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What if they were your children?

On the eve of their trial, families and lawyers speak out for the Ulm 5


26/04/2026

On Friday, 24th April – just 3 days before the beginning of the Ulm 5 trial – families, friends and lovers released a press statement addressing antisemitism accusations against their children and loved ones. On the same day the team of 10 lawyers also released a press release addressing the problematic venue where this show trial will take place, the disproportionate pre-trial detention, and the failings of the prosecution office to investigate the real criminals. Both statements are published in full below.

On Monday 27th April the show trial against the Ulm 5 begins. The stage is the infamous Stammheim court house and high security prison, known for being where the trials against Red Army Fraction (RAF) members were held in the 1970s. The main actors are the representatives of the German state – a state currently on trial in the ICJ for its complicity with the genocide of the Palestinian people, the 10-lawyer defence team and the human rights activists Crow, Vi, Leandra, Daniel and Zo. The backdrop of the show trial is not a court room wall but the genocide in Gaza.

This is the same genocide that the German state and too many Germans are ignoring and/or denying. It is the same genocide that has claimed the lives of at least 70.000 people including 20.000 children. The genocide that, as the Danish Refugee Council, the Norwegian Refugee Council, Oxfam, Refugees International, and Save the Children stated in April 2026, continues through: “extreme deprivation, hunger, injury, and death”. The same genocide that still after 6 months of “ceasefire” leaves us images of corpses that we will never forget nor forgive.

This is the genocide that moved Leandra, Daniel, Zo, Vi and Crow-after two years of protesting on the streets-to take direct action against the Israeli weapons manufacturer Elbit Systems. Elbit Systems is the largest supplier of weapons to the Israel Defence Forces. Elbit Systems Deutschland has a factory in the southern German city of Ulm, in which they manufacture, among other things, communications equipment and laser warning systems used in the genocide in Gaza.

While the Ulm 5 are being investigated for property damage, and have been held in pre-trial detention for almost 8 months in horrible conditions, the prosecution office refuses to investigate Elbit’s war crimes and crimes against humanity.

The choice of venue for this trial show makes crystal clear that the intentions of the State are to paint these activists as dangerous criminals. One quick look at courthouse webpage shows that trials for murder, intended kidnapping and grave sexual assault are held there, as well as the infamous trial of the RAF. And then there is the trial of the Ulm5.

As is now usual for the German state, the Ulm 5 are also being accused of antisemitism because they tried to stop the Israeli weapons manufacturer of killing more people. This is a preposterous accusation from a State which can’t see the difference between the currently-accused-of-genocide-at-the-ICJ-state-of-Israel and the Jewish people. In the State’s accusation they seem to confuse facts like Israel has killed 20.000 children with their own blood libels of their Nazi past. These accusations are an insult to everyone’s intelligence and should be dropped straight away.

This is Germany today. A country that invokes its past genocides to justify it’s newest. A country supporting an outlawed war criminal with an arrest warrant issued by the ICC. A country that weaponises one of its worst crimes, antisemitism, to incite hatred against minorities who are not good for Merz’s Stadtsbild (image of the city). A country yet again rotten with genocidal, racist, fascist mania.

Press release: 24th April 2026

Mothers of the Ulm5: “The Stuttgart public prosecutor is weaponising antisemitism allegations against young people seeking to stop a genocide”

Parents, siblings, and partners of the five activists who are on trial in Stuttgart-Stammheim starting April 27th, for their protest against the Israeli arms company Elbit Systems, accuse Baden-Württemberg’s public prosecutor of wrongly characterising the act as antisemitic, when its aim was to stop acts of genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes. Elbit supplies 86% of the Israeli military’s weapons and surveillance technology.

“Our children protested against Elbit’s involvement in Israel’s war crimes and genocide in Gaza,” says Mimi, the mother of Daniel. “Their action expressed outrage at the deaths of tens of thousands of innocent children and babies and other civilians, and the inaction of German politicians, in the face of a military campaign that international lawyers and Holocaust researchers agree is genocidal. Their motivation was to save lives.”

“Vi and their friends had tried all the usual ways, street demonstrations, contacting elected representatives, etc, to protest Israel’s genocide on Palestinians,” says Josey, the partner of Vi. “Meanwhile, the German state doubled down on its weapon shipments, and police continued beating and arresting peaceful protestors. The action the five took is in line with international law. States have an obligation to prevent genocide.”

Relatives of the accused also criticise the prison conditions in which their loved ones have been incarcerated in Baden-Württemberg and Bavaria since September 2025 – nearly eight months so far. Several are only allowed to leave their cells for one hour a day. Some have witnessed suicides and received inadequate health care. Visits and contact with relatives are constantly surveilled by police and only permitted twice a month for half an hour. Opportunities to access books have been rigidly restricted for several of the accused; one was only granted the right to order books after appeals escalated to the Stuttgart Higher Regional Court.

The families of the Ulm5 also reject the accusation that their loved ones are members of a criminal organisation. They point out that this was the action of five friends who shared a passion to defend human rights and prevent further international war crimes; that no-one was hurt, that no allegation of harm to anyone has been made; and that the young people’s action was directed solely against the buildings and property of the arms manufacturer. “The action took place at night. No uninvolved citizens were affected,” the families say. “Our loved ones did not endanger anyone, let alone harm them, and they would not do so. Their aim was to prevent harm to others.”

Families and partners are available for interviews and background discussions: ulm5family@proton.me

Ulm5 lawyers press release April 2026 English

PRESS RELEASE – Defence Team of the “Ulm 5”

Trial Opens 27 April 2026: Five Activists Face Court – Defence Accuses Judiciary and Prosecution

On Monday, 27 April 2026 at 9:00 a.m., the trial of five young people who have been held in pre-trial detention since 8 September 2025 – for more than seven months – will begin before the State Security Chamber of the Stuttgart Regional Court. The hearing will take place in Courtroom 2, Ground Floor, Asperger Straße 47, 70439 Stuttgart.

The five defendants – the “Ulm 5” – are accused of having caused property damage on the premises of Elbit Systems Deutschland in Ulm. No one was injured.

Stammheim Is No Coincidence – and the Court Remains Silent

The defence team has repeatedly asked the court in writing why the trial is being held at the Stuttgart-Stammheim courthouse – a venue inextricably linked to the terrorism trials of the 1970s. This is not a regular courthouse in any meaningful sense; rather, it consists of courtrooms annexed to the prison and used by the Stuttgart Court of Appeal.

To date, no answer has been provided. The defence sees no reasonable justification for this choice; other courtrooms in Stuttgart were available. Staging the trial in this building amounts to a prejudgement of the defendants and gives little confidence that there will be a fair, rule-of-law process.

Seven Months of Pre-Trial Detention Are Disproportionate

The prosecution has charged the five defendants with: membership of a criminal organisation, joint property damage, and trespass. None of the defendants has a prior criminal record. None used violence against any person.

Continued detention for more than seven months is not proportionate to the alleged offence. The defence team continues to demand the immediate release of the defendants from pre-trial detention.

The Prosecution Has Persistently Failed to Ask the Decisive Questions

Central to the defence is something that the prosecution has consistently refused to investigate: the role of Elbit Systems Deutschland in the genocide of the Palestinian population in Gaza.

As early as November 2025, the defence team formally requested that the prosecution investigate which products the Ulm-based company supplies, and to whom. The prosecution ignored this application and did not even deem it necessary to question a single person at Elbit Systems Deutschland on the matter.

In the course of the proceedings, the defence will demonstrate that Elbit Systems Deutschland actively and in multiple ways contributes to the genocide of the Palestinian people in Gaza. To this end, we will submit corresponding motions for evidence before the court.

Criminal proceedings that ignore this question are incomplete proceedings. It will become clear that the actions of our clients were legally and morally justified as an act of necessity.

Who Are the “Ulm 5”?

Five young people – students, artists, activists – from Ireland, the United Kingdom, Spain, and Germany, who for years have campaigned for Palestinian rights through legal means. Their action on 8 September 2025 was an expression of deep moral conviction – civil disobedience directed exclusively at property, in order to save human lives.

Members of the press are warmly invited to attend the opening of the trial. The defence team is available for enquiries.

The Defence Team in proceedings 18 KLs 36 Js 123/25

Contact:

  • Rechtsanwältin Dr. Maja Beisenherz, Munich – Info@beisenherz.eu – 0177 / 70 95 812
  • Rechtsanwalt Michael Brenner, Nurnberg, michael.brenner@anw-nbg.de, 0911 / 37 66 42 77
  • Rechtsanwalt Mathes Breuer, Munich – breuer@kanzlei-abe.de – 0175 / 52 46 963
  • Rechtsanwältin Anna Magdalena Busl, Bonn – busl@anwaltsbuero-bonn.de – 0176 / 23 23 32 35
  • Rechtsanwalt Benjamin Düsberg, Berlin – mail@rechtsanwalt-duesberg.de – 0157 / 30 30 8383
  • Rechtsanwältin Carolin Kaufmann, Berlin – kaufmann@akm-berlin.de – 0172 / 4721420
  • Rechtsanwältin Rosa Mayer-Eschenbach, Munich – eschenbach@kanzlei-abe.de – 0176 / 65 35 9443
  • Rechtsanwältin Christina Mucha, Memmingen – info@kanzlei-mucha.de – 08331 / 69 08 136
  • Rechtsanwältin Nina Onèr, Berlin – kanzlei@ninaoner.de – 030 / 22185454
  • Rechtsanwalt Matthias Schuster, Berlin – mail@anwalt-schuster.de – 0176 / 24 75 8230
  • Rechtsanwältin Martina Sulzberger, Augsburg – kanzlei@anwaeltin-sulzberger.de – 0821 / 50 87 3850

Hungary after Orbán

What the fall of Hungary’s NER means, and what the left can learn from it

AFCO Committee constitutive meeting

It’s hard to describe what it feels like to be Hungarian today. In the last 16 years there have been hundreds of political analysts diligently writing opinion pieces about the Hungarian hybrid system and its illiberal government. A lot of them have probably grasped some bits of the political realities of Orbán’s reign well, but I doubt any of them have really managed to flesh out the full context, because some of what has happened is simply not translatable or explainable to those not breathing the suffocating air of NER (Nemzeti Együttműködés Rendszere—System of National Cooperation). Yes, the world-class kleptocracy of the Orbán government—even as they pushed Hungary to be the poorest country in the EU—or the servitude towards both Putin and Trump were defining characteristics, but these were by far not the worst aspects of the decomposed democracy that left behind a traumatized society.

There will surely be many analyses, opinion pieces, and hopefully TV shows recounting the intricacies of the years, months, and weeks leading up to this election, describing how and why the Tisza party with Péter Magyar won in an extremely asymmetrical system, against a well-oiled propaganda machine and despite the explicit will of two superpowers.

The recently deceased great Marxist philosopher Tamás Gáspár Miklós described the situation we need to navigate in Hungary as anti-capitalists (and seeing the universal truth, with endless parallels across Europe, especially Germany) like this:

“Living in capitalism is not good. It’s not pleasant. It’s ugly. It’s a bad society. It poisons a person‘s relationships. And everyone knows this. To replace capitalism through parliamentary means, well, it’s a ridiculous thought. In order to improve our situation we are condemned to act according to a system, in which we do not believe. A huge number of  people, especially those who don’t come out badly, accept capitalism and use its advantages, but they don’t like it. Facing the ultra-capitalist and autocratic and dictatorial system is an opposition that itself is ultra-capitalist[…]. But the fact that for a while it is not Orban in power, that in itself would do this country a great deal of good. In a psychological sense it would definitely do a great deal of good.“

Here, I won’t attempt to give even a superficial overview of what happened in the last few months. I’ll link a few resources that can be a good starting point, and hopefully help to understand how this was not only unpredictable, but close to impossible.

But there are a couple of takeaways for us on the (radical) left, that are worth pointing out.

For one, the thesis that only the extreme right can build populist movements in Europe in the 21st century, something we have conveniently accepted, is simply not true. Magyar considers himself a conservative, but his supporters have certainly a wide range of beliefs across the political spectrum. About the same proportion of the voter base says that they are left or very left leaning (40%) as centrist (38%), with the rest being right or far-right leaning. His party is, in the classical sense, a national front.

Magyar has brought back a classically left-wing analysis of the material conditions our people need to face. TISZA (the party behind Magyar) built up solidarity across the entire Hungarian society. Its movement has shown that voters don’t, and probably never have, moved on a classic left–right–liberal spectrum or decided on political offers based on that.

The analysis that we have heard about TISZA, that they tend towards technocracy—basically a FIDESZ without the stealing—is also wrong. Magyar and his party started from a deep hatred towards the system two years ago. As someone who used to be an insider, Magyar understood the Realpolitik aspect of Orbán’s conservatism, and probably for a long time he could reconcile it with his values. But the issue of the presidential pardoning of the paedophile enabler K. Endre in early 2024, and the collective handling of the scandal on the government’s side, broke not just his, but many Hungarians’ trust. Magyar recognized the moment and put himself forward to carry the political momentum.

To introduce himself to the people, having no significant money or political backing, he did something that probably only New York’s Zohran Mamdani did in recent history. While Orbán’s regime launched a black campaign against him across all platforms (the media landscape in Hungary is 80% owned by Orbán cronies), in the following weeks, months, and years Magyar went on what he called “Országjárás” or a “Walk Through the Country.” He truly saw the deprivation and the poverty in the country, spent weeks and months among the most vulnerable, and stopped and asked and learnt about their lives. This admittedly changed him and provided not just an incredibly powerful campaign tool but also shaped his worldview immensely. The second important lesson can be found in this: you cannot build politics and movements if you are not willing to spend time with the people. Building trust needs time and presence, and credibility that can only be produced if you are there, talking, listening, and not assuming what the people need. Magyar had a message from the beginning: it is possible to overcome this regime. But the positive offer of what Hungary after Orbán should look like, came from this painstakingly laborious step.

His inglorious departure from the system that had fed him could’ve pushed him to be more of an Edward Snowden–like figure, telling the truth and disappearing abroad. But exactly because he was so close to power, that simply didn’t occur to him. Magyar came from a political culture where not winning is simply not an option. This all-in (at TISZA they call it “All Out, Now or Never“) has initiated the third pillar of the success—and another lesson.

Because Magyar was so close to the people, and he visibly did sacrifice a lot, he could credibly represent his slogan: “Don’t be afraid.” This was not evident in a country where state propaganda kept a huge part of the population in constant fear of a never-ending line of boogeymen—from “migrants” to the latest being the Ukrainians—and where Orbán built a neo-feudal country in which the largest part of its population was dependent on his mercy. Orbán’s power was omnipotent, from artificially bloated conglomerates led by his family members or cronies (construction and manufacturing industries, agriculture, tourism), and direct oversight via the state apparatus (education, health care, police, state administration, etc.) to the undignified public work program, which is directly controlled by his party functionaries at the most local levels and is the lifeline for hundreds of thousands of Hungarians in the countryside. This system kept people in fear in the most material sense. People were never stupid; we all saw the incredible amount of money being embezzled, but dissent was simply so expensive that for individuals it became impossible to act against the system. Orbán has clearly demonstrated many times that he was willing to destroy lives and livelihoods through this system, blackmailing by withholding money, or in the most outrageous cases, even access to their children.

Magyar talked to these people and he visibly wasn’t afraid, and even among the most vulnerable, people started to stop being afraid of the oppression that permeated the most intimate parts of our lives, slowly choking us over the past 16 years.

As that happened, people could look around and start to believe that in the end THIS *waves hands around wildly* IS OURS. This land is ours, this air is ours, this school is ours, this media is ours, these castles are ours, this Balaton is ours.

This kind of courage, and inspiring others to be courageous, is absolutely needed to get people to follow you, and people did. TISZA started this election campaign with over 50,000 volunteers, each of them dedicated and delivering an incredible amount of work. This made it possible that the party, which had no conventional media presence, turned the country over. And when I write “no media presence,” it literally means that. As an example, if you recently visited Budapest as a foreigner and lived through the spontaneous street carnival on election night, you probably would’ve had no idea which party was celebrating. I talked to people from the Netherlands that night, and they were utterly confused. The whole city was full of election posters for FIDESZ or the controlled opposition, but close to none for TISZA. They had no idea who we were celebrating.

This last point, the realization that we, the people, can move together to change the system, is the reason why nobody I talked to in the past couple of days (even people much more on the left than TISZA) was worried about the possibility that Magyar will be the next Orbán. We now have the understanding that eventually we hold the power over these politicians. We know that there are a few main promises that we collectively will hold the new government accountable on: to bring back plural democracy, to rebuild the institutional framework of checks and balances, and to keep the people who were the pillars of NER (the oligarchs and the propagandists) accountable.

We are uncertain what the future holds for Hungary. As the new government is still in the process of being appointed, and the buzzing of the shredders, busy burying the evidence, fills the otherwise empty corridors of ministries, the people and the newly appointed government cannot be sure what awaits beneath the ruins. It is, however, certain that the government inherits an incredibly difficult economy, and that all services are in disrepair. Magyar and most of the politicians in TISZA are completely new; they have never before sat in the Hungarian parliament or held public office.

While we contemplate the question—what’s next—we are all still in collective awe and shock. NER has collapsed in a matter of days. While we still walk among the backdrop of it—with its hateful gigantic posters, the twisted national symbols like the National Theatre, the gigantic prestige real estate developments, the stadiums, the super-bloated occupied media, previously brainwashing 24/7, now like a deer in the headlights—all the actors have left. Some disappeared without a trace; others now try to pretend they were democratic and harmless, just doing their jobs. The blame game has kicked off in FIDESZ as well. But for the rest of us, it’s hard to understand why we were here for so long. We want to move on, but we are also afraid that we will forget and forgive too easily.

This is a time for self-reflection for all of us, to ask what our role was in keeping all this going. Because we need to face it: opposing Orbán was a very cohesive and easy identity. It created a readily accessible space for art and self-expression and community inside and outside of Hungary. A lot of us will need to start to dig deep into what our real values are, and how we can start living by them now that this is all gone.

And I think this is something others can also learn from this experience. Yes, we need communities of like-minded people, but this is not enough. The community needs to aim for political power, and to achieve this, it needs political imagination and it needs political courage.

“There’s nothing in the film that feels far away or not relatable”

Interview with Annemarie Jacir, director of ‘Palestine 36’


25/04/2026

Movie poster for Palestine 36. A man surrounded by fighting stands, adjusting the white cloth around his head and stares straight ahead.

Hi Annemarie. Thank you for making a great film. Can we start with one question. Most histories of Palestine start in 1948 or maybe later. Why was 1936 so important to you?

The uprising of 36 is arguably the longest and largest anti-colonial uprising, and the six month strike was the longest strike to date. It spread to the whole country. I think it marks a very critical moment, because although the revolt was crushed in 1939, it really sets the stage for 1948, which, as you said, is usually when we talk about Palestinian history.

I don’t think it’s possible to talk about 48 without understanding what happens in 1936-39 with this uprising. The political leadership is exiled. There is no longer a leadership in the country. One out of every 10 Palestinian men is in prison or killed. It has a huge effect on the country; that has to be part of the conversation.

The first proposals for partition, starting with the Peel Commission, are all things that I think are really important to know when we talk about Palestine.

One of the interesting things about moving to 1936 is that it shifts the focus away from the Israelis and the Jewish settlers and more to the British. What do you think was the role of Britain leading up to ‘48?

I definitely wanted to talk about that, to explore the role of the British in this. Palestine is often called one of the last colonies. And all the lessons from everywhere else, like India, were put into practice here. The British and the French carved up our entire region according to an agenda that would serve them.

We feel this today very much. It’s still here. I think much of what we’re dealing with today is a result of that, and the fact that many governments are still complicit in it.

Something that’s often missing from the discussion is that the 1948 Nakba was around the same time as the liberation of India, and then the partition of India. It’s also the beginning of anti-colonial struggles in Africa and Asia

There’s a scene in the film where you see the men on the horses come in and if you speak Arabic, you hear that his accent is Syrian. I wanted to flirt with the fact that there was an anti-colonial revolt happening against the French in Lebanon and Syria. There was a connection between what was happening to the Palestinians and the Syrians and the Lebanese.

It’s also often forgotten that anti-colonial struggles are often connected, or that there’s movement between them. That scene is a reference to that. The scene is a lot about unity which was lost. Colonialism divides and separates. When we hear the way he’s talking in this scene about unity—that unity is gone today, unfortunately. That divide-and-conquer strategy worked and it’s still at play.

Could you say something about the role class plays in the film? We see that all Palestinians are affected by the occupation, but they’re not all affected equally, and they don’t respond in the same way.

For sure. Class was important. This revolt in particular was a farmer-led revolt. Then you also have Khalid at the port. The film talks about the working class and what was happening at the port. This film was always about groups of people in different classes, each dealing in their own way.

Kholoud, an upper class journalist supports the revolt, but in a very different way. They are affected differently. The brutality of the army, for example, is something that the villagers are confronted with on a regular basis.

For the British in the cities and diplomatic life, and the kind of life that Kholoud and Amir experienced, there were parties, there were clubs, there was movement, there were good times. They didn’t see the brutality of what was happening in the countryside. And unless you knew about it, you could even pretend it didn’t even exist.

Quite often resistance struggles are portrayed as being just about men with guns. Your film spends a lot of time also talking about the resistance of women. I guess this was a choice on your part.

It’s just the reality, because you have a revolt, but it’s not just men with guns. That’s not what a revolt is. It’s also this woman, Kholoud in the city, a journalist who is involved through writing articles. There’s also a woman in the countryside, the mother of the little girl who never picks up a gun, but she’s bringing food to the fighters.

These are all moments of what revolt is. But maybe not in the typical ways we see revolt. The whole film takes place at this very critical moment. But I’m less interested in the battle scenes or clashes.

I’m more interested in the father and son, this boy walking home with his father and getting stopped by the soldiers and getting searched, and the humiliation that that boy feels at that moment; the question in his mind of why his father doesn’t respond in a stronger way. Why is his father smiling in this moment that he finds so uncomfortable?

These little things are more interesting to me as a film maker than the big men with guns. I like that phrase.

There’s one thing I’d have liked to see more in the film, and that is of the general strike. It’s always there in the background, but it’s something that’s just there. I know you don’t have the time to show everything, but what was the thinking behind this?

There’s a lot I would love to have spent more time with. I agree with you. I think that the general strike was an incredible moment and a very important one. And we do feel the strike, but it’s not delved into as much. There’s just so much to say. There’s so many stories during this period that I focused on other things, I guess.

What do you think are the similarities and the differences between occupation and resistance in Palestine in 1936 and occupation and resistance in 2026?

I live in a place where we are surrounded by checkpoints to go from point A to point B. Our bodies are searched. Our hair is searched. Our fingers are searched. There are curfews. You need a transit pass. You need this. You need that. The borders are closed. Printing presses are shut down.

Everything that the film deals with is still happening right now—administrative detention, a young man being tied to a car and driven out—which the British often did. They would tie somebody to a car to get out of a village, so that they would protect themselves with a human shield.

The day we shot that scene, the same thing happened in Nablus. A Palestinian man was tied up to an Israeli military vehicle, and it happened to be caught on a news camera, so people saw it. But this happens all the time. The army comes crashing in and out of villages and towns.

There’s nothing in the film that feels far away or not relatable. There’s the collective punishment, the wall. I could go on and on. Everybody talks about Palestine today and the wall. But the concept of the wall came from the British. Liam Cunningham’s character, Charles Tegart, made the first proposal to build a wall. So, past and present are absolutely blurred.

The film ends with defeat, but it also ends with hope. We hear people shouting “Down with colonialism” and “Revolution,” I guess we should hope that defeat 90 years ago doesn’t mean that Palestinians will lose again

I hope so, and it’s why for me that the last image of the film is this little girl with her hair down, barefoot and running. Where she’s running to, I know for myself, but it doesn’t really matter. She’s like a light to me. Afra was always this light in the film, and she represents perseverance. No matter what, you just continue and you keep going.

Do you have Afra’s hope?

I do. I try to work on that. Without it, we don’t have anything else. I believe hope is important, because otherwise, we’re in darkness.

Have you got plans for what you do next?

I’ve got a couple of projects I’m thinking about. But one thing is recovering from this one and taking care of myself a little bit. Making this film was extremely difficult and became infinitely more difficult. It took years more to make it, stopping and starting production. It took a toll mentally, emotionally, and politically. You look out the window, and you know what’s happening here is not good.

So, I’m trying to sort of take care of myself. I’m also thinking about a few projects. I don’t want to wait 10 years to make the next one, though. I can’t do that.

How important was it that you held out and filmed in Palestine, rather in the neighbouring states?

For me, it was very important. Some things we could not shoot in Palestine, and we had to shoot in Jordan. But then we came back and finished the film in Palestine. It’s very important to me that Jerusalem was Jerusalem, and not another country that looks like Jerusalem.

This is one thing I kept telling the crew. We are the refugees of the world. 75% of Palestinians are refugees. I don’t want this to be a refugee film. It’s really important that we push to do what we can. Maybe next year we won’t be able to do it. But right now, we have to fight for keeping our feet on the ground.

We live here, we have to hire locally. We have to work together. We’re talking about an independent film industry. You have to live and work and make things in the places that you’re talking about. I think it’s important.

If someone sees the film and is inspired, what do you want them to do?

Talk about it. We barely made this film. It was on, off, on. We never knew if we would be able to finish it. Everybody just went crazy to do it and to put it out there.

Now it is out there. So, if somebody watches it, this conversation—this connection—is important. It’s important that there’s an audience after people put everything in order to make this film. And the reason is because we want to connect. We have to connect with each other in this world.

“Getting them acquitted is not just about winning in court, but about what this direct action was aimed at”

Interview with Nina Onèr, lawyer for Zo from the Ulm 5


24/04/2026

Hi Nina. Thanks for talking to us. Could you start by introducing yourself? Who are you and what is your relationship to the Ulm 5?

Hi, my name is Nina Onèr, and I’m a criminal defense lawyer here in Berlin. I specialize in political cases, and I’m defending Zo, one of the Ulm 5 in the case before the Landgericht Stuttgart.

I spoke to Mimi, Daniel’s mother, a couple of weeks ago, and she said that it’s very difficult getting information about how they are. Are you able to say something about what morale is like?

Of course, I can mostly speak about my client. It’s very obvious that the tension is rising now with the court date approaching, but generally they remain steadfast in spirit, and glad that it’s finally about to start. It’s been such a long time, and they’re hopeful that not only the court, but – more importantly – history and public opinion will acquit them for this direct action against an arms manufacturer

What are the conditions like in pre-holding prison?

It differs amongst the five, depending on the detention facility. Every jail has its own discretion on what it thinks are appropriate measures in order to sustain what they deem “public safety and order” within the facility. Some are being held in solitary. Others are in joint cells – although that is also not necessarily a pleasant experience at all times. Some of them work, which gives you a lot more time outside of your cell, and allows you to shower daily, which is not something that others have the privilege of doing.

The restrictive measures that they face, because of what they’re accused of, makes them a lot more isolated. Everything is observed by the state police. I’m extremely worried that this isolation over such a prolonged period of time is going to have long-lasting psychological effects.

It’s outrageous that in pre-trial detention, the conditions they’re held under are a lot stricter than in jail, after an actual conviction, although here the presumption of innocence should be in effect. In prison there are so-called rehabilitation measures, therapeutic options and group activities.  

But the measures in pre-trial detention are a lot stricter, although they haven’t been proven guilty. That’s something that a lot of human rights organizations have been criticizing all over the world. However, Germany sticks to doing that.

The Ulm 5 have been denied bail. Is this usual?

Well, let’s say it’s not completely unusual – the court has upheld the pre-trial detention up to now on the grounds that there was a risk of absconding – so fleeing and not attending the trial, which I think is unreasonable in this case. 

In addition to the “actual” charges of trespass and damage of property, the prosecution then came up with the outrages charge under Section 129 of the German Criminal Code (StGB), which I am sure we will still go into – which massively increases the expected sentence. This allowed them to further strengthen their argument regarding the risk of absconding, saying the expected sentence means the risk of absconding cannot be ruled out even if bail was granted – not least because no one knows where it comes from, so the argument. 

This perpetuates the absurd image of highly criminal, professional structures that the prosecuting authorities are trying to paint regarding the 5. 

Whatever the intention, the effect is that the Five are going to spend nearly a year in prison before they’ve been convicted of anything.

In Germany, bail is just one of the many measures that can replace pre-trial detention. These are five young people who’ve never been convicted of anything prior to this, who filmed themselves during the action, were not masked, and then waited for police to arrive and let themselves be arrested – peacefully and without resisting. 

I don’t think there were probable grounds for pre-trial detention in the first place, so I don’t think bail should have been necessary.

But prosecution has made such a point of demonizing the Five – it started back at the arrest when they were being transported from the court in Ulm to the respective jails. Masked policemen were surrounding the building as if we were facing a group of very dangerous criminals. And now they are doing everything in their power to uphold this narrative. 

But they haven’t committed any violent attacks at all.

Exactly.

The Ulm 5 targeted an Elbit factory. Could you quickly say something about the role of Elbit?

That specific plant in Ulm is Elbit Systems Germany, which is a direct daughter of Elbit Systems, an Israeli Arms Company supplying the vast majority of arms used in the war in Gaza – mostly drones of all different types and technology for them. That’s why this direct action was aimed at them. 

You mentioned Section 129, which was in the news again a week or 2 ago when it was used to justify the raids of 15 community centres in Berlin. What is Section 129, and how is it being used?

The tricky thing about Section 129 is that it has such a broad definition – such a wide range of acts may fall within the scope of the acts required by the definition of the offence which  makes it so easy for prosecution to charge people under this Section. Even more so if you look beyond “membership of a criminal organisation ” towards what the alternative element of the offence “aiding a criminal organization” can entail. 

Basically, prosecution has and is using this specific section specifically in order to suppress and punish unpopular political opinion.

It’s broadly used in political cases, and is aimed at specific political opinions, views, or actions that are deemed undesirable in the current political climate. It’s also an extremely useful tool, because in criminal proceedings, it allows an extremely wide range of observational measures.This makes it possible to implement extremely far-reaching and intrusive surveillance measures,like telecommunications surveillance and that’s probably how those raids were made possible. 

The charge against the Ulm 5 is that they were members of an illegal group. What does that even mean?

Section 129 is about membership of a kriminelle Vereinigung, in English: a criminal organisation. An organisation in this sense is a long-term, organised group of more than two people, formed to pursue an overarching common interest and which pursues this interest by committing criminal offences of some gravity. 

The Ulm 5 are charged with membership but as mentioned before, there is an alternative – the supporting of a criminal organisation. This could be anything from distributing flyers to collecting donations. 

So once a certain “group” has been classified as a criminal organisation it creates so much uncertainty as to how they can still be supported, even by friends and family, because It has such wide reaching effects – in effect this scares away support, making it extremely hard for these people to be supported by outside groups without the supporters risking persecution themselves.

Is there a parallel here with the criminalization of Palestine Action in Britain?

The criminalisation of PA UK and this classification of the Ulm 5 as a criminal organization politically follows the exact same line of reasoning in my opinion, and the prosecution has adopted the UK’s assessment without question; they must now, of course, reconsider this in light of the ruling by the High Court, revoking PA UK’s classification, but I’m not even sure they are aware of that. 

At the press conference a couple of weeks ago, you said it was significant that the trials are being held in Stammheim. Can you expand a bit on this?

I think this fits in very well within the narrative that prosecution is trying to paint from the very beginning. As I said, they’re trying to demonize those five. I expected from pretty early on that we will end up in this high security courthouse. 

There was no court house there before. The location is JVA Stammheim – a prison and the initial court house was built in the Seventies – specifically for one of the earliest trials in connection with the Red Army Fraction. 

It’s an outer branch of the Oberlandgericht Stuttgart –  the higher Regional Court of Stuttgart and usually only so-called terrorism trials are held there. 

The extreme security measures will complicate everything: access from the public, support from friends and family, media coverage and  – most gravely – defence. We are meant to speak to our clients, who are supposed to be seated behind a two meter high bulletproof safety glass, via radio using a microphone or through a small slit in said security glass. All the while, court officers stand guard nearby. 

The interested public are  going to be searched, have their IDs copied, and will not be allowed to bring food, drink or even pens in. The number of places is limited. 

Do you think there’s a deliberate attempt to associate the Ulm five with the Baader- Meinhof group?

Well, maybe not the Baader-Meinhof group specifically, but all this is definitely trying to put them in a terrorist corner.

As a lawyer inside the court, what support do you need from people outside?

Showing up is important. I think that the best anyone can do is just be there, to show that they are not alone, that there are plenty of good people who support them. It’s such a long trial, the individual hearing dates have been so spread out which is just another way of making support really hard. I would urge anyone who wants to support to organize accordingly so that there aren’t 100 people wanting to join on the first day – who then also won’t be able to find a space and instead make sure there’s always some support throughout the planned three months period.

The court knows that these five people have all been living in Berlin, and that family and friends will want to come from Berlin and beyond to attend. 

Also, four of the five families aren’t even in Germany, so they’ve got even further to travel

Yes

Is there anything that people who can’t attend the court case can do?

Media coverage is extremely important. This specific case has been covered very little, and only by a small and specific number of media houses in Germany. This is unfortunate and does not do justice to the background. In my opinion it would be appropriate for major news agencies to take up this story, given the motives and background involved. 

Sending letters has also been appreciated dearly, because this whole process is aimed at isolating them. It’s been over seven months and we cannot underestimate the power of emotional support.

I notice that while everybody in Britain knows of Palestine Action, even many German activists don’t know about the Ulm 5. Why is this and how can we turn this round?

What we’ve seen ever since October 2023 is that Germany is trying to silence any criticism of the Israeli government in the name of the so called Staatsräson, pleading complete loyalty to Israel no matter what, and trying to put everyone and everything who legitimately criticizes the state of Israel and this illegal war in the antisemitic corner.

This has had such a huge effect on the public that a lot of people have just become completely insecure if and how any legitimate criticism of Israel can be voiced. After two and a half years of witnessing a genocide, we have the obligation, especially as Germans, to universal human rights and to never again look away when they are violated, no matter by whom.

Even the Ulm 5 are being accused of antisemitism

Correct. The prosecution somehow has twisted the action to fit into its way of arguing why this action is antisemitic. I do not want to give away our defence strategy prematurely, but the defence will go to show why this is completely unfounded – and just another way of avoiding looking at the actual motives – during the trial hearing. 

How is the defense being financed?

We are court ordered lawyers. The state is advancing the money, but if convicted, the Ulm 5 will have to pay. If acquitted, then the state will end up paying.

How likely do you think that the Ulm 5 will win?

This might come as a surprise to you, but I’m actually convinced that we have a very good shot at proving that this action was justified under either section 32 or 34 of the German Criminal Code. Instead of Notwehr (self-defence), this is called Nothilfe, which is defense of someone else.

By showing that there is an ongoing present attack against the people of Palestine, and that no other measures were sufficient to stop Germany from exporting arms despite wide knowledge that this is against international law, the action was justified.

Once damage of property and entering are justified, this whole accusation of criminal organization just falls apart, because according to the definition a criminal organization is an organization whose purpose it is to commit criminal offences of some gravity – no criminal offences, no criminal organization. So, I’m hopeful.

Some people have been worried because Germany tends not to have jury trials. Does this mean that it’s weighted on the side of the prosecution?

At the end of the day, it’s the court who makes the decision, not the prosecution. And we do actually have two lay judges here, alongside the three other judges. This has its advantages and disadvantages. 

Usually prosecution and the court outnumbers the defence. In this specific case we are also many. We are five defendants with at least two defence lawyers each, so we are also strong in numbers.

But the real power imbalance usually doesn’t lie in the number of people in court, but in the resources that prosecution has. Prosecution can, at a whim, send out 50 policemen to investigate. Unlike us, they can call on 100 experts to give opinions without having to worry about how to finance it. But we’re not sparing any resources in our power in order to get across our point.

One of our important resources is public opinion. What can people do to support you?

Given the broad scope of 129 I don’t want to encourage people too much. Everyone needs to look out for themselves. But in terms of support for the legal aspects of the trial itself, we are working on everything we can. We’re in a good position. And if there’s still something we might need, we will ask specifically,

Is there anything we haven’t covered yet that you’d like to say

We talked about how there hasn’t been much coverage of the Ulm Five. Many of us wonder what has become of the anti-war movement from our parents’ generation. We had expected a much wider public to rally behind this kind of action. 

This was a direct action aimed at a weapons manufacturer – with the resurgence of the idea of mandatory military conscription and remilitarisation here in Germany, perhaps this presents an opportunity for the anti-war movement to get back on its feet, return to its core values, show up and show support.

As I said, getting the Five acquitted is not just about winning in court, but about winning the public opinion on what this direct action was aimed at.

Maybe there’s some hope in the school strikes.

Yeah, exactly

What can I do to support the Ulm 5?

The trial starts next Monday. Here’s what you can do to help

The Ulm 5

Five activists with various nationalities have spent the last 7 months in different prisons around South Germany. Their crime? Taking non-violent direct action against Elbit Systems. Elbit Systems is Israel’s largest weapons manufacturer (famous for their killer drones), and is deeply complicit in the Gaza genocide. 

Crow, Daniel, Leandra, Vi, and Zo are facing harsh pre-trial conditions, ranging from long hours spent in isolation to being deprived of ways to keep themselves entertained and even being stripped of their clothing for an unnecessary amount of time.

Their court hearings are set to begin on Monday, 27th April. 16 hearings have been planned over 3 months. Although all that they did was damage property, the German state is collectively charging the defendants with being part of a “criminal organisation.” This carries a possible jail sentence of 5 years for each of them.

In a crucial time of escalating Zionist and imperialist aggression, it is imperative to stand by activists who have taken courageous action while the state has refused to give up its support for Israel, and corporations are not held accountable for their material support. This article will detail some ways in which you can support them.

Go to the court cases

The Ulm 5 have been held for 8 months in de facto solitary confinement. The best way of showing how much we care about them is by showing up to their court hearings. We encourage everyone to self-organize and visit one or more of their trials. Bring your friends and comrades! For the first court hearing on the 27th of April, Berliners can make use of collectively organized transport and accommodation.

The trials will be held in the Stammheim Court in Stuttgart, Asperger Straße 47. Court hearings are planned for 27th April, 4th, 6th, 11th 20th 22nd, and 29th May, 15th, 19th and 29th June, and 1st, 3rd, 22nd, 24th, 27th, and 29th July. All court hearings will start at 9am. It is possible that some hearings will be canceled or rescheduled on short notice, so please stay informed here.

Filling the court with supporters helps strengthen the morale of the 5 and their lawyers, but please be aware that there is a limited number of seats available inside the court. 68 places are available in the court, of which 30 have been reserved for the press, leaving only 38 places free for family and supporters. 

Even if you cannot enter the court, the Five would like there to be as large a presence as possible. A rally will be held in front of the court from 8am onwards. Sometimes, judges are influenced positively by hearing the people outside. If the defendants are to enter the court before 8am, a rally may be organised earlier to greet them.

Get your solibus tickets at L5 Spati (Lenaustr. 5 daily 12-24 o’ clock) or by emailing common_journey_court_watch@systemli.org. The solibus will depart on Sunday April 26th at 10am from Südkreuz. That same bus will bring us to the court early in the morning on the 27th and back to Berlin after the court hearing ends.

Accommodation is arranged in Karlsruhe – just bring your sleeping mat and bag. The trial could last until 4 or 5pm. After that, people may stay for 30-60 minutes to wait for the defendants to leave the court. 

If you want to be in court, make sure you bring an ID or passport. It is likely that you will have to leave mobile phones, laptops, and other personal belongings in security lockers outside the court. Do not bring any items which could be interpreted as weapons (this includes metal water bottles), or any sensitive documents which could be confiscated by security.

Become a Trial Observer

German court cases are not recorded, and no transcript is made. This is why Trial Observers write down everything that is said in court and how it is said. Watch out for sarcasm and demeaning language. Written reports can help defence lawyers. They are particularly useful in the case of the defendants being convicted, as evidence based on the reports can be used to appeal the sentence. 

Try and write down everything you hear and see. If you get tired, note the time from which you are unable to pay full attention.

After the day is over, trial observers compare notes to produce a written report. You will only be allowed to take handwritten notes – transfer these to a computer as soon as you can. Try to distinguish between facts and subjective impressions. It is important that you do not publish your notes until checking with others, as this could jeopardize the case.

It is quite possible that the judge and security will try to deny entry to the court to some of us, so if you intend to take notes, do not wear clothes with slogans which may get you excluded. At present, it also appears possible that court observers might not be permitted to bring any writing materials into the court.

If you are interested in becoming a trial observer, there will be people on the buses to Stuttgart who you can talk to. Alternatively, send a message to us at team@theleftberlin.com, and we will help you make contact.

Support funding campaigns for parents to travel

Four of the Ulm 5 are not from Germany, which means that their families face exorbitant costs if they are to attend the trial. On top of this, the court cases have been staggered, so that 16 days in court will take place over 3 months. Attending each court case requires 16 potential journeys to their countries and back.

To help the families cover these costs, a number of crowdfunding campaigns have been set up. Please give generously:

Send letters to the prisoners

Many of the prisoners are being held in prison 23 hours a day. Letter writing is therefore a huge boost to their morale and helps keep them connected with the outside world and the campaign that supports them. At present, it takes 2 to 4 weeks for letters to arrive. Some letters have taken 5 months, and 2 that arrived only recently were sent in October.

When writing letters to prisoners, there are a few important things to consider.

  • Write a date on the letter so the prisoner will know when you sent it. 
  • Take a photo of the letter before you send it for your own records. 
  • Include a return address on the letter itself.
  • If you include anything in the envelope, write that you did so that the prisoner will know if any items were confiscated.
  • Letters with only a picture or drawing are not allowed, but you can send pictures as long as the envelope also contains a written letter.
  • It is forbidden for you to write about the Ulm 5’s action, the case, or related matters.

Please note that letters will be surveilled, and their contents might be used against the prisoners or even yourself. Do not write about the actions that the prisoner is detained for, the prisoner’s relation to the action, or how you feel about them, as this could put both them and you at risk. 

You can send an online letter to any or all of the prisoners here.

You can also write to Leandra in English or Spanish at the following address:
Leandra Daniela Rollo Valenzuela
JVA Memmingen
Gaswerkstr. 23
87700 Memmingen
Germany 

You can write to Vi at:
Vivien Sonja Kovarbasic
701 561/2025
JVA Schwäbisch Gmünd
Herlikofer Str. 19
73527 Schwäbisch Gmünd 
NOTE: Vi is only allowed to receive letters which are written in German.

You can write to Daniel at:
Daniel Tatlow-Devally
JVA Ulm
Frauengraben 4
89072 Ulm

Zo and Crow’s addresses are not public, but you can send them an online letter (see link above). You can also send letters to any prisoner (including Zo and Crow) via this post box:
C/O <prisoner name>
Postfach 91 01 07
12413 Berlin
Germany

You can find more tips about sending letters here.

Let people know

One of the biggest problems facing the Ulm 5 is that, despite the severity of their potential sentences, very few people know about their case. In contrast, say, to Palestine Action in the UK, where thousands of pensioners have let themselves be arrested in solidarity, very few people in Germany, including many activists, know about the Ulm 5. This makes it easier for the German state to isolate them and prevent a mass campaign from developing.

One of the simplest ways of showing solidarity is to ensure that as many people as possible know who the Ulm 5 are, what they did, and what they are being threatened with. We have the potential to build a campaign which is both broad and international.

Here are a few ways you could do this.

Inform yourself

The German state will benefit if the public at large is not paying attention to the court hearings. Public scrutiny matters. It is becoming increasingly clear that the state aims to threaten, repress and ultimately end anti-Zionist activism. The Ulm 5 could easily become a precedent for future repression. 

What further exacerbates their situation is that mainstream German media are not reporting about the Ulm 5. This is a problem for democracy. Staying informed and informing people you know about what happens to the Ulm 5 during their court hearings is a good place to start.

People in solidarity with the Ulm 5 have created this website and Instagram page to keep people informed and rally support. The Left Berlin website will also continue to keep the spotlight on the Ulm 5 during their trials.

Tell your friends and workmates

We can fight state oppression, media silence and the escalating criminalization of Palestine solidarity by building a shared consciousness with people we spend time with in our daily life. If we do not converse about the unfolding events, we miss the opportunity to see the current political climate for what it is. Let’s build educated networks that can meaningfully resist. 

No one wants to or should be made to live in a world where “might is right”, nor should we be forced to remain sidelined when the bombs drop on innocent people in Gaza, Lebanon, and Iran. Take this opportunity to stand by the people who risked so much to put a cog in the wheel of our genocidal economy, a risk not many are willing to take. Risk is only ever reduced by carrying it collectively. We can learn from British society’s remarkable solidarity with imprisoned Palestine Action activists.

Contact the media

If you are a journalist, write about what is happening to the Ulm 5. If you are not a journalist, you can still use social media to share stories and write your own opinions. Remember that this is not just a German story. The more coverage we get in the international media, the better.

Leaflets and petitions

We encourage every activist group or individuals to print out and distribute flyers and posters to promote the cause of the Ulm 5. 

  • The Gaza Komitee has weekly information stalls at various locations in Berlin where flyers about the Ulm 5 are distributed. Their stories will keep you posted on the time, location and whereabouts.
  • Download a leaflet about the Ulm 5 here available in English or Arabic and German.
  • Download a poster of the Ulm 5 here – print and hang in spaces of solidarity.

Organise local actions

There will be a rally Free the Ulm 5 at Oranienplatz on Thursday, April 23rd at 6.30pm. As the trial will last several months, there will be further opportunities for actions in Berlin – for example at Universities, or at embassies (between them, the Ulm 5 have nationalities of Irish, British, German, and Spanish-Argentinian). If you want to organise something, please let us know and The Left Berlin will help to publicise. 

Send a video message in your language

One way of keeping the story in the public eye, and to build international attention, is to share videos in social media. Make your own short message explaining what is happening to the Ulm 5 and why you support them. If you release the video on Instagram, tag the Ulm 5 and Left Berlin accounts and we will help share it.

Further Information