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20 June 1967 Muhammad Ali arrested for “draft dodging”

This week in working class history


17/06/2025

On June 20th, Black boxer Mohammed Ali was convicted of draft dodging. The all-white jury made its decision in 21 minutes. Ali was fined $10,000, was sentenced to 5 years in jail, and was forced to surrender his passport. He had already been stripped of his world heavyweight boxing title. On the same day, the US Congress voted 337-29 to extend the draft for four more years and 385-19 to make desecrating the flag a federal crime.

The background was the escalation of the war in Vietnam, which still had the support of over half the US population. Ali defied this trend. When he was called up, he said: “Why should they ask me to put on a uniform and go ten thousand miles from home and drop bombs and bullets on brown people in Vietnam while so-called Negro people in Louisville are treated like dogs and denied simple human rights?” Later, he said: “Man, I ain’t got no quarrel with them Viet Cong. No Viet Cong ever called me nigger.”

This was not Ali’s first political act. Frustrated with the timidity of the Civil Rights movement, he joined the Nation of Islam and befriended Malcolm X. Ali’s opposition to war and racism was accompanied by a class consciousness. Years later, he said: “It wasn’t just Black people being drafted. The government had a system where the rich man’s son went to college, and the poor man’s son went to war.”

Ali avoided jail, but for 3½ years in his mid-20s, the peak of his physical condition, he was banned from boxing. He spent this time speaking out against war and racism. In 1968, his speech “Black is Best” attracted 4,000 students and staff at Howard University. He made many similar speeches to large audiences, which helped build the growing movement against war. By August 1968, support for the war had sunk to 27%.

While the public celebrates his athletic prowess, Ali’s politics are often ignored. However, in the 1960s and 1970s, both Democrat and Republican administrations considered him a national threat and bugged his phone. When John Carlos and Tommie Smith made the Black Power salute at the 1968 Olympics, one of their demands was: “Restore Muhammad Ali’s title.” Ali was unrepentant. Speaking out against his sentence, Ali said: “I have nothing to lose by standing up for my beliefs. So I’ll go to jail. We’ve been in jail for four hundred years.”

Gary Lineker and Labour

Lineker should be a natural Starmerite. So why is he causing the Labour leader so many problems?


16/06/2025

A long time ago—it must have been the mid to late 1980s—leading English footballer Gary Lineker appeared on Desert Island Discs. For those of you unfamiliar with old British radio shows, in Desert Island Discs, a personality is asked to name the eight records they would take with them on a desert island. To be honest, this is just a conceit for a programme that is essentially a celebrity interview.

At the time, Lineker was playing in Barcelona in one of the first significant waves of British footballers playing abroad. Not all of them adapted to the new conditions equally. Ian Rush famously was reported as saying that being in Italy was like “living in a foreign country”. It is still unclear whether this was meant as a joke, but the quote embodied an attitude of Brits refusing to integrate.

Lineker was different. On the radio programme, he explained how he and his family were not just learning Spanish—they were also learning Catalan. This sounded like more than the words of someone who was looking after his PR. Lineker seemed genuinely interested in other countries.

Lineker was not a rebel. He knew his place and stayed in line. First as a highly successful footballer, then as a pundit. But he was well loved as a good bloke, someone who enjoyed watching and talking about football. If he was known for anything outside the sport, it was for advertising Walkers crisps, which were produced in his hometown of Leicester.

Lineker and Brexit

Fast forward over 30 years. In 2018, Lineker backed the campaign for a second Brexit referendum. The so-called “liberal intelligentsia”, which includes the people currently running the Labour Party, welcomed his intervention, not least because he was largely speaking their language. To understand this, we need to dispel some myths about Brexit.

It is now widely assumed that the Brexit debate was between racists who wanted to prevent migrants entering Britain and anti-racists who supported freedom of movement. This was not the case, especially if you looked at the leaders of the campaigns.

The figurehead of the pro-Brexit campaign was Nigel Farage, a racist former supporter of the National Front. But the other side was not led by socialists, or even liberals, but by austerity prime minister David Cameron. The argument was not about whether we needed borders to limit migration into Britain, but whether those borders should be in the English Channel or the Mediterranean.

Of course, many anti-racists campaigned against Brexit, but the EU project was always closely tied with Fortress Europe and the idea that “our” values, that is the values of white Europeans, are more important than those of dark-skinned Muslims from the Global South.

Lineker as anti-Corbyn?

There was another aspect of the Brexit discussion which profited Labour’s right wing. The Brexit vote was in 2016. This meant that the election campaigns of both 2017 and 2019 were dominated not by Jeremy Corbyn’s slightly radical manifesto, but by Brexit.

Lineker’s statement was welcomed by the Labour Right, not just because it fitted their narrative, but also because it provided another distraction away from Corbyn’s reforming agenda. Indeed, Lineker’s Brexit Twitter campaign was preceded one year earlier by another tweet: “Bin Corbyn”.

In 2017, former editor of Q magazine Danny Kelly wrote an article for Esquire entitled: “How Gary Lineker Became the Voice of Liberal Britain”. In the article, Kelly argued that “smart people have been moved to declare him the Unofficial Leader of the Opposition”.

In the article, Kelly refers to few political statements by Lineker outside vague mentions of Brexit, refugees and Donald Trump. More emphasis is played on Lineker’s cosmopolitan attitude, media presence and ease in front of a camera.

The timing of Kelly’s article was not accidental. It was in the middle of Corbyn’s election campaigns, which were sabotaged by leading party members. It appears to be part of the trend by the Labour right at the time to promote someone—anyone—as an alternative to Corbyn.

This shows the Lineker of the late 2010s to be ideologically aligned to Keir Starmer. In April 2020, when Starmer replaced Corbyn as Labour leader, Lineker retweeted Starmer’s acceptance speech with the comment: “Well-chosen words”.

Ukraine invasion

Following the Russian invasion of Ukraine, Lineker asked foreign secretary Liz Truss if the Conservative Party would “hand back their donations from Russian donors”. One week after the invasion, he interviewed Ukraine and Manchester City midfielder Oleksandr Zinchenko on the BBC.

During the interview, Zinchenko said: “The people are starving there. The people are sleeping underground, in bunkers, whatever. They cannot live a proper life.” Lineker’s follow-up question was to ask Zinchenko if he was proud to be a Ukrainian. Later, both men described the importance of people flying Ukrainian flags at football matches.

Let us be clear. One week into an illegal invasion, the words of both Lineker and Zinchenko are perfectly reasonable. Indeed, they are largely consistent with Lineker’s later comments on Gaza. But, knowing what we do now, we see huge double standards in the media reaction.

Imagine the outcry if Lineker had asked a footballer from Gaza about Israel’s murderous assault on their country, and whether this made them feel a proud Palestinian. Imagine if he’d have called for more Palestinian flags at games. Imagine if this interview had been carried out with a huge Palestinian flag in the background.

Attack on Suella Braverman

Lineker had often been vocal on the subject of refugees. In 2020, following a suggestion by Boris Johnson to make deportation easier, he tweeted: “Can we make it clear that not everyone in this country is heartless and completely without empathy. These poor people deserve the help of their fellow human beings.”

After some criticised him for hypocrisy, Lineker put up two refugees while they were looking for permanent accommodation. He later said: “to listen to their experiences, have dinner with them, and become friends with them was really something very, very special, and I think it’s been a really good experience, particularly for my boys to help them understand how lucky they are.”

In 2023, he upped the ante. Responding to a call by Tory Home Secretary Suella Braverman to “stop the boats”, he tweeted: “Good heavens, this is beyond awful.” When some of his followers complained, he replied: “We take far fewer refugees than other major European countries. This is just an immeasurably cruel policy directed at the most vulnerable people in language that is not dissimilar to that used by Germany in the 30s, and I’m out of order?”

Lineker was temporarily sacked by the BBC for these tweets. One of his defenders was Leader of the Opposition Keir Starmer, who said: “The BBC is not acting impartially by caving in to Tory MPs who are complaining about Gary Lineker. They’ve got this one badly wrong and now they’re very, very exposed, as is the government.”

You wonder whether Starmer would support Lineker today. The official Labour Party Facebook page has recently been running a series of posts attacking the Tories for not deporting enough people. A typical post (from 2nd June) reads: “The Tories ran an open borders experiment. This ends now. Labour is taking back control, smashing the criminal smuggling gangs and securing our borders, for good.”

In May 2025, Starmer echoed Tory bigot Enoch Powell by saying that without strict immigration controls “we risk becoming an island of strangers”. Surely Lineker felt ill at ease that the British prime minister was now attacking Tories like Braverman for being too soft.

Gaza

Lineker’s decisive break with the Starmer project undoubtedly came over Gaza. Most of us are aware of what happened, but let me briefly summarize. In November 2023, Lineker tweeted an interview between Owen Jones and Israeli professor Raz Segal accusing Israel of genocide. Then, 16 months later, he was one of 500 media personalities who condemned the BBC for pulling the documentary Gaza: How To Survive A Warzone.

Recently, Lineker was sacked again for sharing an Instagram post from Palestine Lobby that included an image of a rat. Accompanying the post, Lineker made the following comment: “It’s beyond depraved, what they’re going through, unimaginable. Every day people are losing their children, their brothers and sisters. I don’t know how the world thinks this is OK.” 

After an outcry, he soon deleted both the clip and the comment. When challenged on his views, Lineker said: “I know where I stand on this … the mass murder of thousands of children is probably something we should have a little opinion on.” Surely this matters more than any manufactured allegations of antisemitism.

Lineker was quite clear about who he held responsible: “We still seem to be on the side of the people who are doing this. We’re still supplying arms. And you think, ‘Wow, how?’ The vast majority of people see it for what it is now. Unfortunately, the Government’s not doing much about it. It comes down to power and money.” At the end of May, Lineker joined 300 actors, singers and activists calling on Starmer’s government to end all arms sales to Israel.

This is no sudden conversion. One year ago, Lineker told Mehdi Hasan: “There’s a lot of heavy lobbying on people to be quiet, so I understand why most people refrain, but I’m getting on a bit now. I’m fairly secure, and I can’t be silent about what’s happening there. It’s so utterly awful.”

Conclusion

Gary Lineker is not a revolutionary socialist. Owen Jones called him a “classic liberal”. He has called himself “quintessentially a floating voter”. On Gaza, he has tweeted: “Israelis have a right to defend themselves.” As recently as 23rd April this year, he appeared alongside Starmer at an event to “fight for our flag and what it represents”.

The martyrdom of St. Gary has little to do with the radicalism of anything that Lineker has said. It is more a sign of how far to the right the discussion on Palestine has shifted in the British media and politics. Lineker may be an instinctive Starmerite, but the British government’s failure on Gaza, and on politics in general, has led him to clash with Starmer—a man who loves football so much that he takes free tickets to watch Arsenal from an Executive box at the Emirates stadium.

For a while, Lineker was the liberal’s liberal—someone who speaks truth to power, albeit politely, while always avoiding the tricky subjects. He outraged right-wing bloggers, but didn’t say anything to annoy the people who had taken over the Labour Party. But speaking out, first on refugee rights, and now on Gaza, he has come into conflict with Starmer’s government.

Since he became Labour leader, Keir Starmer has defined himself by what he is not. First he was not-Corbyn, then not-the Tories, and now he is not-Nigel Farage. Such a strategy might bring short-term gains, but it is an insult to an electorate that is looking for something to believe in. It is little surprise that less than 1 year after Labour’s landslide election victory, they are now polling 23%—6% behind Farage’s Reform UK.

Simply by having an opinion and speaking up, Lineker has offered a pole of attraction to Starmer’s Labour. Of course, a few liberal words by a now former football pundit is not the same as the fighting mass organisation that we need to build a different society. But in a time of genocide and of a political landscape which is dominated by neoliberal parties like Labour, the Tories, and Reform UK, Lineker is addressing our audience. This is something the Left must build on.

France: Palestine movement moves up a gear

Rima Hassan MEP returns from imprisonment in Israel

On Saturday 14th June mass demonstrations were called in Paris and around the country by all five major national union confederations, from the radical Solidaires to the far less combative CFDT. This follows a week of impressive solidarity action.

The Freedom Flotilla Twelve include MEP Rima Hassan, of the left-wing party La France Insoumise (LFI). Illegally kidnapped by Israeli soldiers in the middle of the night, in international waters, along with the other eleven, she was imprisoned in Israel last Monday. 

Fifteen years ago when another solidarity boat was attacked by Israel, the Zionist state preferred to execute in cold blood several of the unarmed activists. This time, they found themselves in a prison cell. Rima’s captors tried to pressurize her to sign a document recognizing that she had entered Israel illegally. “I’ll smash your head against the wall if you don’t sign this. We’ll deal with this in our way” she was told. She refused, along with most of her comrades. When she wrote “Free Palestine” on her cell wall, she was shackled hand and foot and put in solitary confinement, where she began a hunger strike. Israeli authorities abandoned the idea of putting her in front of an Israeli court, and placed her on a flight home, during which far-right Israeli passengers threatened her.

On Monday 9th of June, while the safety of the kidnapped activists was still unknown, large demos were held across the country, some of the biggest demonstrations called on the same day for several decades. Every evening since, thousands have gathered to protest in Paris and in other towns, including protest camps in central Paris lasting several days. On Friday the rally in Paris welcomed Rima Hassan home. In her speech she insisted that “the next boat is ready to sail”. Jean-Luc Mélenchon,  leader of the France Insoumise declared that the flotilla was “A success which did more in a few days than the governments of the world have done” for Gaza. The same week dockers in Marseille had refused to handle spare parts for the Israeli massacre machine.

Macron and his Prime Minister Bayrou showed no objection to the elected French representative, Rima Hassan, being snatched in international waters. Macron pleaded that the Freedom Flotilla crew be allowed to return home, without a word of protest against the Israeli actions. Bayrou claimed that Rima and the others were just involved in a “publicity stunt”. At the time of writing, three of the kidnapped crew, including Yanis Mhamdi, a French journalist at the online publication Blast, have not yet been freed. The French government is unconcerned, too busy applauding Israel’s bombing of Iran.

Faced with mass public support for Palestine, Macron has once again denounced the famine imposed on Gaza and declared France’s ‘determination’ to recognize a Palestinian state, but not yet and not without conditions! What he wants is a Palestinian ‘Bantustan’ with a flag, but no army, and a government chosen by Western imperialism in consultation with the genocide team in Tel Aviv.

Macron’s support for the genocide continues even as he denounces it. His government has just approved the presence of Israel at a major arms fair held outside Paris next week. Nine Israeli companies will sell their arms ‘tested in combat’ on the people of Gaza.

Mainstream media has tried to downplay the freedom flotilla story, as well as telling lies about it. The release of the French MEP, Rima Hassan,  from illegal detention by a French ally did not make the main national evening news and the 24-hour news channels had the Israeli ambassador, the Israeli army spokesman and their buddies chatting about the Freedom Flotilla calling it a ‘pleasure cruise’. They haven’t invited MEP Rima Hassan on their shows.

Despite the stronger tradition of mass protest in France than in the UK, in France the Palestine rallies have been smaller this past year than across the Channel, so this week’s mobilization has been a much needed boost. Having a largeish political formation (LFI have 71 MPs and 9 MEPs) 100% committed to stopping the genocide is tremendously useful.

This movement around the Freedom Flotilla has reinforced the position of the France Insoumise as the centre of gravity of radical politics in France. Other forces within the fragile electoral alliance which allowed the Left to have the largest group in parliament after last year’s elections, have reacted diversely. Olivier Faure of the Socialist Party denounced the illegal boarding of the Freedom Flotilla ship, the Madleen. Leaders of the Communist Party and the Greens made similar declarations.

But much of the Left, along with Macron, has been more interested in attacking the France Insoumise. Rima Hassan declared that Palestinian resistance was legitimate, and as a result two ministers asked if her French nationality could be withdrawn. Furthermore, this week, at the Socialist Party’s biennial conference, one MP, Jérôme Guedj, was applauded for calling Jean-Luc Mélenchon an ‘antisemitic bastard’. The Socialist Party leadership has so far refused to dissociate themselves from these insults.

Widespread sectarianism has stopped most of the radical and revolutionary left from defending the France Insoumise from the huge smear campaign rolled out in recent months, identical to the one against Jeremy Corbyn a few years back. Every left-wing activist should oppose it.

Rallies are planned next week against the arms fair in Le Bourget where Israel will be an honoured guest. This needs to be the beginning of a deepening of the movement. Israel must fall.

Photo Gallery – Stop the Genocide, the Starvation, and the displacement of Palestinians

Brandenburger Tor, Saturday 14th June


15/06/2025

Who is killing the Sudanese?

The Sudanese have taken to the streets in revolution against military rule, braving utter and ceaseless brutality.


14/06/2025

Al-Bashir’s men, his security apparatus–the Janjaweed militia, and the military, and the state police, have stained their hands with Sudanese blood. They ignited a proxy war, fighting for expansionist imperialist ambitions to control and compete for Sudan’s resources and exploit its geopolitical position.

About six years ago, in the second half of December 2018, Sudan’s cities rose up against the policies of privatisation and rising prices of basic goods, especially bread. Citizens of Atbara, ‘the city of iron and fire,’ burned down the headquarters of Sudan’s ruling National Congress Party, headed by General Omar al-Bashir, who had usurped power for more than thirty years. 

The 19th of December was like the storming of the Bastille–the protests quickly spread to all other villages and cities in Sudan until they reached Khartoum, the capital, where daily, day and night, centralised demonstrations were held in its three neighbouring cities, Khartoum, Omdurman and Khartoum Bahr. Citizens gathered in neighbourhoods, schools, universities, official and popular football fields, mosques and industrial areas without ceasing, despite the killing, bullets, arbitrary arrests and forced disappearances.

Arbitrary arrests and enforced disappearances

After mobilising citizens for five months, from December to April, the resistance succeeded in besieging the General Command building on 6 April 2019. They then carried out a sit-in, known in Sudanese circles as the General Command sit-in, and persisted, withstanding bullets and continuous assaults. After five days the security committee was forced to arrest al-Bashir and held him in a “safe place”, and proceeded to announce the setting up of a military council to run the country for two months or more.

The resistance rejected the council and demanded full civilian rule, according to the Declaration of Freedom and Change. The security committee, which began to call itself the Transitional Military Council (TMC), stalled negotiations, while the revolutionaries refused to leave the sit-in and rejected all attempts to circumvent the demands of the revolution. 

On 3 June, the security committee brutally dispersed the sit-in with excessive force, killing hundreds of people and dumping their stone bound bodies in the Blue Nile.

Despite the rising death toll, persecution, internet and telecommunication cuts, and media blackout, the Sudanese revolutionary forces regrouped successfully, calling for a million-man demonstration on 30 June 2019 in Khartoum.

On that day, the crowds exceeded expectations, as Sudanese people came out from all parts of the country and from the three cities of Omdurman, Khartoum and Bahri, and declared their rejection of military rule, and their continued struggle for freedom, peace and justice.

The Berlin conference is Africa’s renewed curse 

In Berlin, the German Foreign Ministry called a conference on Sudan, where it invited Sudan’s neighbouring countries, as well as Britain and America, but did not invite a single Sudanese person. Here, they started to promote a partnership government between the military and civilians, which was against the will of the revolutionary masses. Through Ethiopia and the intervention of the African Union and IGAD, negotiations between some opportunists affiliated with the revolution and the military council resumed. These negotiations were supported by the so-called international community, and a transitional government was imposed in the name of partnership between the military and civilians, on the basis of which General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan became head of the Sovereign Council (the collective head of state of Sudan), and his deputy Mohamed Hamdan Daglo, and Dr Abdullah Hamdok became prime minister and the executive authority.

The partnership supported by the “international community”–which was rejected by a large sector of the revolutionary forces, lasted for two years, during which, the prime minister changed his government twice, adopted IMF policies, and raised subsidies for the disgruntled. They also repealed the law rejecting normalization with Israel and went as far as receiving and meeting Israeli leaders in Khartoum. This caused widespread demonstrations and protests against the policies of the Transitional Partnership Government. All these events, in addition to the obliteration of the justice files, increased the gap between the Hamdok government and the revolutionary street. The Islamists and their allies came up with new names and plans, encouraging Burhan and his deputy to overthrow the Freedom and Change Government in a military coup on October 25, 2022.

‘Down with the tenth, down with the tenth, we don’t want military officers in power.’

From the dawn of the coup, the resistance to the new coup began. People came out early in the morning from everywhere, rejecting the coup and the return to military rule. Groups of resistance youth headed to the main streets and blocked them, and some headed to the General Command, but were shot dead before they could enter and occupy the command. More than twenty unarmed peaceful demonstrators were killed that day. This made clear their bloody intention to monopolise power, which increased the ferocity and seriousness of the resistance in overthrowing military rule and breaking the evil cycle forever.

The resistance committees in the neighbourhoods led the resistance and set the overthrow of the coup as a priority and put forward the slogan “No partnership, no negotiation, no legitimacy”, and mobilised the street against the coup and weakened it completely. Under the pressure of the revolutionary street, Burhan released Abdullah Hamdok and a group of detainees and signed a new agreement in which Burhan promised to return to the civil transition path and correct the course of the revolution, something that the revolutionaries completely rejected and continued to demonstrate and protest daily for a year. Burhan was unable to form an executive government as the people continued to reject his rule. Burhan refused to hand over power and killed more than 300 young men and women demonstrators in the streets of Khartoum, Wad Madani and other cities in cold blood.

International complicity

Minister Abdullah Hamdok had passed a decision authorising the arrival of a special UN mission ‘UN Integrated Transition Support Mission in Sudan (UNITAMS)’. Led by a German expert, Volker Peretz, who had worked in Syria for years. From the early days, Mr Volker tried to play the role of mediator between the military and the revolutionary forces, with a clear bias towards the military, looking for a new partnership. The Sudanese reject his approach completely, but Volker and his international community have always worked against the will of the Sudanese people. Volker mobilised the AU, IGAD, Britain, America and Germany, forming a tripartite and quadripartite mechanism. The framework agreement sharply polarized the political actors and revolutionary forces, with some opportunists affiliated with the revolution supporting it and the radical revolutionary movement representatives in the resistance committees rejecting it. 

The Rapid Support Forces (RSF), the Janjaweed militia, agreed to the framework agreement and Burhan refused to sign the security and military reform clause in which the RSF proposed to integrate its forces into the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) over a period of ten years. Military skirmishes began on the border with Central Africa and at Marawi Airport, until a war broke out on Saturday morning, 15 April (28th day of Ramadan), in the capital Khartoum. In the sports city, the airport, Omdurman and Khartoum.

The RSF broadcast a statement saying that it had taken control of the presidential palace, radio and television, leaving only a few parts of the General Command, after which it announced its complete victory and seized power, this time in the name of democracy and against Islamists.

The coup did not succeed and the Janjaweed suffered the biggest failure–they filled Khartoum with their armies and soldiers from everywhere, they took control of citizens’ homes, stole and looted them, expelled their families and barricaded themselves in them. The army bombed their camps, so they barricaded themselves in homes and hospitals, which Burhan also bombed without the slightest concern for the citizens. The war quickly spread throughout Sudan. 

Hundreds of thousands were killed in Khartoum, Darfur and Gezira State. Nearly ten million Sudanese were displaced between displaced people in Sudan’s cities and villages and refugees outside the colonial borders.

In the war for gold and water, everyone is fighting by proxy

The United Arab Emirates is unabashedly supporting the RSF militia–financially, militarily, and through media. There are reports proving their funding of the militia, providing them with modern weapons and anti-aircraft weapons, building field hospitals in Darfur and Chad to treat the wounded and injured RSF mercenaries, in addition to supporting Haftar in Libya and the Russian Wagner forces. The UAE also mobilised its allies in the region, in Uganda, Kenya and Ethiopia, to put pressure on Burhan in order to pass their agenda.

On the other hand, the Islamists, who were ousted from power, found their way into the conflict, declaring their explicit and direct support for Burhan in his holy war, “the war of dignity”, against the militia,  “the militia that came out of their womb”. Burhan found himself under their grip, heading to Turkey, the stronghold of the remnants of the former regime, and automatically directing himself to Al-Burhan, who a little while ago was crawling to normalise with Israel, has only the resistance camp with little support from the Ukrainian army, which officially said that it helped him come out of hiding and supported him with weapons in Khartoum and Darfur to limit the arrival of gold to Russia and the UAE.

In short, after two years and more, the war in Sudan has moved out of the logic of internal social conflict and turned into a global proxy war, led by the comprador in which the machines of global capitalism and its desire for expansionism and control over Sudan’s resources and geopolitical location. The imperialist expansionist proxy war against Sudan, its people, its revolution and its wealth.