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Can we say Holocaust again?

Gaza, German memory politics, and the struggle over language


23/07/2025

Memory on trial: the Berlin case

On April 24, this year, a Berlin Court sentenced an activist for incitement to hatred after she walked around the Bundestag on November 3, 2023 with two signs reading “No to the murder of 8.500 civilians in Gaza so far” and “Have we learned nothing from the Holocaust?” The ruling made clear that in Germany, drawing any connections between the Nazi Holocaust and other atrocities is not tolerated.

Trial and ruling

The activist was convicted of Volksverhetzung, under Section 130, par. 3 of the German Criminal Act, according to which anyone, who publicly or in a meeting, approves of, denies, or downplays crimes committed under National Socialism, as defined in Section 6(1) of the Code of Crimes against International Law, in a way that could disturb public peace, may face up to five years in prison or a fine.

The prosecutor accused the activist that, by carrying the two signs, she had equated “the fate of approximately six million Jews and other persecuted groups who were industrially deported and exterminated under Nazi rule” with “Israel’s and the IDF’s response to the terrorist attack of October 7, 2023, to the detriment of approximately 8,500 civilians in Gaza.” The prosecutor further stated that by doing so, the activist had “trivialized the nature, scale, and consequences of the oppression, violence, and mass industrial extermination (…) due to the obvious imbalance between the events.”

The activist claimed that her reference to the Nazi Holocaust was meant as a moral warning motivated by Germany‘s pledge of “Never again”, which she understood as a commitment to oppose all genocides, regardless of where and against whom they occur.

Her lawyer supported her claim by describing the ongoing mass atrocities unfolding in Gaza and citing both international law and the testimonies of Holocaust survivors who spoke of the responsibility of “Never again” precisely in light of the situation in Gaza. Therefore, the lawyer argued, the defendant’s action should be considered as a political expression protected under the right to freedom of expression. The lawyer also referenced established jurisprudence of the Federal Constitutional Court, which holds that where a statement can be understood in several ways, courts are obliged to consider the least punishable interpretation to protect freedom of expression.

The Berlin District Court, however, followed the prosecution and found that the combination of the two signs constituted a direct comparison between the Nazi genocide of six million Jews and other victims and “Israel’s military response to the October 7, 2023 attacks”, and that the disparity in nature, scale and consequences between the two events amounted to a clear trivialization of the Nazi crimes by violating the dignity of their victims. The Court further noted that even under the protection of freedom of expression, there was no other more favorable interpretation conceivable.

Courts under scrutiny for trivializing genocide

The Court’s ruling was heavily criticized by scholars and activists alike because it seemed less about sound legal reasoning and more a part of a broader trend in German jurisprudence shaped by German Staatsräson—the state‘s commitment to Israel’s security as a reason of state.

The claim that the activist downplayed the Nazi Holocaust appears implausible indeed, as her action precisely raised the question of what lessons have been learned from the Holocaust—particularly in the face of another ongoing genocide that, at the time of her protest, numerous human rights organizations and renowned genocide scholars like Raz Segal, had already described as a textbook case of genocide.

Furthermore, the International Court of Justice has affirmed that genocide is not established by the number of victims but primarily by a genocidal intent. Against this background, it is difficult to understand why the Court based its assessment largely on the disparity of victim numbers—especially considering that the activist herself did not equate these figures. Instead, the Court should have considered that Israeli officials with command authority have been openly using dehumanizing rhetoric that refers to Palestinians as “human animals” and Gaza as “the city of evil”, and have explicitly expressed genocidal intent by declaring their aims such as “razing Gaza” and “we must erase the memory of Amalek”.

It would also have been relevant for the Court to take into account the situation in Gaza at the time of its ruling, in order to assess the foreseeability of the scale of these events. By then, more than 51,000 Palestinians had reportedly been killed—bombed, deliberately shot or starved to death. Tens of thousands were missing. Almost the entire population had been displaced and 92% of all housing units destroyed or damaged. More than two thirds of Gaza’s educational, religious, cultural and health care infrastructure had been completely destroyed, including universities, schools, mosques and cultural sites. Nearly all hospitals were targeted. Hundreds of teachers, writers, artists, scholars,journalists and health workers were arrested, tortured or killed. Since March this year, the remaining population, already subjected to a complete siege, has been facing a total blockade on humanitarian aid, which many observers have described as a deliberate campaign of mass starvation, with Israeli distribution centers turning into deadly traps.

In light of these considerations, one must seriously question whether it was the activist who trivialized the Nazi Holocaust, or rather the Court itself—by instrumentalizing the legacy of the Holocaust to downplay the magnitude of another ongoing genocide, now entering its 21st month, and thereby desecrating the very legacy it claims to protect.

Holocaust and the struggle over language

The Berlin case raises broader questions about Germany’s claimed singularity of the Nazi Holocaust, how the genocidal events are interlinked, and more fundamentally, what language we use to speak of today’s atrocities and of the genocide in Gaza.

Singularity and interconnections of genocides

There is a German obsession in general to treat the Nazi Holocaust as an unique and untouchable event—something that has fiercely been defended, notably during the Historikerstreit of the 1980s. This is understandable to the extent that every genocide unfolds in its own specific historical, political and social context.

The Nazi Holocaust stands out as the first large scale genocide of more than 6 million European Jews and hundred of thousands Roma and Sinti, disabled people, and political dissidents, executed with chilling bureaucratic efficiency, by a modern European fascist state, on European soil, and with extensive documentation through survivor testimonies and institutional archives. It was also the genocide that helped lay the foundation for the modern international legal system, including the drafting of the Genocide Convention.

What is happening in Gaza is historically unprecedented too. It has become the first genocidal campaign to be livestreamed in real time with daily footage documenting the systematic mass killings and ethnic cleansing of Palestinians, and the deliberate destruction of their land. It is also for the first time that a world court has ruled a state plausibly committing genocide while atrocities are still ongoing. A historical irony lies in the fact that the mass killings are being carried out by a state, itself partly founded by survivors of the very genocide that led to the modern international framework. A framework that is now collapsing in front of our eyes in Gaza.

It is important to comprehend these genocidal events in their broader contexts as the histories of Germany, Israel and Palestinians are deeply intertwined. Germany, once the perpetrator of the Nazi Holocaust, today supports, both politically and through arm sales, descendants of its victims in carrying out another genocide against another people. It does so, cynically, under its Holocaust banner of “Never Again”.

These events are not isolated from all other atrocities either. They have to be viewed within the longer legacies of Western colonialism. This includes racialized state violence and the systematic dehumanization of marginalized groups labeled by dominant state powers as “the other”—as was done with the European Jews and Roma and Sinti under Nazi Germany, with the Tutsis in Rwanda, and as is happening with Palestinians under Israeli occupation today.

To relate and also compare such genocidal events is not the same as equating them. In fact, it is a necessary effort to be made—to understand their causes, patterns and consequences, in order to learn from them, prevent their repetition, and hold the perpetrators accountable. When those who draw these connections are systematically silenced, then the activist’s question—”what have we learnt from the Holocaust?”—becomes not only justified, but essential.

Language of atrocities, and who owns the word “Holocaust

What has been unfolding in Gaza today goes further than many atrocities we have previously witnessed. The sheer scale and horrific nature of this genocide have long surpassed a threshold that demands a serious and urgent reconsideration of the vocabulary available to describe atrocities of such magnitude, including whether the term holocaust, in its broader historical and linguistic sense, may be rightfully invoked in this context.

First, it is important to note that the word holocaust is not a legal term. In contrast, the word genocide is legally defined in the Genocide Convention of 1948 and means the intentional destruction, in whole or in part, of a national, ethnic, racial, or religious group. Raphael Lemkin, who coined the term genocide in 1944, had envisaged it to entail not only the physical destruction of a population but also the destruction of its culture, language, and identity. His broader vision was, however, excluded from the final text of the Genocide Convention.

The word holocaust, meanwhile, predates World War II and—contrary to common belief—was not originally coined to describe the Nazi genocide of the Jews. The term derives from the Greek word holokaustos which means burnt (kaustos) as a whole (holos) and was historically used in religious contexts for a burnt sacrifice. Later on, it was applied more broadly to describe mass atrocities, particularly those involving fire and destruction, including the genocide of the American natives, the Armenian genocide and the nuclear bombing of Hiroshima.

While in Hebrew discourse, the term shoah—meaning catastrophe—has long been the standard reference to the Nazi genocide when written with a capital S, in German discourse, holocaust entered common usage only after the 1979 broadcast of the U.S. television miniseries, Holocaust: The Story of the Weiss Family. Until then, postwar German discourse used words like genocide or mass murder to describe the Nazi crimes against the Jews. 1979, the year when the miniseries was broadcasted, holocaust was voted by the German Language Society as “Word of the Year“, marking its entry into German common language and as a synonym for the Nazi crimes, when written with a capital H.

Some genocide scholars, who have applied the term holocaust to other cases have proposed different moral and historical frameworks to define such events. While no fixed criteria exist, most frameworks include large—scale killings of civilian populations based on their identity (e.g. ethnicity or religion) and motivated by state ideology, destruction of their cultural infrastructure and memory, and irreversible demographic, psychological and cultural loss.

Based on this understanding, it is suggested to distinguish between the term genocide as a legal definition of mass atrocities emphasizing intent, and holocaust as an extension beyond legal criteria that captures the historical and moral dimensions of such atrocities. The word holocaust would thus include not only the intended physical erasure of a people but also—as Lemkin had once advocated for—the erasure of their identity, culture and collective memory, with a moral and historical long lasting impact.

Applying these criteria to the case of Gaza, it is striking with which clarity they are met, considering the available evidence, including footage, eyewitness accounts and detailed reports of international and local organisations.

For almost 21 months, Palestinians have faced systemic large-scale mass killings, with entire neighborhoods erased and families exterminated. We have been watching children, journalists and injured civilians in flames, burning alive in shelters meant to protect them. Children have been deliberately shot in the head, and women specifically targeted, in an effort to halt the continuity of Palestinian life. Gaza’s infrastructure has been largely completely destroyed, its landscape flattened and made unlivable. This comprehensive destruction of life, homes, cities, culture, knowledge and environment have been accompanied by a genocidal rhetoric from Israeli officials expressing a clear ideological intent to erase not only Palestinian life but also its memory and future.

Gaza cannot be seen merely as an international political crisis or a humanitarian catastrophe. Rather, it marks a rupture, revealing a profound moral failure of our modern international legal order and of self-proclaimed liberal democracies whose support has enabled this genocide to unfold in the first place.

To reserve the word holocaust solely for one historical event seems not only presumptuous, it also restricts the vocabulary we need to grasp, articulate and respond to atrocities of such magnitude. Ultimately, to have the language to thoughtfully express what the atrocities in Gaza represent is not a matter of rhetorical provocation, but one of moral and historical responsibility.

TikTok refuses to take responsibility—strike on Wednesday, 23 July, 2025

Statement by the trade union ver.di

Employees at TikTok are staging a one-day warning strike today, July 23, 2025. The trade-union ver.di is calling for the strike. The background of the strike is the company’s plan to dissolve the Trust and Safety department, in which content moderators for the German-speaking region are employed. The work of content moderators is to be taken over in the future by so-called artificial intelligence and outsourced to external service providers. Working conditions at these external providers are significantly worse. Additionally, part of the so-called Live department is also set to be dissolved. Employees in this department are responsible for contact with content creators on TikTok.

Content moderation is an extremely psychologically demanding job, as employees are regularly exposed to highly distressing content. For this reason, comprehensive health prevention measures to reduce psychological strain are essential. The union ver.di sees a danger that TikTok is trying to shirk responsibility for the working conditions of content moderators through outsourcing.

Especially in the area of combating hate speech and fake news, oversight by well-trained moderators is of great importance. These moderators must possess in-depth knowledge of cultural and political contexts in order to identify problematic content. However, by outsourcing this work to artificial intelligence and third-party providers, the role is being devalued. There is a risk that TikTok will increasingly become a platform for manipulative campaigns, as was already observed during the last presidential election in Romania.

Over the past few months, employees were tasked with training the AI that is now meant to replace them—and are now being discarded by the company. They are resisting this under the slogan: “We trained your machines – pay us what we deserve!”

They are demanding:

Severance payments of three years’ salary for each employee affected by the layoffs

An extension of the notice period by 12 months for each employee affected by the layoffs

These demands are justified by TikTok’s high profits. At the same time, the specific training and expertise of the content moderators is being massively devalued through the dismissals. Meeting these demands would enable the affected employees to acquire new qualifications. The urgency of these demands is further increased by the fact that, for some employees, losing their job could also endanger their residency status.

Despite repeated requests by ver.di, TikTok’s management has refused to enter negotiations. Against this backdrop, employees are going on a one-day warning strike on July 23, 2025. It is the first strike by employees of a social media platform in Germany.

“It is disrespectful of TikTok to shirk all social responsibility and even refuse to negotiate with us. Today, the employees are sending a clear signal that they will not accept this. They are going on strike and, in doing so, becoming pioneers of union organizing in the platform economy,” says Lucas Krentel, Deputy Regional Head of the Media Division at ver.di Berlin-Brandenburg.

The employees will hold a boat tour on the Spree River to make the strike visible from the water. They will dock again at 12:30 PM and then hold a strike rally on land.

TikTok Strike Rally
Time: 12:30 PM
Location: Mühlenstraße 70-71, 10243 Berlin

Red Flag: Karl-Marx-Straße is done—and still a huge traffic jam

In his weekly column, Nathaniel Flakin explains why car supremacy must end

View from behind a sea of cars, as if viewer was also stuck in a car in traffic.

After 15 years of construction work, Karl-Marx-Straße in Neukölln is finally open again. Is this a good time for a joke about Berlin’s notoriously incompetent government? No, since this is a political decision: infrastructure is falling apart because the German ruling class wants to spend trillions on weapons.

I go down KMS several times per day. Even as a proud car hater, I assumed the chronic traffic jams would clear up. But absolutely nothing has changed: during rush hours, autos stand still, spewing out poisonous fumes and blocking ambulances. It turns out what blocks cars is not construction sites—it’s other cars.

This is why adding new lanes doesn’t improve traffic flow: Investment in car infrastructure just puts more cars on the streets. As an old German saying puts it: “If you sew streets, you reap traffic.”

Investments

A new segment of the inner-city highway A100 is set to open this year—three kilometers of road for €700 million. The Senate wants to extend it further into Friedrichshain, which will cost over €1 billion.

Last weekend, a segment of the S-Bahn around Schöneweide shut down because there were no workers for the signal box. The U-Bahn line U1 hasn’t been running for two weeks due to a lack of drivers.

Every euro invested in roads is one missing for public transport. Paradoxically, money for subways, trams, and buses is what gets people out of cars—and thus prevents traffic jams.

Car supremacy

I’ve written that car culture seems like an addiction: users claim to love it, even when it clearly makes them miserable. Another way I’ve been thinking about this is “car supremacy.” German traffic rules go back to a Nazi law from 1935, which defined motorized vehicles as the Übermenschen of the streets.

Today, German drivers still enjoy enormous privileges. If you want space to keep a car, for example, the city will provide it to you for free (or at most €10 per year). If you need that space for anything else, including living, you’re on your own.

This kind of extreme privilege can make people feel like any proposed change is an attack. Take white South Africans, who make up 7 percent of the population but control 70 percent of farmland. As soon as anyone talks about reducing inequality, they shout “white genocide.” As the saying goes, “when you’re accustomed to privilege, equality feels like oppression.”

The same thing is happening with drivers. They kill about 50 people per year in Berlin—yet any measure to stop this constant mass murder feels like an attack on their human rights.

On the remodeled Karl-Marx-Straße, drivers complain that the unprotected bike lanes now take too much space. Most of the limited space, however, is taken up by parking spaces, so huge metal boxes can stand unused for 23.5 hours per day. Meanwhile people are forced to squeeze past each other on narrow sidewalks.

Referendum

Sometime next year, Berliners should be able to vote on a referendum to make the inner-city car-free. I don’t think this has even a tiny-chance of passing. Thanks to the Greater Berlin Act of 1920, countless villages are included inside the city borders. Our odious, provincial mayor comes from the distant town of Kladow, for example. Many suburbanites insist they need cars—and I wouldn’t want to decide for them, as I live in a completely different place. Unfortunately, millions of them are allowed to vote on transport policy for the actual city.

Nonetheless, this referendum will get people thinking. People inside the S-Bahn-Ring are far less likely to own a car than people out in the boondocks. Why do we dedicate so much space to a means of transportation most people don’t use? Why should cars rule the road, even as they are blocking trash pickup and regularly killing kids?

Berlin’s constitutional court just declared that there is no fundamental right to a car. As a communist, I am a democrat—I believe in the equality of all people. I despise apartheid for the same reason I despise cars. KMS, with its myriad cultures, could be beautiful—if only we could get rid of the cars. 

Red Flag is a weekly column on Berlin politics that Nathaniel Flakin has been writing since 2020. After moving through different homes, it now appears at The Left Berlin.

News from Berlin and Germany, 23rd July 2025

Weekly news round-up from Berlin and Germany

NEWS FROM BERLIN

Schönefeld votes for asylum center at BER airport

The municipality of Schönefeld has cleared the way for an entry and exit center for refugees at BER Airport. According to a spokesperson, most of the municipality has approved a development plan that provides such a facility. According to the Ministry of the Interior, this means that the formal requirements have been met. According to current plans, the center is set to open in 2028. According to the Federal Ministry of the Interior, the federal government wants to rent office space there. The center at BER is highly controversial. Refugee organizations speak of a deportation center and see human dignity at risk. Source: berliner Zeitung

Berlin is growing faster than expected

A new internal report suggests that the population of Berlin is growing faster than expected, with the total number of residents projected to surpass four million as early as 2036. Despite growth in recent decades, the city still has fewer inhabitants than it did 100 years ago. The largest population ever recorded in Berlin was around 4.4 million, just before or during the Second World War. However, Berliners are not having children. The city has the lowest birth rate in Germany. It is thanks to immigration, then, that growth is expected to continue, with 109,000 new residents projected to arrive by 2040. Source: the Berliner

Weapons banned in public transport in Berlin

Since 17 July, Berlin has established stricter regulations concerning the carrying of knives and other
weapons in public. The new rules are intended to curb a rise in violent crime, granting yet the police additional powers to conduct searches without specific grounds for suspicion. From Thursday on, knives – regardless of blade length – will be prohibited on all forms of public transport. There are exceptions, however, for people who work in restaurants or snack bars at train stations, for instance. Since it is a blanket ban, there will be no signs indicating designated prohibited zones. Besides, knives, firearms are also banned, as well as irritant sprays such as tear gas. Source: the Berliner

NEWS FROM GERMANY

Brandenburg now requires a commitment to Israel for naturalization

Since 1 June, anyone wishing to become a naturalized citizen in Brandenburg must acknowledge Israel’s right to exist. In addition, the state requires a clear commitment to the Fundamental Law (“Grundgesetz”), acknoweldgment of the Nazi past and the ability to independently secure a livelihood. Interior Minister René Wilke (non-party) said in the state parliament in Potsdam that he had made a corresponding change to the naturalization procedure in consultation with Minister President Dietmar Woidke (SPD). The new regulation has been in force since the beginning of June. Saxony-Anhalt was the first federal state to link naturalization to a commitment to Israel’s right to exist in 2023. Source: welt

Use of “Payment Card” could be expanded in Hamburg

Over a year ago, Hamburg was the first federal state to introduce payment cards for asylum seekers. Such cards can be used by refugees like a credit card: 50 euros cash can be withdrawn per month, 10 euros for minors. The cards can be used in the supermarket or at the hairdresser, for example – but not abroad, in online shops, for money transfers or gambling. The Hamburg tax authorities are now working on extending the use of the payment card to other areas where social benefits are still paid out in cash. The Left Party criticized the payment card as an instrument of control for welfare recipients. Source: ndr

More complaints about the post office than ever before

Complaints about the postal service and its competitors have reached a new high. As the Federal Network Agency announced on request, it received 22,981 complaints about postal services in the first half of the year, 13% more than in the same period last year. If the current pace of complaints continues, the previous annual high of 44,406 from 2024 could be broken this year. Almost 90% of the complaints were directed against the market leader Deutsche Post/DHL, and they are related to delays, incorrect deliveries or damaged consignments, whether letters or parcels. Source: tagesschau

Immigrants in Europe and North America earn 18% less

As many countries grapple with ageing populations, falling birthrates, labour shortages and fiscal pressures, the ability to successfully integrate immigrants is becoming an increasingly pressing matter. However, a new study from Nature, a British scientific journal, found out that salaries of immigrants in Europe and North America are nearly 18% lower than those of born in the country, as foreign-born workers struggle to accesshigher-paying jobs. They analyzed the salaries of 13.5 million people in nine immigrant-receiving countries. Among the results, it is shown that the children of immigrants faced substantially better earning prospects than their parents. Source: the conversation

A large sum for a big goal

Back to the top of the global economy: this is the common goal of the German government and corporations in Germany. To achieve it, an investment summit was held on 21 July in the Federal Chancellery. Visibly satisfied and optimistic, the heads of Siemens and Deutsche Bank lined up to the left and right of Chancellor Friedrich Merz (CDU) for a press statement after the meeting. The “Made for Germany” alliance wants to help shape this upturn. Merz declared: “Germany is back.” But not everyone sees it that way. There was a lot of criticism of the fact that small and medium businesses were hardly represented or not represented at all. Source: tagesschau

“Scheisse AfD!“: Alice Weidel’s summer interview

As Alice Weidel (AfD) started her “summer interview” with presenter Markus, they could hardly
hear a word of each other. Nearby, speakers had been set up by the activist group “Zentrum für Politische Schönheit”(Centre for Political Beauty), and they drowned out the interview with the lilting sound of a choir. It sounded like a Christmas carol, but with the words “Scheisse AfD” (literally “Shitty AfD”) being sung. Berlin police have initiated proceedings for disruption against the activist group, who had not registered the protest in advance. The Centre for Political Beauty were not the only protesters; they were joined by “Omas Gegen Rechts” (Grandmas Against the Right). Source: the Berliner

Jazz with Palestine

Dancing in solidarity


22/07/2025

Jazz with Palestine is a growing movement of jazz and swing dancers across Europe using music, dance, and political action to stand with the Palestinian people and raise awareness, solidarity, and funds in the face of ongoing injustice.

Some of us have longstanding connections to Palestine. We’ve been there, witnessed apartheid first-hand, and listened to the voices of Palestinian friends who continue to share the urgent needs and deep aspirations of their people.

We believe that Palestinians in Gaza, the West Bank, and beyond need our support now, perhaps more than ever.

Jazz, born from the resistance and resilience of the African American community, is not just music or dance. It is a cultural form rooted in the fight against racial and colonial oppression. Today, Europe is home to some of the largest and most vibrant swing dance scenes in the world. But while our dance floors are full, our governments remain complicit in genocide.

It is precisely because of this contradiction that we must act.

The joy we find in jazz is the fruit of painful histories. As dancers, we cannot remain silent. We cannot normalize a genocide that is being broadcast live.

Those behind Jazz with Palestine—and the many who’ve already joined—are united by our love for jazz not just as music or dance, but as a living Black American art form and a historical force for resistance. We believe this community can and must extend its solidarity to Palestinians in their fight for a future of dignity, joy, and freedom, free from apartheid, displacement, and decades of suffering.

Our mission is to raise awareness in the jazz and swing communities, and to support Palestinians through direct action and moral commitment. We’re currently raising funds for the In’ash al-Usra association, a well-established Palestinian NGO in Al-Bireh, to provide essential on-the-ground support.

At the same time, we’re organizing talks, meetings, and educational events to help dismantle the racist and orientalist narratives that continue to distort European perceptions of Palestinians. We aim to raise Palestinian voices in our cultural spaces and make them heard.

The Berlin dance community will host a social dance fundraiser on Monday, July 28th. The evening begins with a samba-inspired Brazilian jazz dance class, followed by a night of social dancing to an eclectic mix of swing, rhythm & blues, Latin jazz, cumbia, disco, and house, there will also be performances from different dance groups. Everyone is welcome—whether you’re a regular on the dance floor or stepping into it for the first time.

👉 More info and event details here: https://www.instagram.com/p/DL9nKSesNY3/

👉 You can also donate directly: https://www.gofundme.com/f/Sponsoring-orphaned-children-Gaza-Strip

This is just the beginning.

Jazz with Palestine will continue to grow through dance, through dialogue, through resistance. We envision a future where joy and justice are not in contradiction and we invite you to dance with us in the direction of liberation.