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What the hell is “Gerechtigkeit”?

The debate over its meaning is obscuring that we are all fighting over the wrong pie


11/05/2026

The German term “Gerechtigkeit” translates roughly to fairness, justice, or equity. It’s become a catchword in German political discourse, resurfaced by the SPD during the 2017 federal elections, late in the hour of neoliberalism’s longue durée during the 2017 federal elections (proving that as usual, and for good or bad, Germany is 10 years behind America, where social justice rhetoric exploded in the wake of the Great Recession).

Now everyone is clamoring for more of it. The market radical Freie Demokraten (FDP) hold up the banner of “chance fairness” and decry welfare recipients as harming equity by taking away from those who actually work. A group of young CDU MPs almost torpedoed their own party’s social security reforms last winter, claiming that it wasn’t fair or just to force young people to pay disproportionate amounts to shore up the retirement of millions of pensioners.

As inequality skyrockets, precarity becomes the norm, and as Germany’s export-oriented economic model fails, fairness and equity are no longer rhetorical questions. The debate over the meaning of Gerechtigkeit becomes a material battleground for various groups vying for a smaller and smaller pie. Germany, stuck in its uniquely punitive version of austerity since at least 2005, refuses to expand that definition of fairness and justice through direct support and stimulus. Which means that debates on this topic can only move in one direction: towards a debate about who pays for what and is most deserving. In short, what should be a shared responsibility gets twisted into a cold individual accounting and moralistic framing.

This cold framing turns rights and guarantees into conditionals based on individual behavior and contribution. This is nothing new for Germany’s social system, which integrates its non-universal healthcare system directly into your job and capacity to work. For some, the system is not restrictive enough, though.

Like Carla Neuhaus, for example, editor for Die Zeit’s economic section. In an article from 24 March titled, “Stop rewarding the stay-at-home wife marriage!” she argues that getting “free” health insurance from your working married partner when you’re unemployed is a privilege that sets the wrong incentives. Neuhaus asserts that such benefits are almost always claimed by women. Families should be able to decide who takes care of the kids, but not at the cost of the community. That’s why it’s right for moms to have to pay 225 euros a month if they’d prefer to not work and take over childcare. The fee will give women the opportunity to work, even if part-time, since it eliminates a cliff where women earn less due to the monetary benefit.

In most states in Germany, childcare is only free at age 3 and many municipalities set fees based on income. Reports estimate that there are over 300,000 spots lacking in public childcare facilities; better earners avail themselves of higher-quality private centers to avoid long waiting lists. For public facilities in Köln, for example, families pay up to 341 euros a month, lunch fees not included. Berlin is the only state with free childcare. Across Germany, waiting times of over a year are common and many give up despite a legal right to a childcare spot.

A part-time worker earning minimum wage in Germany takes home roughly 850 euros a month. Subtract childcare and lunch fees and that number can drop to around 600 euros a month. For married women who would rather stay at home and look after the kids themselves, they will now be charged 225 a month.

What an opportunity indeed. Low-earning German women who hope to benefit from this fairness initiative can now spend months trying to secure a childcare spot, pay for the entitlement, and then restructure their entire lives. We can’t have those stay-at-home moms getting something they don’t deserve, after all.

Neuhaus’s argument assumes there is something waiting for these women on the other side—a labor market that rewards participation, wages that grow, a society that lifts those who work hard. That Germany has not existed for two decades. For sociologist Oliver Nachtwey, Germany’s “Elevator Society” of guaranteed mobility is now a “Downward Escalator” where individuals struggle to maintain their current living standards rather than ever improve them.

The current debate is also a categorical error: we are arguing over who deserves what is happening entirely within one pie, while the other pie sits untouched. You see, the ultrarich in this country are doing extraordinarily well. 3,900 people with assets over 100 million euros own about 25 percent of Germany’s total wealth. Middle-class families pay a tax rate of around 43 percent while billionaires sit at 26 percent. The one pie is salary, the other is investments and profit. Different pies, different rates.

To the commentariat and all mainstream political parties, minus Die Linke, this other pie doesn’t even exist. The ethics of responsibility, thrift, and individual contribution obscure the systemic failings that Germany’s deeply unjust and unequal system has produced. This is a country that pocketed decades of trade surpluses and funneled it up to the top—to villas on Sylt, bonuses for executives, and dividends for shareholders. Despite all that, the supposed hole in the budget to pay for infrastructure and increasing healthcare costs and defense spending needs to be filled by stay-at-home moms, disabled people, and welfare cuts.

At least the average German is sensing something rotten is happening. 81 percent of Germans believe that wealth is unfairly distributed in this country, and 64 percent want the re-introduction of a wealth tax. The lukewarm SPD response is to target “Spitzenverdiener” (top earners); again, for mainstream politicians, the second pie does not exist. And they say lefties are removed from reality.

Germany’s crumbling bridges and inequality are most definitely matters of Gerechtigkeit. They’re also a matter of uneven contribution to this society. But the problem isn’t salaried employees in any sense: it’s the rich abdicating their social responsibility and doing what the rich do—extract short-term gain and externalize the costs. Twenty years of austerity and accumulation at the top have left the bottom desiccated and worn out. Squeezing the dregs of this society will not work. Everyone’s talking about Gerechtigkeit, but the term has been dragged through the mud and hollowed out to cover for a state that can no longer fulfill promises of a dignified and prosperous life; its ruling class has blocked every avenue of shared responsibility, wealth, and renewal. At this point, I’m done with my shitty pie. I want one pie and I want all of it. That starts with taking from the rich—first with taxation and then expropriation.

The show trial of the Ulm 5 resumes on Monday

Families and lawyers raise great concerns


09/05/2026

At the start  of the second court hearing of the Ulm 5, lawyers and families express their fear that this trial is unfair.  Their latest press release is below this report.

The trial of the Ulm 5 started on 27th April full of irregularities. It began with a pathetic shitshow by the German State. The presiding Judge Kathrin Lauchstädt seems to be dead set on presenting the human right defenders, Vi, Crow, Daniel, Zo and Leandra, as dangerous criminals.  Now both the team of lawyers and the judge are trying to get rid of each other. But one side is not doing their job to guarantee a fair trial, and this is the Staatsräson infected German State.

On the first day, in a crystal-clear move by the judge to set the image of the defendants as a threat to the public and society, they were brought in wearing handcuffs and set behind a bullet-proof glass box separated from not only the public but their lawyers. Each had security personnel watching over them.

The lawyers had complained for weeks about the seating arrangements, since they want to be able to speak directly and privately with their defendants. That is the norm in any fair trial. But the judge refused. After 20 minutes of fighting for their defendants’ rights to a fair trial the lawyers left the room and the judge called for a 2-hour recess. During this two-hour intermission, the lawyers tried again to speak with the judge but in vain.

The defence lawyers then came outside and spoke on the rally that was taking place about what was happening to both the people in the rally and those that have been in the court room, since their microphones in the court room were switched off and it was nearly impossible to follow what was happening due to the glass partition that also separated the public from the lawyers and bench.

When the lawyers came back into the courtroom, the judge ignored them. They tried to sit next to the defendants in the glass box, where they said they were prepared to continue the trial, but the judge refused. She gave them 5 minutes to take their previous seats back, trying to separate them again from their clients, who had not yet been brought back to the court room. The lawyers will still talking after 5 minutes, so the judge just called it a day and said that the trial would resume on the 4th of May. At that moment she threatened to have the lawyers thrown off the case.

Seeing that this case is the opposite of a fair trial, the lawyers presented a motion for the judges to recuse themselves. It is clear to anyone paying attention, that only new judges can give any fairness in this show trial. 

Most mainstream German press, thanks to a biased report from DPA just repeated the judges and prosecutor and failed to talk about the lawyers’ fair demands. 

We will see how the next trial, on Monday 11th of May, goes. Will the judges even pretend to care about fairness and rule of law? Or will they continue the farce of equating people trying to stop the genocide of the Palestinian people with murders and dangerous criminals.

But we will for sure one day see the real criminals on trial. And we will go to the Hague to see Germany making a fool of itself, trying to convince real judges that nations have the right to exist but people, especially Palestinians, don’t.

Defence Calls for a Fair Trial and Respect for the Presumption of Innocence – Demands Recusal of Current Judges Due to Prejudice

Press release: Defence Team of the Ulm 5 from 7th May 2026 (8th May 2026) 

Second Day of Trial on Monday, 11th May 2026

The defence team for the Ulm 5 are appalled by the conduct of the trial by Presiding Judge Kathrin Lauchstädt on the first day of the trial and the confirmation of her rulings by her fellow judges. 

In violation of the presumption of innocence, our clients were presented to the public and the press in a manner that inevitably gives an impartial observer the impression that their guilt has already been established. As the hearing started, they were led into the courtroom in handcuffs, held like this for several minutes for the press to take photos, and then kept in a glass enclosure for the entire trial – shielded from the public by a security glass partition and additionally guarded by court officers. All of this despite the fact that the trial is taking place in the high-security courtroom within the Stammheim Prison. There is absolutely no justification for this manner of portraying our clients.

Confidential communication between the defendants and their defence lawyers was not guaranteed during the proceedings. Even non-confidential communication with the defendants was repeatedly disrupted by technical problems; for some defence lawyers, it was impossible at any point throughout the day to communicate with their client. Despite this, the court refused to accept any statements or motions from the defence -without even knowing their content. The fact that Presiding Judge Karin Lauchstädt believes she can set aside the defence’s motions without even knowing their content speaks to her relationship with the defence and the defendants: she perceives it as an attack on her authority when the defence articulates the defendants’ interests.

Prejudgment by the Court

This portrayal of our clients gives the public the impression that they are dangerous individuals and that the public and the court must be protected from them. In fact, none of the accused has a criminal record; the offence involved no violence against people or even resistance against individuals.

The Stuttgart Regional Court has made prejudicial statements to the press on multiple occasions, for example to Taz (published on 2nd May 2026). The Stuttgart Regional Court informed Taz that the choice of Stammheim as the venue for the trial was not unusual, because other cases had been heard there, 

“for example, against the Islamist murderer of police officer Rouven Laur, against alleged supporters of ‘Gruppe Reuß’ [suspected of terrorism, ed.] or several cases related to the conflict between two rival gangs in the Stuttgart region.”

The Stuttgart Regional Court compares the proceedings against our clients to murder and terrorism cases. These statements reinforce the impression created in the public eye that the defendants are particularly dangerous individuals who therefore require special security measures.

Violation of our Clients’ Fundamental Rights

Before, during, and after the first day of the trial, the bench has denied our clients the right to be heard and deprived them of their status as parties to the proceedings. For this reason, the defence has filed challenges for bias against the entire bench. The very choice of seating arrangement underscores the fact that the bench regards the defendants as objects. In the case of Federici v. France, the European Court of Human Rights expressly held that the presentation of a defendant in a glass cell is, in principle, capable of violating the right to a fair trial or the presumption of innocence, and that this depends on a case-by-case assessment. In the present case, the Stuttgart Regional Court has not even made a superficial attempt at such a consideration.

The reprimand of the defence team through threats of dismissal and the imposition of costs after just the first day of the trial reinforces the impression that the court is not committed to conducting proceedings in accordance with the rule of law, but rather to implementing its own ideas at the expense of our clients’ rights. Although the Regional Court has since refrained from dismissing the defence lawyers, it continues to uphold this threat in an attempt to discipline the defence.

Outlook

On the second day of the trial, our clients face the challenge of asserting their fundamental right to a fair trial without risking the loss of their defence lawyers, with whom they have built a strong relationship of trust after eight months in pre-trial detention. We call on the Stuttgart Regional Court to rectify the conditions under which the first day of the trial took place – conditions that contravene the rule of law – and to ensure that confidential communication between the defence and the defendants is permitted on the second day of the trial, whilst refraining from any prejudicial measures.

Interference with Freedom of the Press

Extraordinary scenes unfolded outside the courtroom as well, between the court bailiffs and the press spokesman, Dr Timur Lutfullin, and journalists. The defence had prepared a press pack for interested journalists and made it available initially inside and subsequently outside the courthouse. However, these press kits were confiscated from the journalists inside the courthouse by the bailiffs under the supervision of the press officer; at least one journalist was even forced to open their locker to hand over the press kit from their private belongings. The Stuttgart Regional Court does not shy away from undermining the independent work of the press by preventing journalists from freely choosing their sources whilst also severely hindering the defence of the accused, who also have the right to present their views to the press in an appropriate manner.

The undersigned are available for further inquiries.

  • Dr. Maja Beisenherz, München, Info@beisenherz.eu, 0177 / 70 95 812,
  • Michael Brenner, Nürnberg, michael.brenner@anw-nbg.de, 0911 / 37 66 42 77,
  • Mathes Breuer, München, breuer@kanzlei-abe.de, 0175 / 52 46 963,
  • Anna Magdalena Busl, Bonn, busl@anwaltsbuero-bonn.de, 0176 / 23 23 32 35,
  • Benjamin Düsberg, Berlin, mail@rechtsanwalt-duesberg.de, 0157 / 30 30 8383,
  • Carolin Kaufmann, Berlin, kaufmann@akm-berlin.de, 0172 / 47 21 420,
  • Rosa Mayer-Eschenbach, München, eschenbach@kanzlei-abe.de, 0176 / 65 35 94 43,
  • Christina Mucha, Memmingen, info@kanzlei-mucha.de, 08331 / 69 08 136,
  • Nina Onèr, Berlin, kanzlei@ninaoner.de, 01520 97 33 278,
  • Matthias Schuster, Berlin, mail@anwalt-schuster.de, 0176 / 24 75 8230,
  • Martina Sulzberger, Augsburg, kanzlei@anwaeltin-sulzberger.de, 0821 / 50 87 3850

Families demand the German justice system conduct a fair trial; call on Ireland, Spain, and the UK to carry out trial monitoring; echo the defence’s call for recusal of entire judicial panel 

Press release from families & friends of the Ulm 5 (8th May 2026)

The families and loved ones of the Ulm 5 who attended the trial opening on 27th April in Stuttgart-Stammheim are shocked at the scenes that unfolded in the courtroom: defendants paraded before press and public in handcuffs and in a glass cell, against all international norms including UN recommendations, EU directives, and rulings from the European Court of Human Rights. 

Presenting our loved ones like this violates the presumption of innocence and falsely and irreversibly creates an impression of guilt and danger, when in fact the five caused no harm to any persons (nor does the prosecutor allege any), did not resist arrest, were processed peacefully by the police and have been entirely peaceful throughout their eight months of ongoing pre-trial detention.

We were further taken aback at the presiding judge’s evident contempt for the defence and we fully support the lawyers’ motion for the recusal of the judges – see their press release from yesterday, 7th May.

The presiding Judge Karin Lauchstädt refused every petition from the defence on the day, without knowing their subject, and previously rejected almost every attempt to speak with her about the conditions of the trial in advance. She also refused permission for the five to sit with their defence counsel – as is the norm in Germany, even for major crimes, of which the Ulm 5 are not accused – claiming that the courtroom technology worked as designed to facilitate communication with their defence counsel. We know this is not true, having spoken with our loved ones since.

Benjamin Düsberg, Daniel’s lawyer says: “After speaking with Daniel I now know that they were unable to follow proceedings due to gaps in the translation. Most of what happened was not translated – only when the court switched on the defence’s microphones. Also, due to the technical set-up, Daniel no longer heard the translator when my colleague Frau Mucha, Daniel’s other lawyer, spoke with Daniel via microphone. Daniel was also unaware of all our attempts to have the handcuffs removed before the five entered the courtroom and of other aspects of the surrounding events, including the presiding judge’s threat to remove the state lawyers from the case”.

Kit, Crow’s sister says: “Crow found the set up of the court intimidating. Being separated from the rest of the court room by a glass box, and only being able to communicate through a microphone and headset made them feel incredibly isolated. They said that it would make such a difference to their experience if they could just sit with their lawyers. Having so many from the community there showing support, and seeing friends and family in the crowd really helped them. Since this first day of the trial, the careful daily routines they use to manage daily life in prison have been disrupted due to overwhelming feelings of anticipation and anxiety regarding the decisions the court has been making.”

As loved ones of the Ulm 5, we are proud of the dignified and peaceful way our loved ones conducted themselves on 27th April.

In advance of the second day of the trial (11th May), we call on our governments – of Ireland, Spain, the UK – to attend to their citizens’ rights and carry out trial monitoring.

We call on Germany to follow international, European, and EU standards regarding treatment of defendants, particularly in trial settings. This means that the current judges, including the lay judges, are irreversibly tainted by the presiding judge’s decisions for the first trial day. They should be replaced and the presumption of innocence restored.

Josi, Vi’s partner says: “Regardless of what one thinks of the Ulm 5’s actions, they deserve a fair trial. The main judge is belligerent and unfit. She is not only disrespecting the five and their lawyers – she is disrespecting due process. To me, the way she is acting indicates she is under external pressure to eschew legal standards and push for a certain outcome. Regardless of the reasons behind her unjustifiable decisions and unreasonable behaviour, she should not merely recuse herself – she should be disbarred.”

This is not just about our loved ones – now, the German justice system itself is on trial.

Families and partners are available for interviews: ulm5family@proton.me

The trial resumes on Monday, 11th May 2026 at 9:00 in Stuttgart

More information at www.ulm5.info. Instagram: @theulm5

Palantir is hungry—Germany is on the menu

AI-powered policing may soon be a reality in Europe

The side of a building with the Palantir logo and name in silver letters. There are bits of snow sitting on some of the letters, and some houses with snowy roofs in the background.

Palantir is a Silicon Valley based company that produces AI software primarily for surveillance and military use. Its largest customer is the US Department of Defense. As per official US government spending data, Palantir has received 4.2 Billion USD in contracts (US Army, US Airforce, and ICE being the three largest). With the US government firmly in their pocket, and a foothold in the UK, with the National Health Service, Palantir has its sights set on Europe. German police agencies are likely to be next.

The software that Palantir produces creates ontologies—systems that can create an accurate model of the world by combining data from multiple sources. At a conference in February 2026, Cameron Stanley—the Chief Digital and AI officer of the US Department of War—demonstrated how their AI based tool could be used to automate the military chain of command by combining satellite data, realtime intelligence, and machine vision. A recent New York Times article reveals that “…(ICE) agents are tapping into a database, built by the data analytics company Palantir, that combines government and commercial data to identify real-time locations for individuals they are pursuing.” Palantir is becoming true to its name—an all-seeing eye for Sauron. 

In 2023, all twenty police agencies in Germany (16 state and 4 federal) came together to announce a long-term vision called Police 20/20 (P20). One slide says: “In future, the existing functions will be offered within a single system in the same form for all participants.” The single system that they are talking about is very likely to be Palantir. Four states have already implemented Palantir’s Gotham software—Hessen (2017), NRW (2019), Bayern (2024), and most recently Baden-Württemberg (2025). Sachsen-Anhalt and Berlin are likely to be next. Palantir might soon have access to all the police databases in Germany. 

The biggest barrier to Palantir’s entry into Germany, thus far, has been legal. In 2023, the Federal Constitutional Court placed limits on what the police in Hessen are allowed to do with Palantir’s software. Around the same time, the then Minister of Interior, Nancy Faeser (SPD) blocked federal police agencies from using Palantir. Her successor, though, has other ideas. In March 2026, Alexander Dobrindt (CSU), introduced new draft legislation that will clear the way for the use of AI based surveillance software in federal police agencies.

Opposition to the draft laws—called Lex Palantir by critics—has come largely from civil society actors. A coalition of groups including Amnesty International, Chaos Computer Club, and Pro Asyl has launched a campaign arguing that the legislation violates our fundamental rights, and is especially discriminatory towards asylum seekers. The group Gesellschaft für Freiheitsrechte e.v (GFF) has also launched a legal challenge against Palantir in Bavaria.  

Organized political opposition, however, seems to be lacking. In Baden-Württemberg, where Palantir was legalised most recently, the Green party—a member of the ruling coalition—initially claimed ignorance of the deal. Later it turns out there might have been a backroom deal with the CDU—a bigger nature reserve in exchange for allowing the police to use Palantir. A recent query tabled at the Bundestag, asks the Interior Ministry about Palantir—and asks about its use at the country’s borders. The query is from—surprise, surprise—the AfD faction. 
The rightward swing (lurch?) in German politics plays perfectly into the Palantir playbook. In a post on X, which is based on their CEO Alex Karp’s new book they say: “One age of deterrence, the atomic age, is ending, and a new era of deterrence built on A.I. is set to begin.” They go on to say “The postwar neutering of Germany and Japan must be undone. The defanging of Germany was an overcorrection for which Europe is now paying a heavy price.” On their marketing website they say “Our software powers real-time, AI-driven decisions in critical government and commercial enterprises in the West, from the factory floors to the front lines.” The masks are off. Palantir’s software, combined with Germany’s plans to build the biggest army in Europe by 2039 is a truly ominous sign for the world. It will take a serious, concerted effort from the opposition to stop this. Sadly, all is quiet on the Left front!

Racial violence, ICE, and street vendors in Los Angeles

How ICE raids devastated LA’s street vendors — and what their resistance reveals about racial violence


08/05/2026

On July 7, 2025  Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agents and the border patrol—commonly referred to as the la Migra within the Latina/o/x communities—descended upon McArthur Park, a well-known public space in Los Angeles, drawing widespread attention in the media and amongst politicians. McArthur Park is located in the Westlake district of Los Angeles where there is a significant concentration of Salvadoran and Guatemalan residents—known as the West Coast’s ‘Ellis Island’. For many Central Americans who were affected by U.S.-shaped wars, Westlake came to be their first arrival point in the United States. According to the last U.S. census report, 52% of Westlake’s population is foreign-born, which includes individuals who are not U.S. citizens by birth. The largest share of foreign born residents are from Guatemala, Mexico, and El Salvador.

Along Alvarado Street, surrounding MacArthur Park, street vendors sell a range of items from food to clothes to household goods. According to an LA-based publication, LA Taco, these vendors are mainly older adults and single mothers whose main source of income is selling along this stretch. Thus, the spectacle created by ICE and the U.S. Military in MacArthur Park in early July 2025, and subsequent arrests, should be understood as racial profiling and harassment of brown immigrants and people who are most exposed, vulnerable, and exploitable, such as street vendors, resident migrants, and consumers who frequented this part of Los Angeles.

During February and March 2026, as part of a research project, I spent significant time in this area and its surrounding vicinity. I sought to better understand the impact of ICE raids specifically on street vendors, gathering individual accounts due to a severe lack of personalized and nuanced testaments in news reports. Furthermore, the international media tends to paint a passive image of survivors of ICE raids and their family. This essay aims to show their vulnerabilities, as well as their agentic ways of being.

Although ICE raids have declined in the last months, according to the LA Times, ICE, in budget documents, says it plans to remove 1 million people this fiscal year and next, compared with roughly 442,000 last year. Thus, the decline in the raids must not be understood entirely in positive terms. ICE agents’ persistent racial violence and abductions of working-class brown communities need urgent attention. Street vendors trying to earn a living suffer ICE crackdowns, financial costs, family separations, mistreatment in detention centres, and deportations; the most vulnerable are direly affected. Furthermore, the abduction of working class migrants should not be understood merely as a local phenomena. As acknowledged by People’s Dispatch: the ‘ICE-ization’ of immigration policy refers to the externalization of borders, prolonged detention, and criminalization of undocumented individuals, which in turn has resulted in complaints with international bodies.

In the German context for example, in the last decade, several reforms to German migration have been imposed in order to facilitate deportations. The grounds for detention have been broadened and additional types of detention, including detention during the asylum procedure, detention in the return border procedure, and detention during checks at external borders are being implemented. In this regard, the Left must engage not only with ICE as an institution, but with the broader “ICE-ization” of immigration policy—an expansion of enforcement logics where the state system produces necropolitical conditions for marginalized migrants in various parts of the world, where some lives are considered worthy of living while others are simply rendered disposable.

A Brief History of Street Vendors in Los Angeles

Informal street food vending in Los Angeles began in the mid-1980s. In a LA Times editorial, the executive director of the Central American Refugee Center (CARECEN) and the coordinator of the street vending legalization campaign for Coalition for Humane Immigrant Rights of Los Angeles (CHIRLA) pointed out that it started with the immigration of people into the U.S. from Mexico, Guatemala, and El Salvador. Latina/o/x immigrants in many instances brought with them traditions of vending from their countries of origin. From that decade on, there was an increase in vending. Some of the reasons were the economic recession of 1982 in Mexico and elsewhere in Latin America, as well as the passage of the 1986 Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRC A), which penalized employers for hiring undocumented workers. Following resistance and campaigns by the vendors and their networks, California Gov. Jerry Brown signed Senate Bill 946 (SB 946) in 2018, decriminalizing street vending in California. However, the Los Angeles City Council created restricted zones  that prohibited street vending. Street vending was prohibited in the tourist districts of Hollywood Bowl, Los Angeles Coliseum, Convention Center/L.A. Live, Dodger Stadium, Hollywood Walk of Fame, El Pueblo De Los Angeles Historical Monument, Universal Studios, and Universal City Walk. Nevertheless, in February 2024, street vending was completely legalized when the Los Angeles City Council unanimously voted to eliminate restricted street vending zones.  According to recent estimates, street vending is said to be a $504 million industry in Los Angeles with 80% of the street vendors constituting women.

Street Vendors and ICE in Los Angeles

Street vendors in Los Angeles came under attack by ICE agents in the summer of 2025 when Donald Trump’s U.S. immigration officers began to incur immigration sweeps in Los Angeles. The immigration raids were paused for about two months in the summer of 2025, but after the supreme court reversed a temporary restraining order that banned the Trump administration from stopping people solely based on their race, language, or the type of employment held across the city, the raids increased. Several street vendors have been arrested and detained since June 2025.

In one Los Angeles neighbourhood—around 6th and Union—approximately 10 to 15 Guatemalan women between the ages of 30 and 45, along with a few men, sold breakfast, coffee, and takeaway lunches on the sidewalk to construction workers between 5 and 9AM. The street vendors animated the sidewalks in the early morning, creating a rich and pleasant sensory atmosphere. Many of the women wore colorful, hand-embroidered traditional aprons as they worked, and their tables—lined with pots of food and drinks—were covered in plastic tablecloths with colorful floral patterns. Music drifted from one corner of the sidewalk, and the aromas of freshly prepared stews, black beans, and coffee filled the air. As they served breakfast or packed take-away lunches, the women often paused to exchange a few friendly words with their mostly male customers.

In the summer of 2025, ICE abducted three of the women from this particular area while the others fled leaving their carts behind. As part of a self-designed ethnographic research project, and as an ardent solidarity supporter of LA street vendors, I decided to have conversations with them on the street during my visit to Los Angeles. Initially, some of the street vendors were understandably reticent, but upon frequent visits, many of them opened up to me. However, there were others who wanted their stories publicized. A 40-year-old woman, who had been living in Los Angeles for ten years and is a mother of six, paid $1,800 for a one-bedroom apartment, and earned a living selling taquitos, coffee, avena, and sodas, described her escape in a vivid manner.  She told me: “When ICE came, I ran and ran and ran until I managed to get out of sight. My legs hurt for a week because I’m not used to running. After ICE came, I didn’t leave the house for a month, and I lost an entire month’s earnings. Given that ICE tactics  routinely include early-morning raids without warrants, food vendors who sell breakfast and lunches to construction workers were not surprisingly targeted.

Similarly, in another part of Los Angeles, known as the El Salvador corridor where several migrants from El Salvador sell traditional foods such as pupusas along with health products and other items, ICE conducted raids over two days in November 2025. As one Salvadoran woman in her 50s who sold pupusas, earns roughly $100 to $150, and pays some rent for the space from which she sells told me: “I was not arrested, but I witnessed ICE grab six people. Usually they come early in the morning. I observed several people running and leaving their stuff.” She pointed across the street and said: “They took away the woman who used to sell there. In total ICE took ten of the street vendors, only one of whom was released.”

In other parts of Los Angeles, street vendors reported seeing masked men in unmarked vans—whom they suspected were from ICE—but said that these men did not bother them, rather they just patrolled the area and made their presence felt. Nevertheless, the majority of the street vendors I spoke with conducted their business in precarious conditions and recognized they were vulnerable to ICE raids. Furthermore, they stated that their earnings had substantially decreased by 50 to 60% since ICE began to arrest migrants. Customers, fearing ICE, chose to stay at home. Similarly, during the height of the raids and abductions, several of the vendors stated that they stayed at home and lost income. However, others were supported by community organizations who raised money and ‘bought out’ the vendors for some days, matching their lost income. The street vendors believed that they were being treated unjustly: they were simply working and had not committed any crime. As one Honduran male street vendor selling lighters in the vicinity of MacArthur Park stated indignantly: “You could penalize me if I make a mistake, but you cannot penalize me if I am here to earn my living because this is my right.” He further stated that the mood of the street vendors can be described as follows: “We are scared, we are sad, we are in pain because our freedom has been seized from us.”

Despite the precarious conditions, the vendors continued selling and remained highly visible in parts of Los Angeles. Karandikar et al point out that it is important to recognize that it is ultimately women and their children who bear the brunt of these raids in the form of: family separation, displacement, caregiving burdens, legal precarity, violations of bodily autonomy, and economic instability. Nevertheless, they were forced to sell because they needed to survive and support their families.

Adelanto Detention Center

Following ICE abductions, street vendors were held in detention centers until they either agreed to ‘voluntary’ deportations or secured release on bond, which could potentially cost thousands of dollars.  For example, a street vendor Emma De Paz of Guatemalan origin, who had been in Los Angeles for 25 years, reported to the LA Times and described her experience at Adelanto Detention Center, which is located about 90 miles northeast of the city. She reported losing weight and being fed meals that included expired beans or ham. She further stated that she was denied access to her medication at the detention center.

Similarly, in the neighborhood of Los Angeles where I had spent considerable time speaking with food vendors—and where several women had experienced ICE raids—one daughter told me that those detained were taken to the same detention center where they faced harsh and distressing conditions. The daughter contacted an immigration lawyer, raised about $10,000, and the women were released on bond. She told me she had been studying to become a nurse and, fortunately, was on summer break when her mother was arrested, giving her the time to help secure her release. She initially sought support from CARECEN, an organization that provides low-cost legal services to immigrants, but discovered that they lacked the capacity to take on her case. After considerable effort, she found a lawyer who agreed to assist her. She also had to gather reference letters on her mother’s behalf and present them to the judge. She explained that each case was unique. Individuals who could demonstrate that they had dependents—such as young children or a child with a disability—were generally more likely to be granted release. However, for individuals unable to demonstrate that they had dependents, securing release became much more difficult.

Under President Trump’s “Big Beautiful Bill,” the administration tripled the detention capacity of ICE, and it became the most heavily funded domestic enforcement agency. Its annual budget has risen to $11.3 billion, exceeding that of the FBI. The legislation also allocates $45 billion to expand detention facilities, $29 billion for operational costs, and provides funding to recruit 10,000 additional agents. A total of 46 people have died while in their custody or detention facilities since the start of the second Trump administration in January 2025.

A report produced by the Disability Rights Commission (DRC) in June 2025 revealed deeply troubling issues in detention centres including: (1) inadequate access to medical treatment, such as life-saving medication and wound care, and exposure to widespread respiratory illnesses; (2) inadequate access to food and water, including extreme delays in meal distribution, provision of food that results in significant health issues, and a shortage of drinking water; (3) inadequate access to clean clothes, with many remaining in soiled clothing for long periods of time; and (4) minimal opportunities to contact family. Further intensifying these issues, many of the people interviewed had never experienced incarceration and felt overwhelmed and terrified by their confinement in a locked, jail-like facility.

According to CAIR LA, on 8 September 2025, the U.S. Supreme Court voted 6–3 to lift restrictions placed by a judge on immigration enforcement, effectively permitting ICE agents tointensify racially profiling, detaining, and interrogating Latina/o/x and immigrant communities.’ The Supreme Court’s decision granted the Trump administration’s request to suspend a previous order from a lower federal court that barred immigration officers from stopping and targeting individuals for questioning about their immigration status based solely on broad factors—such as their perceived ethnicity, speaking Spanish or speaking English with an accent, being present in specific locations such as a car wash, or the type of work they do.

Individuals targeted for detention by ICE agents have black or brown skin. People who ‘look undocumented’ and work on the streets to eke out a living are the most vulnerable to raids, arrests, prolonged detention, and even deportations. Masked men from ICE have wrongfully detained many who are either U.S. citizens or who have a legal right to be here. Thus, the raids and kidnappings of street vendors must be understood within the framework of institutional racism and systemic racial violence.

“There needs to be hope”

Interview with singer-songwriter David Rovics


05/05/2026

Hi there David. Thanks for talking to us. Could you briefly introduce yourself ?

I’m David Rovics. I’m a singer-songwriter from Portland, Oregon. I’m basically fanning the flames of discontent with music in the tradition of the Wobblies, Joe Hill, Woody Guthrie, Pete Seeger, and a lot of other people over the ages from around the world who sing songs about what’s happening in an effort to educate and change things, to inspire people to do something about it.

I hate to do this, but could I ask you about Wim Wenders? At this year’s Berlinale, Wenders made a very confused speech in which he—inasmuch as it made sense at all—argued that Art is on a different sphere to politics. Which means that you shouldn’t be singing about politics. You should be singing about “important things”.

Yeah, it was such a bizarre thing. People often talk about how Art should be political, and I disagree with them, too, because I think Art can be anything. It’s just a tool like so many other things. It can be used for political purposes or escapist purposes. It can be right wing or left wing. It can be so many things.

It can encourage people to fight, or to empathize with each other and not fight. It’s a very powerful thing, but for Wenders to say that it’s not political or shouldn’t be political is just completely ridiculous. It has nothing to do with historical reality.

I don’t know who his funders are. I understand why, in Germany, he wants to just completely avoid the whole question of Palestine and Israel. I understand why he’d be annoyed with people who are trying to highlight that issue, because it’s so incredibly divisive, and he wants to host a film festival, not a big argument.

But still, this is the world we’re living in, where Israel is committing genocide and of course, film makers are going to respond to that, and they have done absolutely brilliantly. I would think that somebody like him would be commending the incredible film makers who have been risking their lives to cover what’s happening in Gaza, like the ones who just put out this film Palestine 36, which is brilliant.

You’re on tour in Europe at the moment. How’s that going so far?

Great. This is our third of three gigs in Germany, and we still have a month more of gigs around Scandinavia and England, Scotland, and it’s been just wonderful. All three gigs have been just fabulous.

You’ve always been explicit about your views on Palestine. Have you noticed any change in Germany this time around?

I haven’t, but I haven’t been here long enough to really say. I’ve been hearing so much about the scene in Germany. I hear a lot about protests that are happening here where the police are being violent. And, of course, I assume that there are protests happening where the police are not being violent, but I’m just seeing the ones where they are.

You see a lot of stuff on Instagram, every time somebody gets harassed for wearing a keffiyeh. You could develop the impression that this is happening all the time in Germany. We have been wearing keffiyehs all over the place, and we’ve gotten some maybe unhappy looks from some people, but we certainly haven’t been harassed by anyone.

Germany is always a complicated place when it comes to Palestine. It’s not new for it to be complicated. The first march I ever went on in Germany in support of the Palestinian struggle, there was one white German woman who was my girlfriend at the time, and it was me and one friend of hers. Otherwise, everybody in the crowd was Arab.

You are US-American. Let’s look at the States. Is Trump a qualitative shift in what’s happening there?

For anybody who’s alive in the US today, most people would say that it feels like a qualitative shift, because he just really seems to be just doing whatever he wants. He doesn’t seem to have a plan. There are other people who have all kinds of plans and want to influence him, but he himself seems to be just winging it.

That’s maybe new. He’s qualitatively different in that sense. But otherwise, in terms of the US pursuing Empire and invading countries all over the world for resources and on false pretences—that’s nothing new. It’s just that he’s so uniquely unable to even maintain a false pretence for more than five minutes.

He changes his tactics every half hour. So, it is new and scary for people in a way that most people haven’t felt that kind of fear of possible nuclear holocaust, because we haven’t had somebody who is so completely irrational.

George W Bush was pretty darn irrational, and all his advisors were making stuff up in order to go to war. So that’s really not much different, except that then it was a group of people working together to pull the wool over our eyes in a methodical way over the course of years in order to carry out their agenda. Whereas there doesn’t seem to be any real thought going on here.

I was thinking the other day that we haven’t had a US president who is so irrational. And then I thought: but we had George W Bush, and Reagan before him. We seem to be having the same discussion about uniquely mad US presidents once a generation.

Look at Reagan and George W. They all just seem so tame in comparison. Andrew Jackson maybe. With Reagan we thought that too. And Reagan was reasonable and equinimical. Maybe I made that word up.

What can our side do against the very real threat of Trump?

In the context of the US, it seems to me that the capability of the Left to organize is so degraded at this point, because of real, long-term systematic efforts on the part of the secret police to disorient the Left. They’ve been doing that for over 100 years. It’s been the main purpose of the FBI.

I think, in the wake of 9/11 and then with the rise of social media and everything that’s happened with the power of these algorithms to brainwash people, they’ve really succeeded in creating a situation where people don’t know how to organize without alienating everybody. The form of organizing that takes place is the kind that you organize a demo that nobody wants to ever go to a demo again. That’s not what we need.

The first thing we need is to remember how to organize again, and remember how to build a movement based on solidarity and bringing people together to fight for a common cause. We must understand the power of culture in that process, and use music and art to bring people together, which is something that has been systematically forgotten by the US Left in a way that has not been forgotten in most of the world.

There’s really basic stuff that needs to happen before any serious organizing is going to be able to happen. It’s a sad situation. I always want to be able to say something more hopeful, but it’s just a dismal, bleak situation on the Left in the US. You can have demos all over the country against Trump, and they hardly mention the fact that the US has just killed the entire leadership of Iran and is bombing bridges and schools.

What’s your view of the rise of the DSA, the Democratic Socialists of America?

I view it as a basically positive development that has attracted a lot of energy. A lot of people have gotten involved, and they’ve supported campaigns of people like Mamdani, Bernie Sanders, and AOC. All that is very positive, even if they don’t have power—because they’re such a small minority. Even if they’re running as Democrats, they don’t represent the mainstream of the Democratic Party.

But they can have some kind of a voice, and they can expose the rest of the party for being so warmongering. Every time Sanders puts out a bill saying, “Do you support sending arms to Israel?”—the Democrats have to vote Yes or No. That exposes who are the ones who support this genocide and who’s opposing it, but they always continue to send the arms.

It’s a positive development, but the DSA also faces the same kinds of problems as the rest of the US Left. It hasn’t figured out how to rise above sectarianism. There’s still this paranoia about associating with the wrong people who have the wrong opinions about something. The paranoia permeating the US Left also permeates the DSA.

Let’s go on to the role of culture. I don’t want to misquote you, but you said something like US culture has not managed to be as political as other cultures?

US culture historically has been profoundly political. Music and art and culture have been so central to the social movements like the Industrial Workers of the World in the 1930s, the civil rights movement, the anti-war movement. These were all tremendously musical movements that were incredibly impactful on society because of their emphasis on using music and art to organize and educate and inspire.

That’s not at all unique to the US. Music that came out of these movements spread around the world and impacted people in many other societies as well. But what has happened, especially in the past 20 years, has been a divorcing of culture from politics in the minds of so many Americans.

Most of the time in most of the country, when you have some kind of political rally, there is no live music, and there’s very little in the way of any artistic expression. It’s like people with signs. It looks like a protest from some TV series that’s making fun of protests for how boring they are.

The Left Berlin has a radio programme, and the people who do the music tease me for suggesting the music of old white men. For the anniversary of Kent State, I said why not play Neil Young’s Ohio? And they say there is all sorts of really interesting Latino music, hip-hop, rap that is still very political and still talking to poor people. I’m just too old to get it. Do you think that it’s possible that there is still this music going on, but it’s addressing a different audience?

Oh, definitely, yeah. In all kinds of genres. The thing about the whole rock phenomenon, people like Neil Young and everything that came out of the 50s, 60s, 70s, it’s not people’s fault that they happen to like all these musicians who are white men, because the industry itself is a totally racist industry.

Its definition of rock music was: it’s a white form of music. If you’re not white, then you’re playing rhythm and blues. It was also a white male phenomenon. All the singers of all the rock bands had to be white men. That was the arrangement. All the other members of the bands had to be white men.

The only exception to that rule was San Francisco, because nobody in San Francisco would cooperate with the industry. They allowed San Francisco to be an exception to the rule for a little while. So that’s where Janis Joplin came out, Jimi Hendrix.

Sly and the Family Stone

Yeah, and so many other bands that were not all-white or all-male. San Francisco was allowed to be the exception. But that was the industry. But when you don’t look at the industry, and you look at the music that’s coming out of the people all over the world, either overtly or metaphorically political music is everywhere. People like Silvio Rodriguez are performing political music in packed stadiums in many Latin American countries.

Those musicians are all over the place, including in forms of music that would be very familiar to people who are into rock and roll, like the folk punk phenomenon. Whether you’re into hip-hop, whether you speak Spanish or Arabic, you can name people from every part of the world. Just the names of these musicians will bring a tear to somebody’s eye, because they mean so much to them. This is profoundly political.

You mention Fairuz to somebody from the Arab world, or Victor Jara to Spanish speakers. These are profoundly important people.

We’re mainly talking here about the Global South. Do you think it’s possible to build a new political music scene with a mass audience like San Francisco in Europe or the US?

Yeah, It can totally be done. People need to realize that that’s what needs to be done. Especially in the US, and probably beyond, there’s this constant drum beat of division against the sixties generation. It’s astounding, because it’s more than 50 years since then.

But there’s still this constant drumbeat of derision from the mainstream about the sixties. They just have to make sure that everybody still remembers that playing music and having a good time, and free love, and puppets and guitars are all just terrible, terrible hippie stuff that nobody should be associating with.

People get the message enough and they think: maybe we don’t actually need more acoustic guitars in the world.

Today you were playing with Liadland. Liad is a soon to be former Israeli—she’s giving up her citizenship. She also plays electronic music. Is mixing with people of completely different genres and backgrounds the sort of thing you do often?

Oh, yeah, absolutely. That goes over well or not well, depending on the audience. It’s not that everybody into one form of political music likes other forms of political music. It doesn’t necessarily work that way. Different styles on the same bill can work well, or it cannot, but I do it a lot.

One thing it can do at least is introduce people to a sort of music that they would never have thought of listening to themselves.

Absolutely. It’s such a great chance to hear new stuff, and it’s the main way I hear new stuff too.

What future projects do you have planned?

We do have another tour planned if there’s enough jet fuel left in the world. That’s a big if at this point, right? We do have a tour in Canada, in British Columbia, in late June, early July.

Do you have a message of hope for the next generation?

I heard Jesse Welles say this. I don’t know if he’s ever heard of me before, but I’ve been saying the exact same thing for decades. He said, to paraphrase: If you don’t have hope, then there’s no hope. Hope is a requisite to anything else happening. For social movements to get off the ground, there needs to be hope.

A sense of optimism is absolutely essential, as is a real, serious embrace of cultural means of communication—building the movement and inspiring people, educating people, embracing music and art. But it all starts with having some kind of hope for the future, some kind of vision for what you’re going to do that’s going to change things. But it all starts with hope.

My main hope is that we can maybe keep things going long enough for the aliens to come from some other galaxy and rescue us. In Star Trek, one time they came to a planet, and they asked the computer some questions about the planet. The computer said: According to our calculations, things are so unequal on this planet that the civilization will collapse in 250 years. So maybe it’s a good idea to invite aliens.