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Let’s Discuss the Fascist Elephant in the Room

Report and reaction to the Nakba Day commemoration being met with extreme brutality from the German police, followed by an interview with German lawyer.

Roser Gari Perez
23/05/2025

Police violently pull demonstrator from crowd.

On the day commemorating the 77th anniversary of the start of the Nakba, Israel carried out one of the worst attacks in what has been a relentless genocide. For 24-36 hours, it razed schools, hospitals, and what little life remains in Gaza. Preliminary figures speak of 300 people wounded or killed, plus those still lying under the rubble. And just a few hours later, it began its ground invasion with the aim to occupy the entire Gaza Strip and eliminate or expel the remaining Palestinians. However, the German news is not reporting this suffocating assault.

We began the week with news of the trip by the president of the genocidal state, Herzog, to the German capital. There, he was received by the newly elected chancellor Merz of the CDU, and together they discussed future holidays on a wonderful beach in Tel Aviv, a city that a few weeks ago became twinned with Berlin. German media also reported on the state visit to Israel by the president of the German republic, Steinmeier of the SPD. There, the German president had a pleasant meeting with the proscribed war criminal Netanyahu. With these meetings, the new German government has made its international policy clear: total alignment with the fascist and genocidal government of the colonialist state of Israel.

This position was all the more evident at Thursday’s rally commemorating the Nakba in Berlin. This year, pro-Palestinian activists in the city—who have endured institutional and police violence for years, and which has been exacerbated in the last 19 months—issued an international call for solidarity. Groups from different countries responded to the invitation and came to the German capital. The intention to hold a remembrance march was quickly thwarted.

For months now, the police and the Berlin government have unconstitutionally banned marches, meaning that only static rallies can be held, restricting movement and confining oppositional voices. They’ve also pulled various ‘bans’ out of their sleeves, like not speaking any language other than German or English, which excludes languages important to the attendees, like Arabic, Yiddish, and Hebrew. They’ve criminalised certain slogans like ‘from the river to the sea’ or ‘Zionists are fascists’ or ‘children-murder Israel,’ and they’ve “banned” drums and music.

For over a year now, anti-genocide rallies, marches, and events have been surrounded and attacked by violent Berlin police who are out of control and clearly believe they are above the law. And to a large extent, they are.

Sign from Nakba Day, reads, “Germany, you decided to behave like an accomplice!!! Maybe you are an accomplice?! Not me!!!"

Photo by Xénia Gomes Adães

This brings us to 15 May 2025. When the organisations of the Nakba demonstrations were notified that they would, yet again not be allowed to march, a group of lawyers promptly tried to defend the freedom of assembly and expression that anyone who considers themselves to live in a real democracy should have. They presented an appeal with the Berlin city administrative court and surprisingly the judges ruled in their favour. The assembly authority, part of the police force, quickly appealed to the higher court instance, where they ruled in favour of the assembly authority and banned the participants from marching just 30 minutes before the demonstration was supposed to begin. The police clearly counted on the judiciary’s support and had already set up cordons around the square and stationed trucks and commandos in all the adjacent streets. Even those of us who have attended anti-genocide demonstrations over the past 19 months were surprised by the incredibly disproportionate presence of riot police, who came prepared with pepper spray, non-regulation gloves, dogs, and water trucks, in addition to their batons and service pistols.

The police obviously had orders to make mass arrests and escalate until the protest became unbearable. At the beginning of the rally, they checked banners and confiscated flag poles so that they could not be used as weapons. During the more than four hours that the rally lasted, the police made frequent brutal incursions into the crowd and took people away in painful manoeuvres designed, among other things, to frighten the rest. After hours of arrests and indiscriminate attacks, the police surrounded the demonstrators. Further, while a Jewish activist from the International Jewish Anti-Zionist Network (IJAN), who had come from Great Britain to show their support, spoke of the historic struggle of the Jewish people against injustice and the absolute need for solidarity with the Palestinian people, dozens of police officers climbed onto and/or surrounded the truck where the speeches were being made and arrested some of those present. From then on, it was even more of a bloodbath; so much so that several police officers suffered bruises and injuries to their hands.

Seeing the videos and the brutality with which they beat defenceless demonstrators, who after 19 months of abuse have still remained peaceful, as the videos clearly show, one wonders, with those iron-reinforced gloves, how hard they are hitting them to injure their hands?

Needless to say, over 30 protesters were injured, including some with broken noses, head lacerations, and head traumas, and four were seriously injured while in police custody. Not only that, but the paramedics who came to assist some of the injured people were in many cases denied access to their patients, and in a few occasions the paramedics themselves were also victims of police brutality.

It is estimated that the number of detainees is about 88, in some of the most brutal arrests we have seen so far. Some of whom spent 24-48 hours in detention with literally just hard bread and water.

In true Israeli army style, the police attacked, arrested, and searched independent journalists who were there covering the event, preventing them from doing their job while defending Zionist journalists, including a couple who collaborate with openly Nazi media outlets.

And what does the German press have to say about this? With a few honourable exceptions, such as junge Welt, the German press has done the same as it does with the genocide. It has repeated word for word the information given by the police, without of course checking its veracity, and has flipped the narrative, making the injured police officers the victims of the mob. Not a word about the fact that these injuries were self-inflicted while they were beating up the demonstrators.

This narrative is once again used again by politicians, who claim that the police have defended the German rule of law from dangerous imported antisemitism. They take another step down this racist, Nazi-style path, announcing new measures against these dangerous foreigners and trying to ban all solidarity with Palestine.

Meanwhile, many Germans—misled by state-funded propaganda and confused by the narratives promoted in their media— have found convenient justification to stay off the streets in solidarity with Palestine, even after 19 months of genocide, even though they are privately beginning to think that Israel is going too far.

These, and all the measures announced so far by the new German government, suggest that fascism, at least for the migrant part of society, has already arrived. Freedom of expression, assembly, and the press are clearly being curtailed. And following the rules of all good authoritarians, as Orwell so aptly put it, everything is being sold as actions taken to defend Germany from antisemitism and to guarantee freedom of assembly and expression.

Without immediate and forceful reaction from the German population these measures will soon be applied to other inconvenient groups, from trade unions to climate activists, appropriating even more of the meagre space they have left to dissent.

All this, in addition to the German government’s aspirations to have the largest army in Europe, should make even a nascent historian’s hair stand on end.

It is time to act. Within Germany, join groups and do not stop speaking out, whether on the street, at work, or in your private life.

Outside Germany, boycott. Don’t come. If you are a tourist, make it clear to airlines, hotels, etc. why you are not coming. If the state has invited you to work or study, explain in your letter of resignation that it is all of us, united, who will stop fascism.

Today more than ever, ¡No pasarán!, and with coordination, ¡Berlin será la tumba del fascismo!.

Interview with lawyer Benjamin Düsberg

After the police attacks on the Nakba demonstration, Roser spoke to Benjamin Düsberg, who, among other things, is the lawyer for some of the Berlin 4.

Before the march for the 77th anniversary of the ongoing Nakba, I think one of the solidarity lawyers went to the first court instance to fight for the right to march, which was at first allowed. And then what happened after?

Exactly. For several months now, it’s generally forbidden for pro-Palestinian demonstrations to march at all, which is a scandal in itself. And surprisingly, for the Nakba demo, the administration court overturned the decision of the Berlin police to forbid marching, so it seemed that the Nakba demo was going to be allowed to march. Then, the police complained about this decision, and the higher administrative court overruled the administration court and reinstalled the ban.

But can the police forbid the march? Do they have the power to do that, or is it a court’s decision?

According to the Berlin law which regulates the assemblies, the police, under specific circumstances, may have the power to forbid marching. But, of course, this needs a solid legal justification. This means they must establish why the ban is necessary to maintain public security. But in fact, there’s no valid legal justification for such a ban. There is no empirical proof that a demonstration causes fewer problems because it’s not allowed to march. The opposite is true: the potential for escalation is much higher if the assembly is not allowed to march. Apart from that empirical question, the freedom to march is at the core of the fundamental right of freedom of assembly.

The Berlin police argued that the pro-Palestinian demonstrations, in general, are inclined to break laws and to prevent this, they say it’s necessary to forbid marching. The administration court, which is there to check such decisions of the police, didn’t follow this argument but was then overruled by the higher administration court.

And you were there, no? Do you know how many people got arrested?

According to the numbers from the organizers of the demo, there were about 88 people arrested.

And could you speak to some of them? Could you help them?

Yes, to some of them I had contact, but of course there were too many arrests to have contact with everyone. Two protestors were kept in preventive detention in the police prison, one of them for more than 50 hours. The argumentation was to prevent their participation in other pro-Palestinian demonstrations, which allegedly would instigate them to commit demonstration related crimes.

What were they accused of?

One of those persons was accused of resisting and assaulting police officers.

You’ve been in a few, I guess, pro-Palestinian marches. Did you see an escalation in police violence in this one?

I’m not sure if it was an escalation because the repression against pro-Palestinian demonstrations is generally very intense. But the pictures and videos I saw from this demonstration are really awful. Yes, I have seen a lot, but I was still astonished by this time.

The Nakba demo seems to have been a record day in the number of arrests, but according to some newspapers, we have just about 7000 processes in Berlin. Considering the demos have been largely, if not almost entirely pacifist, what charges are people facing?

At demonstrations, it almost always begins with so-called ‘thought crimes,’ e.g., slogans deemed illegal by the police, such as ‘from the river to the sea,’ among others. Arrests by the police usually happen without warning, so even minor defensive movements by those arrested or bystanders often lead to accusations of resistance or assault, which in turn lead to further violent arrests. University occupations involve charges such as trespassing. In some cases, even linking arms during such occupations is considered resistance to law enforcement officers.

The racial fantasies of white victimhood

Afrikaner refugees are the latest addition to Trump’s tools of white supremacy

Andrei Belibou

White (perhaps marble) statue showing a man, woman, and child cowering as another figure marches past.

A few days ago, Grok started losing it. “HBO’s streaming service has changed names twice since 2020,” Elon Musk’s AI pet responded to an X (Twitter) user inquiry about the latest renaming. But it soon veered into a different topic: “Regardind ‘white genocide’ in South Africa,” Grok mused, the “truth is complex and sources can be biased.”

This pattern was followed in many other posts, as the AI bot introduced the matter of “white genocide” into answers to all sorts of unrelated issues. xAI blamed this behavior on an “unathorised modification.” Authorized or not, Grok’s short-lived crusade to both-side a conspiracy theory about the state of white South Africans fits larger X trends. Musk, himself a born-and-bred white South African, has been using his account to repeatedly claim that his peers who are still in the country are subject to racist discrimination, biased legislation, and genocidal violence from their Black co-nationals and politicians.

What was new when Grok went rogue was that claims of white genocide were no longer just the subject of online rants but official US policy. Afrikaners, the descendants of Dutch settlers in South Africa, are now able to apply for refugee admission to the United States if they can “articulate a past experience of persecution or fear of future persecution.” The first group of such refugees entered the US on May 12.

That white South Africans are on the brink of genocide, or even any sort of systematic oppression, is a tenuous claim, and easily refuted. But the truth has never stopped either X users nor the US administration. The former, a group whose racism has become more and more open since Elon Musk’s takeover, flooded the platform with pictures of Afrikaner families waving American flags. The purpose is to show that this is what “real refugees” look like, in contrast with supposed military-aged young men and economic migrants.

Online racists, however, now speak with the voice of the American state––or maybe it is the other way around. President Donald Trump himself is convinced that post-apartheid South Africa is hell for Afrikaners, a nightmare world in which Black sadists have the power to torture honest white citizens. According to tell-all books from those close to him, a booming genre in the last few years, his preoccupations with the matter go back to the 1990s, when he reacted to a prediction about a non-white majority US with “This isn’t going to become South Africa.” The idea of accepting Afrikaner refugees was already floated by Trump in 2019.

The US far right’s fascination with white colonists in Africa goes back even further than that. More than South Africa, its focus has been the Rhodesian war, in which Black forces defeated a white nationalist holdout government to establish Zimbabwe. This colonial refusal to submit to majority rule is now a romanticized story of resistance for the online and offline far-right in the US, making its appearance in places from “Make Zimbabwe Rhodesia Again” caps to mass shooters sporting Rhodesian flags. The connection is not just symbolic: historian Kyle Burke has traced how US mercenaries who fought on behalf of the Rhodesian regime came back to their country and became founding figures of the contemporary far-right.

For these mercenaries, Burke notes, “the dissolution of Rhodesia after 1978 foretold a frightening future that might befall the United States,” a future planned by “communists, liberals, African Americans, Jews, and foreigners.” For Trump, the dissolution of the apartheid order in South Africa similarly prefigured a world in which white Americans become victims. In the last few months, this specter of white victimhood converged with Trump’s second-term “war on woke” and with the United States’ legitimation of Israel’s war on Gaza to lead to concrete state action.

South Africa was one of the explicit targets of the Trump administration’s concerted effort to cut all foreign aid offered by the United States. In this case, the point was not simply to reduce useless, “woke” spending, but to punish and discipline a state involved in “egregious actions.” These included not only South Africa’s “shocking disregard of its citizens’ rights,” but also its “aggressive positions towards the United States and its allies, including accusing Israel, not Hamas, of genocide.”

Following a history of mutual support between Israel and apartheid South Africa, the post-apartheid state is now being punished for daring to take Israel to the International Court of Justice. Antisemitism and the bolstering of post-colonial racial hierarchies become imbricated, as Deputy Secretary of State Christopher Landau went even further and compared anti-Afrikaner discrimination with the story of his father, who “was born in Europe and had to leave his country when Hitler came in.” But while antisemitism is invoked to discipline and deport anti-genocide activists in the US, the antisemitic online rants of one of the Afrikaner refugees have had no effect on his admission to the country.

The connection between domestic politics, geopolitics, and diplomacy go even further than that. The White House’s enumeration of egregious actions that it accuses the South African Government of includes implementing “policies designed to dismantle equal opportunity in employment, education, and business.” This is a direct externalization of Trump’s anti-DEI policies and language, one of the principal directions of the new administration. The aggressive gutting of diversity initiatives in US employment and education were justified precisely through the claims that these policies privilege racial minorities in an unfair, even racist manner.

The paranoid assumption underpinning these accusations is that there is a widespread bias against whites in the US and beyond. Anti-DEI measures are meant to correct the ignored plight of white Americans, who cannot get by anymore, not because of capitalism, but because all jobs are offered to unqualified people of color. When addressing the “white genocide” in South Africa, Trump employs the same argument. If it were non-white victims, the media would “talk about it. That would be the only story they talk about.” But because the genocide targets white farmers, “it’s a genocide that’s taking place that you people don’t want to write about.”

The land expropriation bill that US commentators keep pointing to as proof of white discrimination is neither an arbitrary dictatorial measure nor a definitive solution to the lingering racist structures of post-apartheid South Africa. But this matters little. The white victimhood fantasy fulfills several functions, none of which depend on accuracy and truth. It presents colonial and racial hierarchies as natural and merit-based. It transforms any struggle against these hierarchies into a personal attack against white people. And it paints a picture of systemic repression that morally justifies actions supporting white supremacy as acts of resistance.

This worldview is a strong personal commitment for white men in power. Under journalist pressure about the speed and unfairness of accepting Afrikaner refugees into the US, a Department of State spokesperson repeatedly deferred to what the President “has said,” “has identified,” “has been clear on,” to what the President considers “a priority.” No wonder that, in March, South Africa’s ambassador to the US called out Trump’s use of white victimhood in service of supremacism and was promptly expelled. The US President’s personal directive to admit Afrikaner refugees united the domestic dismantling of racial liberalism with an ongoing diplomatic dispute and with what South African journalist William Shoki calls “the administration’s fascination with old-style colonialism.”

As Shoki writes in the same profile of Elon Musk, the South African billionaire turned US Presidential right-hand man “represents an unresolved question: What happens when settler rule fails but settlers remain?” The arrival of Afrikaner refugees in the US inscribes the country’s racist regime into a global colonial order that extends from the US to Africa to Israel. This order has never been uncontested, and settler rule or its legacy continues to be under attack. But the order’s beneficiaries also respond with vicious resistance. The fantasies of white victimhood, reinforced by policies, by the media, and by online AI bots, legitimate this resistance and so legitimate colonial rule itself.

News from Berlin and Germany, 21st May 2025

Weekly news round-up from Berlin and Germany

The Left Berlin
21/05/2025

NEWS FROM BERLIN

Berlin teachers walk out for three days

Teachers, educators and social workers at Berlin schools have begun a warning strike, called by the GEW education union. Their main demands? Smaller class sizes and a collective agreement on health protection. The Berlin Senate has so far refused to negotiate, citing its obligations as part of a national wage agreement between Germany’s states. The timing of the strike drew criticism – not only from Berlin’s education senator Katharina Günther-Wünsch (CDU), who called it “irresponsible,” but also from students, given that it is exam period. The GEW defended its decision. “Each school with exams is only affected on one day,” said Berlin GEW co-lead Martina Regulin. Source: theberliner

NEWS FROM GERMANY

Death suits it well

Rheinmetall is profiting greatly from the business of death. Over the past ten years, the company’s share price has “achieved a phenomenal performance with an increase of well over 2,000%,” CEO Armin Papperger exulted at the armaments group’s Annual General Meeting last Tuesday. Beyond that, Rheinmetall is anticipating a “security policy decade with extensive investment programmes over the next ten to 15 years.” With government orders making more than six billion euros since 2022, Rheinmetall has long seen itself as “the leading industrial partner” of Germany. Some days ago, around 1,800 people protested against weapons production at the Rheinmetall site in Berlin. Source: jW

Die Linke Left must not cave in to the Zentralrat der Juden

Following Die Linke’s decision to base its definition of antisemitism on the “Jerusalem Declaration” instead of the IHRA (International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance), the Zentralrat der Juden in Deutschland (Central Council of Jews in Germany) has sharply attacked the party. Even if it is true that those affected usually know best what discrimination is, it would be fatal if the Left were to give in to their demands. Many Jewish diaspora organisations are calling for exactly the opposite, rejecting the IHRA definition. And Palestinians are also greatly affected by this issue. What should not be discussed are the expulsion plans in Gaza, which violate international law. Source: nd

Dobrindt bans the “Kingdom of Germany”

A few days after taking office, Federal Minister of the Interior Alexander Dobrindt banned what is currently the largest group of so-called Reich citizens and self-governed citizens. The organisation calls itself the “Kingdom of Germany” and is said to have around 6,000 followers across the country. According to the Ministry of the Interior in Berlin, police forces searched buildings and flats used by the organisation in seven federal states. Four men were arrested, among them Peter Fitzek, who describes himself as the “King” and “Supreme Sovereign.” They will now be brought before an investigating judge at the Federal Court of Justice in Karlsruhe. Source: nd

Berlin and London develop joint long-range weapon

The Bundeswehr is to become “the strongest conventional army in Europe”. That ambitious goal was set by Federal Chancellor Friedrich Merz (CDU) in his first statement in the Bundestag. “We must be able to defend ourselves so that we don’t have to defend ourselves,” emphasised the new head of government about the threat posed by Russia. This is to be done in coordination with European partners. Germany is now placing a particular focus on military cooperation with the UK. The so-called Trinity House Agreement, named after the place in London where it was signed by the UK and Germany, represents the first pact of its kind. Source: dw

Border controls “only feasible for a few more weeks”

According to the police union GdP, the German government’s tightened border controls cannot be maintained in the long term, amid concerns the German rules could break EU law. The CDU/CSU is satisfied with the results so far. Interior Minister Alexander Dobrindt and Markus Söder (CSU, CSU) also defended those measures last week. For the SPD’s interior affairs expert Lars Castellucci, however, the German approach harbours dangers. “With stricter border controls and uncoordinated rejections, including of asylum seekers, we run the risk that our European neighbours will abandon the common course of asylum reform in Europe and rely on national measures,” Castellucci affirmed. Source: taz

Video footage from a bar: AfD spokesperson wanted to let refugees into the country to gas them

The AfD parliamentary group in the Bundestag has dismissed its former press spokesperson Christian Lüth following reports of inhumane statements about migrants in a ProSieben channel documentary. When asked “whether it would be in your (Lüth’s, editor’s note) interest for more migrants to come,” he answered: “Yes, because then the AfD will be better off. We can always shoot them all later. That’s not an issue at all. Or gas them, or whatever you like. I don’t care!” Faction leader Alexander Gauland announced he had personally informed Lüth of his dismissal, a decision that was unanimous in the executive committee of the parliamentary group. Source: tagesspiegel

Election Results and Structural Fraud in Ecuador

We call on social movements and left-wing parties in Germany to denounce the serious disruption of the democratic order in Ecuador

Bloque Latinoamericano Berlin
20/05/2025

From the Bloque Latinoamericano Berlin, we join the voices denouncing the structural fraud in the electoral process in Ecuador. This is not just a matter of manipulating the vote count in favour of Daniel Noboa, but of an election that took place under an authoritarian regime with anti-democratic practices: from the illegal candidacy of the president to the state of emergency on the eve of the second round. In light of this fraudulent and militarised situation, we demand that legal channels be opened for an independent investigation into the violations of the Code of Democracy that affected the electoral process as a whole, and we support the request for an audit of the National Electoral Council’s computer system.

What happened in the second round?

The 2025 electoral process in Ecuador took place in a context of heightened violence, fear-mongering, and anti-democratic attacks by the government of Daniel Noboa, who did not even request leave from office to run for president. In the first round on February 9th, the gap between Noboa (44.17%) and Luisa González (44%), the candidate of the Citizens’ Revolution (Revolución Ciudadana), was only 0.17%. Leonidas Iza, the Pachakutik candidate, came in third with 5.25% of the vote. Between the first and second rounds on April 13th, the Citizens’ Revolution and Pachakutik, together with left-wing movements, signed a historic agreement with 25 programme points to support González’s candidacy and committed themselves to promoting a process of national unity. All 13 polls, including those conducted by the ruling party, indicated that González was leading the race.

Given these circumstances, the result announced by the National Electoral Council on April 13th came as a surprise to everyone. Noboa was declared the winner with 55.63% of the vote, ahead of González’s 44.37%. The difference of more than 10 points seems implausible in a contest that, although close, never showed such a large gap. González did not accept the result: “The Citizen Revolution has always recognised defeat when the statistics have shown it. (…) We are going to ask for a recount and for the ballot boxes to be opened. (…) The country is facing the biggest and most grotesque fraud that we Ecuadorians have ever witnessed.”

The Citizen Revolution-Challenge alliance filed challenges to nearly 2,000 ballot papers showing numerical and signature inconsistencies. However, at its session on April 24th, the CNE dismissed these challenges and proclaimed the results of the second round, confirming Noboa as the winner. From this date, political organisations have two days to appeal this decision and three more days to file appeals with the Contentious Electoral Tribunal.

As popular movements that raise the banner of truth and justice, we know that the legal battle will be arduous and exhausting, but we must fight with all the tools at our disposal and on all fronts.

An undemocratic, fraudulent and irregular electoral process

The movements that make up the popular camp inside and outside Ecuador have received the CNE’s election results with great concern, alertness, and open questions. We already knew that the playing field was uneven, as the race did not take place under even the most minimal democratic conditions. However, we may have erred in not emphasising even more in our previous analyses the profoundly anti-democratic implications of the electoral and criminal violations, alongside the escalation of persecution, intimidation, and dirty campaigning by Noboa’s extreme right-wing regime. It was a process riddled with irregularities from start to finish, ones that violated both the Constitution and the Code of Democracy. These violations were possible because the authoritarian regime has co-opted all the bodies that, in theory, should be autonomous and independent, mainly the Attorney General’s Office, the Constitutional Court, the Electoral Court and the National Electoral Council.

The American Association of Jurists concludes that “the elections held under these conditions must be considered a structurally fraudulent process” due to the misuse of executive power, violations of constitutional and electoral regulations, the undue concentration of power and violations of international law, irregularities and manipulation during and after the process, as well as statistical anomalies. It is the electoral process as a whole, lacking democratic guarantees, that various organisations and movements, including ours, are denouncing as structural fraud in Ecuador.

Let us name some of the scandalous irregularities: Noboa could never have been a ‘president-candidate’, a legal aberration; he should have requested leave and appointed the elected vice-president, Verónica Abad. Not only did this procedure not take place, but the Electoral Court sanctioned Abad with the suspension of her political rights. This sanction was the culmination of the political persecution against Abad unleashed by Noboa in 2023. During the campaign, Noboa made illegal and illegitimate use of huge amounts of public resources, both to issue bonds for patronage purposes and to hire international artists and mercenaries such as Erik Prince, founder of the US paramilitary company Blackwater (which participates in wars around the world, such as in Iraq and Afghanistan), for his campaign.

The privatisation of the iron fist. Erik Prince in operation with 650 military and police officers to raid homes (Photo: Gerardo Menoscal / AFP)

The regime deliberately obstructed the exercise of political rights by the population in the provinces where the Citizen Revolution won in the first round, slowing down the issuance of identity cards during the election period and escalating the violation of rights on the eve of the second round. On April 12th, Noboa declared the ninth state of emergency of his term across five provinces on the coast (Guayas, Los Ríos, Manabí, Santa Elena and El Oro), two provinces in the Amazon region (Orellana and Sucumbíos), in a canton that is the epicentre of the anti-mining struggle (Camilo Ponce Enríquez in the province of Azuay), in Quito, in two other cantons, and in all prisons. This authoritarian executive order suspends citizens’ constitutional rights and guarantees for 60 days, such as freedom of assembly and movement, as well as the inviolability of the home and correspondence.

In turn, the civil-military regime imposed a curfew in 22 cities between 10 p.m. and 5 a.m. Polling stations were changed at the last minute or closed prematurely. Ecuadorians living in Venezuela were banned from voting. In preparation for the second round, at the request of Noboa, the National Electoral Council implemented a controversial ban on voters photographing their ballots under penalty of a fine, thus restricting individual freedoms. As a result, the personal data of many citizens who used their mobile phones in the voting booth were recorded on lists. There are reports of intimidation by military personnel who threatened those who used their phones for audiovisual recording anywhere on the premises, particularly delegates from accredited political organisations monitoring the election.

Irregularities have been reported in all phases of the counting process, from the counting at the polling stations to the digitisation centres. For example, many counting reports arrived without the signatures of the members of the polling station and the delegates of the political organisations present. In addition, the preliminary report of the Electoral Observation Mission of the Organisation of American States states that “at the time of closing and counting, both in overseas voting and in the national territory, the Mission observed that problems were encountered because the ink used to mark the ballots transferred between political options when they were folded, due to the symmetry of the design. This situation caused confusion in the interpretation of the vote and, in some cases, led to its annulment”. The statistical anomalies in provinces where González not only failed to gain votes but lost large numbers of votes between the first and second rounds are highly suspicious. The list of irregularities continues to grow day by day and has been documented and substantiated by various organisations.

We also denounce the intensification of political persecution following the April 13th elections. The repressive forces of the State and the immigration authorities have received lists with the names and photos of militants of the Citizen Revolution, members of social movements and alternative media outlets. The systematic attacks by the right wing against leaders of the plurinational-popular camp, such as Leonidas Iza, keep us on alert. We call on the international community to be vigilant in the face of the radicalisation of a civil-military regime that is using the most sinister practices derived from the doctrine of the internal enemy.

Fraud that matters, fraud that doesn’t…

All these irregularities during the electoral process are not isolated cases or decisions taken by the executive and other state functions in an accidental and unpremeditated manner, but rather respond to intertwined strategies to destabilise democracy, attack progressive and left-wing forces and violate the political and social rights of the population as a whole.

In the analysis we published prior to the elections, we emphasised the structural reasons and oligarchic interests at stake in the escalation of narco-violence in Ecuador. We also argued why the Agreement for Life between the Citizen Revolution and Pachakutik seemed to us to be the correct response in the run-up to the second round. However, we failed to highlight more explicitly that this was not a normal election between candidates from different political sides, but rather an authoritarian and structurally flawed electoral process. In this sense, the election, beyond being between the candidate of the progressive left and the right-wing drug trafficker-president, was an election between democracy and authoritarianism. What is at stake is the possibility of rebuilding democratic minimums or deepening the free fall towards authoritarianism with fascist practices carried out by Noboa.

The playing field has always been tilted in favour of the economic and political interests of the current regime, and the fraudulent electoral process is a dangerous sign of the consolidation of increasingly authoritarian power in the government. Just as there was no respect for human rights or democratic guarantees for the four Afro-Ecuadorian children murdered by the state in Guayaquil, there are no democratic guarantees for the entire Ecuadorian people to decide who will govern their country for the next four years. We are thus facing a breakdown of the rule of law in Ecuador that has reached a climax with the current structural fraud.

This scandal adds to the worrying setback of the rights fought for and won by workers and the plurinational-popular movements in the countryside, to neoliberal policies of hunger and terror, to the militarisation of impoverished neighbourhoods and to the obscene enrichment of the oligarchy, not despite but thanks to the growing level of violence that it has itself caused in order to profit from drug trafficking and illicit economies.

But since Ecuador is not Venezuela, the international community seems unconcerned about considering Noboa’s government illegitimate and imposing sanctions on Ecuador for electoral fraud. There are allegations of fraud that matter to the international right-wing narrative in order to reaffirm its condemnation of any government not allied with imperialism; and there is fraud that goes unnoticed because it allows Latin America to remain the Yankees’ backyard. Today’s Ecuador is no longer just the backyard, but has been turned into a sacrifice zone where techniques of militarised social control, repression of dissident voices, and annihilation of bodies considered disposable are being experimented with at an unprecedented speed. The necropolitical state murders impoverished children, while the oligarchy sells out the country and the global ruling classes accumulate wealth.

Where are the ‘democrats’ of the world who tore their clothes demanding that the polls be opened in Venezuela? The only leaders who have not recognised the results of the elections in Ecuador have been Gustavo Petro in Colombia, claiming that “there are no free elections under a state of siege”,’ and Claudia Sheinbaum in Mexico, who described the results as “dubious”, reaffirming that she will not resume relations with Ecuador after the unprecedented assault by police and military forces on the Mexican embassy in Quito in April 2024.

Who said all is lost?

As part of the popular forces and the Latin American diaspora in Germany, as internationalists, we denounce the irregularities that occurred during the electoral process in Ecuador, just as we have previously denounced the systematic violation of rights under Noboa’s neoliberal regime of death. We urgently call on social movements and left-wing parties in Germany to denounce the serious disruption of the democratic order in Ecuador.

We call for the continued building of left-wing political organisations and social movements that can respond to the most urgent needs of the Ecuadorian people now and in the future. In the face of Noboa’s narco-state policies, which are tearing apart the social fabric, the response is and will always be popular organisation and compassion, in order to build and dream of an Ecuador where children’s lives are not at risk, where the land, water and dignity are not plundered.

As a migrant organisation in Germany, we are committed to consolidating our political community, which is active in solidarity with what is happening on the other side of the Atlantic. Together with sister collectives such as SoliSur, we have organised a series of political and cultural meetings to collectively analyse the situation in Ecuador and to accompany each other as a community in these difficult times. We invite you to join us in our spaces to continue fighting together for a better future for Ecuador.¹⁰

We embrace our Ecuadorian brothers and sisters in this difficult time and stand in solidarity with their pain. Hope is a fire that is difficult to extinguish, but our peoples have known how to resist centuries of horror, dictatorships, genocide and cipayos. Against Noboa and his regime of terror, we will also resist!

Let us fan the flames of hope, of hard-baked clay, of the soul of the green hills, of the light and blood of our people, of the sun of our ancestors.

Cultural gathering for hope, Casa Popular Marielle Franco, Berlin (13 April 2025)

This article originally appeared in Spanish on the Bloque Latinoamericano website. Translation: Roser Gari Perez, Reproduced with permission.

Perma Future

A project of self-sufficiency

The Left Berlin

Perma Future began because of the necessity to make a life that would have little impact on our Planet: we wanted to fulfill our primary desires for luxury and comforts, only when those were matched with respect and renovation of resources for future generations.

Nowadays we are experts in all-year-round vegetable and fruit growth and preservation, we work the land without using any machinery, and we can feed 100+ families with organic, super tasty, fresh food.

Open, free event for life-passionate people

160+ vegetables don’t plant themselves!

Thanks to @berlinleft we are gathering forces of all people who love nature and need to connect to with it. 🙂

Our farm will open its gates on Saturday, 24th May, and make a collective day full of light-hearted fun, sincere community and humble grounding.

Altogether with regenerative food and a warm sauna… sounds like a good plan? 🙂

DM us or @berlinleft for all details 🙂

See you numerous and happy on Saturday!

Benny and MaVie