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“Boiler Room you a punk ass bitch!”—Notes from the insurgency in rave culture

Anticolonial insurgency within rave culture bolsters a vibrant effort to boycott Zionist, colonial and capitalist institutions.

On a warm evening in July, cars unloaded partygoers outside Under the K Bridge, the venue hosting Boiler Room’s NYC party. They were greeted by a crowd of activists, ravers and Indigenous Land Defenders, bearing placards reading “Fuck a pro-genocide pipeline party” and “KKR colonizes, KKR kills”, referring to the hedge fund which now owns Boiler Room, along with 85+ music festivals. A TikTok records the moment an incoming ticketholder sees the protesters and learns in real time about Boiler Room’s new owner. “Don’t drop us off here!” she tells the taxi driver, amid panicked laughter.

Meanwhile, across NYC, designated counter-parties to Boiler Room at Mood Ring, Earthly Delights and Basement started opening their doors. A map of these parties had been circulated earlier on Instagram by the Boycott Room campaign, one of a rapidly expanding cluster of groups in nightlife driving the boycott of KKR-owned venues. At around 8PM, an actionist who had infiltrated Boiler Room jumped up on stage with a banner reading “Boiler Room + KKR fund genocide. Boycott now”.

“Actionists are just now recovering from the atrocious vibes of even a few minutes inside the genocide party,” Boycott Room reflected in a reel the next day. The aforementioned TikToker concurred. In an update story posted after the event, she expressed regret for entering it. “This shit high key felt like a different kind of hell. Anything related to pro genocide has an evil aura. We paid $400 for this shit. Boycott the Boiler Room.”

**

This is a snapshot of the global, anticolonial insurgency within rave culture. Autonomous direct action, mass refusal and withdrawal of labour. Expanding grassroots coalitions, growing DIY infrastructure. The humble, implacable and patient pulling at threads.

News of KKR’s acquisition of Superstruct Entertainment and its portfolio of venues had already been noted by the Flow Strike campaign in 2024. But the sale of Boiler Room to Superstruct in January 2025 brought the news to wider attention, through a virally circulated Instagram explainer by WAWOG Toronto and a direct action led by Wet’suwet’en people and Palestinians.

Six months later, the explainer and its diagram remain confronting. KKR, one of the world’s largest hedge funds, is almost comically evil. It has deep ties to the ”Israeli” colonial project—funding data, arms and land purchase companies in the entity, and the IOF itself via the ‘Friends of the IDF nonprofit. One of its Chairmen is David Petraeus, the architect of the US-led invasions of Iraq and Afghanistan and former head of the CIA. It is also the main investor in the Coastal GasLink pipeline poisoning and destroying First Nations lands in the west of Turtle Island (Canada)—making it a target of Wet’suwet’en direct action since 2020.

A few days after the post landed, three DJs—Princess Elf Bar, DJ Myna and Shannon From Admin—withdrew from a Boiler Room in Sheffield, UK. A week later, the community began reckoning with Superstruct’s ownership of festivals popular with queer and underground artists like Mighty Hoopla, Sonàr and Field Day.

In March, Boiler Room announced a merch collaboration with FC Palestina and the Sameer Project, a Palestinian led mutual aid initiative. Just hours later, after being apprised of KKR, the Sameer Project issued a statement of refusal, which remains a core moral and political compass for the movement:

“We will always say no to any kind of normalization or ties with organizations linked to zionism in any shape or form. No zionist money comes without an agenda. […] Tomorrow KKR will turn around and be on the defensive about investing in Israel by saying they donated to Gaza through one of their acquired companies. They will say this to wash away their complicity.”

From there, the revolt rapidly expanded and globalized. Seven DJs pulled out of Boiler Room Istanbul. DAYTIMERS, a British South Asian collective, withdrew from Superstruct-owned Mighty Hoopla and Lost Village. EYRA, Animistic Beliefs and dj g2g individually withdrew from Sonàr. Dozens of their peers shortly followed suit. Half the Field Day line up dropped out. KAALO, a queer/femme-led DIY collective in Nepal, publicly dropped their Boiler Room collab. The Bay Area Boiler Room was cancelled after local pressure. Around half of the stages booked at Milkshake, a queer-centred festival in the Netherlands, withdrew, with a clear material demand: “As long as a festival is owned by KKR, we will boycott. We will not accept offsets or compromises.”

New developments arrive daily. The poles and focal points of revolt are always shifting. But in recent weeks, Brazil and Puerto Rico have seen major flashpoints, with local actionists getting Boiler Room events in both Saô Paulo and San Juan cancelled. “A global event backed by a big Zionist corporation stepped back because the scene got organised” said the group in Brazil. 

“Black, Indigenous, peripheral, Palestinian and dissident people united for a greater cause.”

“We refuse to let our culture be used to whitewash genocide.”

**

The revolt is massive, global and popular. It is overwhelmingly comprised of global Majority, trans, queer and Indigenous people from the underground. Most are unpropertied and precarious. The fees they forego in the KKR boycott are often needed to pay rent.

It is militant. Its basic, entry level premises are an to end capitalism, uncompromising support for Palestinian resistance, the dismantlement of the ‘West’, pan-Indigenous liberation, death to all settler colonies, including those on Turtle Island (the ‘US’ and ‘Canada’). Deviations from Al Thawabit, the core principles of Palestinian liberation, are rare and attract immediate, organic rebuttal. It does not have leaders. Its core tactics are boycott, direct action, disruption, sabotage.

A revolt of this scale and militancy within electronic music culture was not inevitable. Clubland, particularly in Europe, has complex relationship affinities with the project of the West. The raver is often targeted for co-option into the imperial project—whether, in the West, as a symbol of freedom and disinhibition against a racialised Other; or, in the Global South, as potential conscripts into a comprador class. The Zionist entity has endlessly sought to position Tel Aviv as, per Nerdeen Kiswani, “a beacon of light—progressive, diverse and full of life…making apartheid look like a party”. Given the intersection of Operation Al-Aqsa Flood with a settler music festival, many of us braced ourselves for a grim tide of reactionary ‘PLUR’ and ‘both sides’ takes from ravers and DJs.

That this did not materialise—or, more accurately, was quickly staunched—attests, at least in part, to reservoirs of resistance and anticolonial militancy within nightlife. These have been activated by the genocide, alongside a visceral, ancestral ick at the commodification of underground culture, most grotesquely typified by the extractive, colonial dynamics of Boiler Room.

The structural position of the DJ/raver, despite efforts at recuperation, is still, it seems, generative of dissent. Like queers (also experiencing a re-radicalisation over Palestine), ravers are at once unbearably central to, yet askance of, the operations of imperial capital.

But besides these undergirding dynamics, can anything be drawn from how the movement has shaped itself—and created the conditions for the current, ongoing escalation? Why are boycotts in electronic music popping off like nowhere else in global culture?

**

No gods, no leaders

Nothing in the movement has been rolled out from above, or according to any central formulas or scripts. Decision-making is not abrogated to representative bodies. There are no intermediaries who treat or negotiate on behalf of a base. The boycott has been built through the organic accretion of autonomous acts of refusal. The energy and spirit of these refusals and actions is never workshopped or uniform. This means it avoids the overdetermined feel of NGO writing. The texts emerging are idiosyncratic, embodied, vernacular, playful, which makes them memorable and resonant—inspiring action where more top-down forms of political communication might not. The centrality of trans DJs to the movement informs this corpus: see Cultural Solidarity’s latest video, MC’d by Black trans artists on the sidelines of the NYC Boiler Room strike fundraiser:

“Boiler Room, you a punk ass bitch. You always and forever will be a punk ass bitch miss thing. You’re not tearing it, you’re not eating, your mama a bitch, your grandmama a bitch […]”

Statements learn from each other, reuse and cite text, and over time a loose, shared set of premises and parameters have developed. But there is no hegemon, no disciplinary body, no notion of copyright. This means that groups and coalitions can spring up rapidly and unceremoniously. Trust is established quickly, through action rather than deliberation, because there isn’t a strong sense (at least yet) of requisite turfs, tributes to be paid.

Holistic scope, imaginative coalitions

KKR is a universal antagonist to life—an entity which, like ‘Israel’ and ‘the US’, despoils across geographies and scales: funding the Palestinian genocide, destroying Indigenous lifeworlds, corporatising raves, privatising healthcare systems and housing. These multiple, intersecting scales lead any actionist on KKR ineluctably to an anti-capitalist, pan-Indigenous frame, providing a guard against recuperation into empire.

This is generating new coalitions which disturb the idea of the raver as a dissolute, implied White imperial subject. The revolt is not confined to the dancefloor. Remember: it was Wet’suwet’en people in Toronto who kicked off the revolt, and they continue to be heavily involved. There is no hermetic sense of the raver as distinct from other embodiments. See also the important contributions of groups like the Muslim Social Justice Initiative and Nijjormanush to the Boiler Room boycott.

Community and mutual aid

By freeing action from organizations, the endless potential of grassroots activism is revealed. Take the Bay Area. After concerted community pressure, an alliance of local collectives, operating under the moniker B.A.S.S. (Bay Area Solidarity Strike), caused so many artist withdrawals that Boiler Room San Francisco had to be cancelled. On the same day as the cancelled Boiler Room, their DIY counter-party raised over $9000, helping cover strike funds in the Bay Area and beyond as well as supporting mutual aid efforts in Gaza.

This bottom-up approach created lasting, meaningful bonds within and across communities in the Bay Area. But its impacts reverberated nonlocally, too. The B.A.S.S. initiative was rapidly reproduced in New York City (Big Apple Solidarity Strike), paving the way for their own strike fund and direct action. These precedents later informed the mass withdrawal of queer artists from Milkshake festival in the Netherlands, and the solidarity collective which emerged from it (R.U.I.S), which is based on similar DIY and anticapitalist values. In a sweet circular moment, the OG Bay Area boycotters ran a zine sale to support the Milkshake action.

These humble acts of community building, while often enacted through acts of refusal and boycott, are constructive in the most literal sense. While local, they are not parochial, creating material, transnational networks of solidarity and care.

Be reasonable, demand the impossible

The Superstruct-owned festival is uncanny and insidious. Its moniker is a dead, floating signifier, communicating vague affective hooks: queer, surfer, punk, underground. We are invited to get our monodirectional kicks in a grey strip mall of tailored experiences. The early, medieval festival, a precursor to the rave, was a space where “the world turned upside down”—one of sexual license, dissolved classes, kings becoming peasants for a day. The KKR festival is the world reaffirmed in its grim, implacable realities—a crushing acquiescence to capitalist realism.

It is precisely this realism that the movement rejects, in theory and deed. Drawing on the Wages for Housework movement of the seventies, theorist Kathi Weeks extols the power of the “utopian, unreasonable demand”—which, rather than a predestined route to narrow wins or achievable horizons—constitutes an ongoing insurgency, a “process of constituting a new subject with the desires for and the power to make new demands”.

The ambition, scope and unreasonableness of the demand—an anticapitalist rollback of the corporate takeover of rave culture—is what gives this movement potency. It also makes it effective and, yes, strategic. Consider: the news about KKR was only popularised in January. Just 7 months on, the corporate festival circuit is in ruins. DIY culture is reviving everywhere. And a system of rewards, which prioritised acquiescence, guild thinking, the collegiate co-facilitation of bag chasing, is being wrenched apart.

Abdaljawad Omar, writing on new circuits of rebellion in the refugee camps of the West Bank (The New York War Crimes, Nakba issue, 2025), writes:

“The current wave of resistance privileges the act itself—the moment of resistance—as a political assertion not necessarily embedded in a coherent project. It insists on action even in the absence of a clear horizon. This is not a failure of thought but an exposure of the limits of our inherited narratives. It answers the question “What is to be done?” simply: Act—and when you are unsure, act more.”

It is, he continues, “a form of struggle that reveals the exhaustion of inherited frameworks and insists on staying with the rupture”.

As fascism and anticolonialism recrudesce in parallel, who would bet on received patterns or lessons from the inert 2010s? No leaders have led this revolt; no strategists mapped it or predicted it, or prognosticated a pallid sequence of little wins and KPIs. Instead, by pulling at threads with humbleness, insistence and patience, a small community has brought many seemingly impregnable dynamics—commodification, competition, celebrity—to a tottering fragility. 

As the international liberal order reveals its true contours, its insinuations within club culture are also becoming apparent. The credo of capitalist realism, that things must always get worse, that we must take the despoilation of our rituals, our communities, of all that is sacred, is facing non-acceptance. The consolidation of rave culture is not inevitable. Parties and festivals do not need to grow, become brands. Boiler Room does not have a right to exist. Per DJ and journalist Arielle Lana: “These platforms, they don’t need to be like the holy grail. We can dismantle them and we’ll still survive.”

Ravers for Palestine is an anonymous collective working to foster solidarity and resistance within electronic music culture. 

Red Flag: Why Trotsky still matters, 85 years after his murder

In his weekly column, Nathaniel Flakin honors the Russian revolutionary struck down on August 20, 1940

Mural of Trotsky on a wall. The paint is cracked.

85 years ago today, Leon Trotsky was struck down by a Stalinist assassin in Coyoacán in Mexico. As his grandson recalled in 2017, this was not the first attempt on the life of the man who founded the Red Army.

I’ve never understood why anyone on the Left would tell jokes about that ice axe. You never hear “canal jokes” about Rosa Luxemburg or “shotgun jokes” about Malcolm X. 

Some might accuse Trotsky of being a “splitter” due to his struggle against Stalinism. But Malcom X was no less a “splitter,” both from Martin Luther King and from Wallace Fard Muhammad. Rosa Luxemburg was a “splitter” par excellence, breaking with the PPS, the SPD, the USPD, etc. Splits in progressive movements happen all the time—the question is: which side is right?

Conspiracy theories

Dedicated Stalinists might call Trotsky a “traitor,” based on Stalin’s accusations that Trotsky collaborated with Nazi Germany and Imperial Japan. (When Stalin was allied with Hitler, he accused Trotsky of working for the British.)

During the Great Purges, 681,692 people were executed on charges of being part of Trotsky’s counter-revolutionary conspiracy. This would have been, by an order of magnitude, the largest conspiracy in human history—George Bush personally directing Osama bin Laden would have been a piece of cake by comparison. Yet even after many decades, not a scrap of evidence has been found showing that so many communists were secretly working together with their sworn enemies.

Both Germany and Japan were defeated, with their archives ending up in the hands of the Soviets and the Americans. If there was a conspiracy, then the U.S. and Russia have been keeping Trotsky’s secrets for over 80 years. In the Nuremberg trials, Soviet prosecutors interrogated Rudolf Hess, supposedly Trotsky’s contact man in the fascist regime. Thus, Stalin himself must have been part of the coverup too.

A handful of ultra-Stalinists still try to defend the Moscow Trials. The professor of medieval English literature (not history) Grover Furr has written numerous books that claim to prove Trotsky’s guilt. Yet as Doug Greene examines in a forthcoming book, Furr admits he’s never found any evidence besides the preposterous “confessions” of people showing obvious signs of torture.

Failed theories

A more “moderate” Stalinist might acknowledge that more than a few innocent people were killed, but that the murder of Trotsky and most of the leading figures of the October Revolution was a historical necessity to defend the Soviet Union and consolidate socialism.

But as the Left Opposition pointed out at the time, the suppression of all forms of proletarian democracy could only weaken the socialist project. Looking back from a century later, we can say that “really existing socialism”—rather, the rule of a privileged bureaucratic caste—alienated the masses of workers, who made no attempt to defend a system they supposedly controlled.

This is precisely why Trotsky is relevant today. While his contributions to Marxism are too extensive for this short column, many of his ideas were not original: he merely defended ideas first put forth by Marx and Lenin about the need for a socialist revolution to be international, for example, against the failed idea of “socialism in one country.” 

Trotsky was the most important Marxist to study the bureaucratization of the Russian Revolution—a social formation that had never existed before. His analysis of this degenerated workers’ state helps understand these non-capitalist, but also non-socialist societies. 

Trotsky in Berlin

Trotsky never had a strong personal connection to Berlin—his pre-revolutionary years of exile were spent in London, Vienna, Paris, and New York. Yet much later, while he was in exile from the Soviet Union on the Turkish island of Prinkipo (today Büyükada), he wrote piercing analyses of German politics in the late 1920s and early 1930s.

Trotsky’s writings on Germany are well worth reading today, as the Far Right is once again advancing threateningly. The Left Opposition argued for a workers’ united front against fascism, as part of a revolutionary strategy to topple capitalism. Perry Anderson has called these works “the first real Marxist analysis of a twentieth century capitalist state” and “unmatched in the field of historical materialism.”

In the TV series Babylon Berlin, Berlin’s Trotskyists of the 1920s are portrayed as isolated weirdos. In real life, however, the Trotskyist movement was made up of factory workers fighting to unite the whole working class in the life-or-death struggle against the Nazis. After they lost this struggle, Trotskyists remained active in the resistance and in the concentration camps. Even though most cadres were liquidated by fascism, a few survivors rebuilt German Trotskyism after the war––and were joined by many more young people after 1968.

Today, 85 years after one of the most heinous assassinations of the 20th century, is a good day to cast aside silly stereotypes and think about what Trotsky’s ideas can offer us for the struggle against capitalism today.

Red Flag is a weekly opinion column on Berlin politics that Nathaniel has been writing since 2020. After moving through different homes, it now appears at The Left Berlin.

Decolonize Berlin

For a critical debate with histories and present day instances of colonialism and racism

Decolonize Berlin came out of a civil society network of Black, diasporic, post-colonial and developmental initiatives, together with individual activists. The alliance has been organised as a non-profit organisation since 2019.

It campaigns for a critical debate about colonialism and racism, and for the recognition, reappraisal, and overcoming of colonial injustice. The goal is the decolonisation of the whole of society, that is, the dismantling of racist power relations, structures, and narratives.

A main focus is on the colonial continuities in public spaces, for example in street names or monuments. For this reason, the group has organised the anti-colonial street festival for the last 10 years, and has fought for the renaming of colonial charged streets in the African Quarter in Wedding—most recently the renaming of Petersallee to Maji-Maji Allee and Anna Mungunda Allee in 2024.

The work consists of thematic working groups (education, public spaces, museums), which develop projects, decide on activities and carry out the organisation’s work. We have regular open meetings.

Since 2020, the organisation has had a coordinating centre which is financed by the city of Berlin. They use decisions of the Berlin parliament to develop a city-wide concept for dealing with colonialism and its consequences. The coordination centre works together with civil society, administration, and politicians. It follows a participatory approach which integrates Black, diasporic and migrant groups.

On Saturday, 23rd August, Decolonize Berlin is organising the Amofest to celebrate the renaming of M*Straße to Anton-Wilhelm-Amo-Straße. The festival starts at 2pm at Hausvogteiplatz.

22-26 August 1992: Rostock-Lichtenhagen Pogrom

This week in working class history

In late August 1992, right-wing extremists converged on the Lichtenhagen neighbourhood of the northern German city of Rostock. On the 22nd of August, they first attacked the heavily under-resourced refugee centre housing Roma people who had arrived from Eastern Europe. Upon the evacuation of the refugee centre, the rioters turned to the so-called Sonnenblumenhaus, a large apartment block named for the mural of sunflowers on the side, where Vietnamese contract workers lived.

The gathered right-wingers stayed outside the Sonnenblumenhaus for several days in a celebratory atmosphere, with barbecues and beer, until on the evening of the 24th, when the police suddenly retreated. The crowd then began throwing molotov cocktails through the windows of the lower-storey apartments, and eventually broke into the building. Residents of the Sonnenblumenhaus, along with several journalists, managed to escape through the roof to a neighbouring building. Amazingly, everyone made it out alive.

These attacks took place within the context of numerous other racist and right-wing assaults across Germany at the time, alongside widespread and consistently racist coverage in mainstream German media of the supposed migration crisis at the time. The Rostock attacks themselves were broadcast live on television. The state’s response to this wave of racist violence was not to strengthen protections for migrants, but instead to severely restrict the right to asylum in Germany, which required an amendment to the Basic Law, the country’s constitution.

While the German states and many Germany institutions have been slow to recognise what happened in August 1992, after decades of debate and grassroots organising, the events are now widely recognised as a pogrom. This recognition marks an important acknowledgment of the structural racism that created the conditions for Rostock-Lichtenhagen, while the various arms of the state stood back and watched.

News from Berlin and Germany, 20th August 2025

Weekly news round-up from Berlin and Germany

NEWS FROM BERLIN

The citizen’s income and how Berliners had their benefits cut in July

Last July, job centers in Germany cut benefits for a total of 33,752 Bürgergeld (citizen’s income) recipients. According to the newspaper B.Z., one in nine of those (3,847) came from the German capital. In Berlin, the average cut was 62 euros per month. This marks a trend of yearly cuts to peoples benefits: in 2023, there was an average of 51 euros being cut; in 2024, 58 euros. Most recently, the head of the job center in Spandau, Winfried Leitke, commented that citizen’s income recipients would face tougher sanctions in future if those beneficiaries failed to attend appointments. Source: Berliner Zeitung

Tegel: how Berlin’s largest refugee shelter is set to become what it never was

Tegel has become known as “Germany’s worst and most expensive refugee shelter”. However, since the beginning of 2025, the number of asylum seekers has also fallen by almost 40%. Besides, Berlin has managed to create sufficient accommodation in other areas of the city. What is expected for the former airport now is to become a place for registration and distribution of all people arriving in Berlin. Stays ars expected to last between 72 and 96 hours. This is exactly as it was initially planned in spring 2022 – until everything changed. Source: rbb

Bonde announces crisis talks on the S-Bahn

Due to the ongoing problems with Berlin’s S-Bahn, Transport Senator Ute Bonde (CDU) has announced crisis talks. She has invited representatives of the S-Bahn and Deutsche Bahn to talk about the issue . She wants to find solutions quickly “so that Berliners are no longer burdened by the cancellations.” In recent days, numerous trains have been canceled on Berlin’s S-Bahn due to technical problems. The passenger association Pro Bahn says that outdated technology is the reason for the recent cancellations. Over the past decades, the railway company has cut costs wherever possible, both in terms of personnel and technology, criticized state chairman Martin Pogatzki. Source: rbb

NEWS FROM GERMANY

War on anti-war

A protest camp, planned for the “Cologne Parade Against War” on August 30, has been banned by the police. One of the reasons given for the move is the slogan “War on War” – popularized, among other things, by Kurt Tucholsky’s pacifist poem of the same name. The police interpreted it as a declaration of intent to counter armament with “warlike means.” Despite the police order, “Disarm Rheinmetall” is determined to legally enforce the camp, which is to take place from August 26 to 31 in Cologne’s green belt. Furthermore, the Left Party is appealing to the city of Cologne and the police chief to allow the camp to go ahead. Source: jungewelt

Many hurdles for women with unwanted pregnancies

A new study, the first of its kind, examines comprehensively the circumstances and care of women with unwanted pregnancies. For the study, 4,589 women with at least one child under the age of six were surveyed. With partial results available since April 2024, only now has it been published on the Federal Ministry of Health´s website. The findings are clear: the stigmatization of abortion has a negative impact on both access to care and the mental well-being of women with unwanted pregnancies. The study states that women almost always make the right decision for themselves: around 92% of those who decide to have an abortion have “no doubt” about that decision. Source: taz

A specter haunting the Administrative Court

It sounded like a victory: on last April 8, the “Marxist Evening School Forum for Politics and Culture” (Masch) won its case against the State Office for the Protection of the Constitution before the Hamburg Administrative Court. The court ruled that the authority may no longer classify Masch as left-wing extremist. Now, it seems, this legal victory could backfire. This is because of what the court stated in its written judgment of July 10. It confirms the ruling in favor of Masch, but, on the other hand, the court discusses the question of whether engaging with Marxist theory is fundamentally compatible with the constitution of Germany. Source: taz

Germany’s government argues over military service

Chancellor Friedrich Merz (CDU) wants to make the Bundeswehr the strongest conventional army in Europe, and this requires better equipment and more than the current 183,000 soldiers. Additionally, according to NATO ambitions, the Bundeswehr should be increased by 60,000 soldiers. For achieving this goal, Minister of Defense Boris Pistorius (SPD) believes the solution lies in reforming voluntary military service, but not everyone in the coalition partner CDU and CSU shares this view. Nevertheless, although military service itself remains voluntary, the law also provides for mandatory elements such as the questionnaire to be answered by all 18-year-old men from 2026 on, about willingness to serve in the Bundeswehr. Source: dw