreds of accounts of activists and militants helping people who fainted, people who were in panic or simply did not know how to react to a terrifying situation. The people helped each other to defend themselves from the inoperativeness or malice of the repressive forces and the Berlin administration.
On May 1st, 2026, in Kreuzberg, the police and the city administration cleared the neighborhood and turned it into a trap, deliberately leading the mobilization toward a potential tragedy. Never before have we been faced with such a perverse plan as the one we experienced on this date.
Now we see clearly that, given the loss of prestige that police repression of the May 1st demonstration had suffered in the eyes of society, they had to develop another tactic to delegitimize the protesters and prevent the discontent, the denunciation and the organization of the popular sectors from being seen in the center of the German capital (and of Europe), sectors that daily experience the austerity cuts and the results of militarization.
It sounds ridiculous, but in Germany and in Berlin under the CDU-SPD government, we are forced to remind everyone that demonstrating is a right enshrined in the constitution and should not be subject to manipulation, threats or repression. Having a guaranteed safe passage along the route approved by the police, no more and no less, is also part of that right. However, day by day, this right, together with others such as freedom of expression, is being curtailed by elites who, knowing that they are hated by the people, try to uphold a system whose legitimacy is being called into question by those from below.
Nevertheless, what happened will not prevent the people from taking to the streets. It will not prevent us migrants from making ourselves visible with our organizations and our demands. It will not prevent us from continuing to organize ourselves and fight for what belongs to us. Just as we did not stop doing when we were repressed in past May 1st demonstrations or deported for taking part in actions against the genocide in Palestine.
And we will continue to fight wherever we are: in our jobs, in elections, in schools, in universities and in the streets.
Only the people will save the people.
Charité announces collaboration with Israeli firm linked to the IDF
Something that doesn’t come up often enough when discussing the complicity of Germany’s governmental, cultural and academic institutions in the whitewashing of Israel’s violence is the complicity of its scientific and medical institutions – institutions we should hope have a fundamental respect for humanity at the core of their values. Sadly, as we’ve grown used to in Germany, this is not something that we can count on – at least not when it comes to Palestine.
In February earlier this year, Germany’s most important medical institution, Charité Universitätsmedizin, announced the creation of a new innovation center. “With the establishment of an ARC Innovation Center” the announcement reads “Charité Universitätsmedizin Berlin and the Berlin Institute of Health at Charité (BIH) are creating a new organizational framework to advance medical innovations rapidly and in a targeted manner.” This, however, is not just the result of a collaboration with the BIH but, most importantly, with Israel’s own most important medical institution: Sheba Medical Center – where the ARC concept itself was developed and, according to its website, has been so successful that “Sheba’s ARC is now establishing innovation centers in London, Berlin, Singapore, Australia, Canada and the United States.”
Sheba is not only one of the world’s top hospitals and what your friend’s entrepreneur friend would call a “hub of healthcare innovation”, it works closely with the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) providing them with treatment, training and rehabilitation – even serving as an equipment distribution center for IDF medical units. It is also the recipient of huge donations from close Putin acquaintance, illegal settlement funder and target of international sanctions Roman Abramovich; as well as from Friends of the IDF (FIDF) a US nonprofit whose list of “friends” and major donors include Trump and Netanyahu billionaire supporters Miriam Adelson and Larry Ellison – Sheba and the FIDF, in fact, partnered to create a center where IDF soldiers with PTSD from taking part in war crimes in Gaza, the West Bank and Lebanon receive mental healthcare.
With all of this one would expect management at Charité to reconsider its collaboration agreements with Sheba, right? Well, dear reader, one would be wrong. I was initially made aware of Charité’s collaboration with Sheba by a Charité employee. “The question of collaboration with Israel increasingly reminds me of how, in many religions, even questioning the existence or actions of a deity is considered a deadly sin. Criticism is not seen as part of democratic discourse, but as completely illegitimate” she expressed at the start of our conversation. Particularly difficult for her to accept has been the fact that “there has been no clear statement from Charité and BIH following Israel’s illegal attack on Iran, nor any meaningful distancing from the genocidal war in Gaza or the settler violence in the West Bank.”
This is in “stark contrast” to the general response to Russias invasion of Ukraine, she pointed out. “Researchers collaborating with Russian institutions were immediately scrutinized, and Russian employees often became targets of suspicion.” It seemed to her that “all of a sudden, institutions argued that scientific cooperation could not be separated from state violence.” Yet in the case of Israel “the principle that governments must be differentiated from institutions and individuals is invoked selectively” it is only used “when it serves political convenience” she said. “This is the kind of inconsistency that really undermines the credibility of an institution’s claims about universal human rights, ethics, and neutrality.”
And although she recognizes the value and importance of international cooperation between medical and scientific institutions, she cannot agree with “a framework in which Israel will profit from innovations and research supported through the ARC Center at Charité” as they could “ultimately benefit other structures linked to the state while its human right violations continue without accountability or any kind of of consequences.”
To all of this a PR person for Charité might argue that, as stated in its website, Sheba’s guiding creed is “hope without boundaries” and that proof of this is that it takes in Palestinians and people from neighboring Arab countries for treatment. This is objectively true, but in the case of Palestinians, what they would be ignoring completely – as pointed out in this great report in Jewish Currents – is that in accordance with Article 56 of the 4th Geneva Convention “Israel as the occupying power has the primary responsibility to ensure respect, protection, and fulfillment of the right to health of Palestinians in Gaza” and not just in Gaza, but in the illegally occupied West Bank as well. Talking about “hope without boundaries” is repainting a responsibility under international law as an act of kindness – this is without mentioning that most of the expenses are actually covered by the Palestinian Authority, that Gaza’s healthcare infrastructure has been practically wiped out by the IDF, and the dystopian reality of securing a permit to get treatment outside of Gaza in the West Bank, East Jerusalem or Israel, a reality that is known to be exploited by Israel’s intelligence services as a way to get Palestinians to collaborate with them.
By not reconsidering the partnership it started with Sheba back in 2022, Charité has decided to partner with a medical establishment that, according to important members of Physicians for Human Rights Israel, has barely criticized, much less opposed, what even Israeli scholars like Omer Bartov and Amos Goldberg – as well as Israeli human rights organization B’Tselem – have called a genocide. It has decided to indirectly associate itself with organizations like FIDF, billionaire supporters of both Trump and Netanyahu, and corrupt Russian oligarchs who directly fund settlements in the occupied Palestinian territories.In helping Sheba sell its illusion of “hope without boundaries” Charité is directly engaging in what anthropologist Avram Bornstein calls “medical hasbara” and whitewashing the realities of Israel’s military occupation of Palestine, its genocide in Gaza and its wars in Iran and Lebanon.
This week in working class history
“Con los pobres de la tierra quiero yo mi suerte echar.”
“With the poor of the earth I will cast my lot.”
On May 19th, 1895, the Cuban national hero José Martí was killed in action during the Cuban war of independence against the Spanish. He was 42 years old. As the preeminent political theorist on Cuban nationalism at the time, his organising work galvanised Cubans at home and abroad to ultimately expel the Spanish, a day he did not live to see. His legacy post-martyrdom is co-opted by all strains of the Cuban political spectrum, a reflection of his radical anti-imperialist positioning vis-a-vis today’s mainstream liberal politics.
Martí was born in Cuban capital city, Havana, to Spanish parents and spent part of his childhood in Spain before returning to the island. He was politicised during the first Cuban war of independence against Spain–also called the Ten Years War–which was centered around the abolition of slavery and mobilised slaves and workers in sugar plantations, the primary colonial crop in Cuba. It was during this time that he published his first political writings, which were generally anti-imperialist and anti-slavery in nature. This led to him being exiled to Spain by the colonial authorities, from where his serious work on building internationalist solidarity for the Cuban independence cause took form.
His exile took him through Mexico, Guatemala, Venezuela, the West Indies, and the United States where he spent time teaching, writing, uniting, and working with Cuban exiles and the diaspora. The Cuban expatriates in Florida–polar opposite from what they are now–were exiles seeking political asylum and tobacco workers, whom he rallied for the cause of the plantation workers back in Cuba. In 1895, Martí organised an armed expedition from abroad, setting sail to Cuba, in order to start an uprising, a revolutionary move that would be the “intellectual author” of a similar expedition in 1953 by Fidel Castro and comrades. It is in this uprising that he was eventually killed, at the Battle of Dos Rios.
Martí’s most famous essay, “Nuestra America”, argued that Cubans should not look outside of Cuba for their solution, as all problems were fomented outside. He saw the oppressed in Cuba as the real leaders of the revolution and warned against what would turn out to be an accurate reading of US imperialist interests in the West Indies and eventually Cuba. At the same time, Martí was wary of Marx and communism, and saw US liberal democratic society at the time as a blueprint for Latin America. Moving away from what would now be contemporarily termed decolonial, Martí also saw merit in working with European and American society for reforms essential for Latin America to detach themselves from Spanish subjugation. These juxtapositions simmer of course, from a contemporary positioning of Martí.
Martí’s politics played a pivotal foundational role in politics post the revolution in 1959 and is equally appropriated by socialists and their critics alike. Several parks and streets are named in his honour today, including Havana’s airport.
Martí was also a famous poet. His political vision of the world can best be summarised in one of his most famous poems “Cultivo una rosa blanca” (I cultivate a white rose), which is interestingly the possible inspiration behind the name “The White Rose”, a student resistance movement in Munich in 1942-43 led by Sophie Scholl and others.
Cultivo una rosa blanca
en julio como en enero
para el amigo sincero
que me da su mano franca.
Pero para el cruel que me arranca
el corazón con que vivo,
cardo ni ortiga cultivo…
cultivo una rosa blanca.
Translated to English:
I cultivate a white rose
In July as in January
For the sincere friend
Who gives me his hand frankly.
And for the cruel person who tears out
the heart with which I live,
I cultivate neither nettles nor thorns:
I cultivate a white rose.