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Heyva Sor a Kurdistane

Aid for Kurdistan


16/02/2023

Heyva Sor a Kurdistane was founded in 1993 in Bochum, Germany. Since then the charity, with its 190 volunteers spread across Germany, has grown with each day and become a beacon of hope for people in crisis. Kurdish Red Moon runs to the aid of vulnerable people under all conditions and is the only aid organization of Kurdistan. Kurdish Red Moon has endeavoured to help, aid and reach people with its brochure. Furthermore, as we value transparency, all our work has been made public.

Our Vision

Kurdish Red Moon, through compassion and readiness, has made it a principle to work on the basis of transparency and meticulousness, to ensure funds reach families in need safely. This vision ensures the importance of cooperation of all branches of society and values every contribution to help people in need and alleviate their suffering.

Our Mission

Kurdish Red Moon’s purpose is to carry out its activities in light of universal values and principles, with the aim to bring assistance free from discrimination in its national and international capacity to alleviate human suffering in Kurdistan and wherever it may be found, with precedence to

  • War zones and areas experiencing the effects of war;
  • Disaster areas;
  • Areas of poverty in all countries and regions.

Fundamental Principles

  • To build bridges between those in need and those willing to help.
  • To make no discrimination when relieving the suffering of individuals.
  • To master the understanding of being diligent in cooperation.
  • To be responsible and guiding in our duty.
  • Not to interfere but support endeavors with our involvement.
  • To make it our duty to endlessly follow-up on our aid.
  • To demonstrate our unity and carry out our efforts committedly.
  • Not to expect any gain or compensation for our actions.
  • To communicate our fundamental principles in shaping our activities and projects.

As the Kurdistan Red Crescent, we express our deep sorrow for those who have lost their lives due to recent earthquakes. In accordance with our duty and responsibility, our organisation has decided to send aid to the earthquake victims as soon as possible. The Kurdistan Red Crescent is only collecting financial aid and will soon meet the families who need urgent help.

On this basis, we appeal to the Kurds and all our friends in Europe and abroad to help the earthquake victims through the Kurdistan Red Crescent.

Donate here.

 

Bertolt Brecht (and me)

Veteran socialist Victor Grossman on the importance of the Communist playwright


15/02/2023

For me, Bertolt Brecht and Thomas Mann were the two greatest German authors of the 20th century, and Brecht, a believer in socialism – and a fighter for it – is admittedly closer to my heart than Mann.

In my three different US high schools or first three years at Harvard I had never even heard the name of Bertolt Brecht. A highly-literate comrade in our Communist group at Harvard first told me of this “leading German author,” in 1948, but I did not get to reading any of his writings until after I had landed in the German Democratic Republic (in 1952).

After becoming a student here, however, at the Karl Marx University in Leipzig, I heard a great deal about Brecht! He was the great favorite of many or most young intellectuals at the time, even to the point of copying his short forward-combed hair, his buttoned up, tie-less shirt or even his love for cigars. The ones who admired and sometimes copied him tended to be critical intellectuals – not those pro-Adenauer-West German types who were hardly likely to read him (or perhaps read any books at all) – but those who were more or less critical of the GDR leadership but not of the GDR in general. For Brecht was decidedly opposed to USA-led western capitalism and anti-Sovietism!

Brecht in exile had never happily integrated into the southern California scene as smoothly as Lion Feuchtwanger, Thomas Mann or his frequent composer and close friend Hanns Eisler. Like so many, he was moved or forced to return to Europe when the hysterical anti-Communist McCarthy era and its House Unamerican Activities Committee tried to browbeat him. He found no welcome – nor theater opportunities – in Zürich (where his plays were known), or in Vienna, the homeland of his actress wife Helene Weigel – and least of all in West Germany, riddled in the cultural (and almost every other) field with ex-Nazis.

But the writer-poet Johannes R. Becher, returned from exile in Moscow and head of the new Kulturbund (Culture Association), and later the first GDR Minister of Culture, was able to attract him to East Berlin, like other prominent exiles such as Anna Seghers, Arnold Zweig, John Heartfield and Heinrich Mann (who died before he could leave California).

In 1949 Brecht was able to form the Berliner Ensemble in East Berlin, soon a magnet for wonderful actors, to produce his plays, and after some energetic maneuvering, to obtain in 1954 his own wonderful theater, the scene of his great triumph with “Threepenny Opera” in 1928, and now, like all theaters in the GDR, financially well-supported by the city government.

In 1956 a fellow-student of mine and ardent Brecht admirer, who had worked as a summer volunteer with his theater, organized a special student excursion to Berlin to see a Brecht play and then meet the master. But alas, the project was suddenly canceled; we believed because of the sometimes strained official relationship with Brecht, who was rarely if ever praised in the official press, though not too sharply criticized either, perhaps because of his growing renown in world-wide literary and theater circles, including the “Threepenny Opera” performed in New York in 1954 with great success (especially the song “Mack the Knife”). Unfortunately, the great sold-out triumph of the Berliner Ensemble in London came after Brecht’s early death in 1956 at the age of 58.

But the productions, just as he staged them, continued to thrill many, many theater-goers in East Berlin, and as long as this was possible, West Berlin visitors as well. I was lucky enough to see most of them: the old favorite “Threepenny Opera,” Helene Weigel starring in lead roles in “Mother Courage” and “The Mother” (based on Maxim Gorky’s book), the great singer-actor Ernst Busch – magnificently – in his leading roles in “Galilei” and “The Caucasian Chalk Circle”, “Schweyk in the Second World War” with the fine singer and actress Gisela May, “Arturo Ui” on the rise of fascism, caricatured in the gangster milieu of Chicago – all of them geared to both laughing and thinking as well – against fascism, war, exploitation. Always sold out, even a back seat in the upper balcony was worth it! Those performances were highpoints in my and East Berlin’s rich cultural life – recollections which I still cherish!

Brecht, though grateful for finally getting the fine theater for his plays, with his trained ensemble, was anything but a yes-man. Never a member of the ruling Socialist Unity Party, but vocal as an honored member of the GDR Academy of Arts, he was often critical of narrow-minded dogmatism (or plain stupidity), above all in the field of culture. Obviously, such criticism was not always welcome – especially by those affected; he was therefore looked upon with a degree of suspicion by some leading official lights – probably explaining why that Berlin student excursion had been canceled.

Anti-Communist media repeatedly quotes his very clever words, written after a stupid statement by a second-rate writer shortly after the angry uprising in the GDR in 1953.

“After the uprising of the 17th of June
The Secretary of the Writers’ Union
Had leaflets distributed in the Stalin Allee
Stating that the people
Had forfeited the confidence of the government
And could win it back only
By redoubled efforts. Would it not be easier
In that case for the government
To dissolve the people and elect another?”

Those who today recall only this quotation in their attempts to misuse Brecht – as another brick in their denigration of the GDR and socialism in general – fail to recall the boycott of his plays in West Germany and Austria and the (vain) attempts to prevent Berliner Ensemble tours to London and Paris. They conveniently forget who helped Brecht and who tried to hurt him – and why!

They hardly recall that, regardless of his sometimes sharp but always constructive criticism, Brecht supported the GDR attempt to build a socialist state in Germany with all his heart. During that same uprising in 1953 he offered his services – to speak in radio and tell people that their grievances were often understandable, often justified, and their participation in redressing them necessary, but warning them not to fall into the trap of supporting  “the other side,” that of “western”, and especially West German capitalism and imperialism. He was, indeed, a dedicated Communist.

Three quotations , better-known to old-timers in East Germany, are as relevant today as they ever were. (Please excuse my clumsy or partial translations. )

“A rich man and a poor man, there they stood,
And judged each other as best they could.
The poor man said, his voice at low pitch,
If I were not poor you’d not be rich. “

+++

“There are men who struggle for a day and they are good. There are men who struggle for a year and they are better. There are men who struggle many years, and they are better still. But there are those who struggle all their lives: These are the indispensable ones.”

+++

“The peoples broke him, yet
Let none of us triumph too soon,
The womb is fertile still from which that crept!”

— From “The Resistible Rise of Arturo Ui”, a parable about Hitler’s rise and defeat, in the final lines addressed to the audience:

+++++++

“The great Carthage waged three wars. It was still powerful after the first, still habitable after the second. It was untraceable after the third.”

No to the Nakba Demo Ban!

An international group of activists and organisers are rallying against a city-wide ban on commemorations of the Nakba last year under the slogan “Freedom of speech is a human right”


14/02/2023

On 15 May 2022, following a city-wide ban on commemorations of the 74th anniversary of the Nakba, the Berlin Police unleashed a campaign of harassment against Palestinians and their supporters — arresting activists and bystanders around the city.

By the end of the day, 27 activists were detained by the police and 25 were fined a total of €8,269.50. Many of us are now challenging the fines in court.

The event marks a serious escalation in the Berlin government’s attempts to punish and criminalize solidarity with Palestine. It is also reflective of a wider assault on the basic democratic rights of assembly and free speech.

More fundamentally, the Berlin government’s actions reflect the complicity of the German state in the continuing oppression of the Palestinian people. This cannot go unchallenged.

In May 1948, in the course of the establishment of the state of Israel, Zionist militias forced around 750,000 Palestinian people from the towns, villages, and cities they called home. This is remembered as the “Nakba”, the Arabic word for catastrophe.

Since then, Israel’s violent agenda of expansion has deprived the Palestinian people of the vast majority of their land. Encircled by walls and turrets, many Palestinians are now condemned to live in open-air prisons, where they have become test subjects for Israel’s technologies of war.

At the time of writing, more than 30 Palestinians had already been killed by Israeli forces since the start of this year. Neither the elderly nor the young are spared. Israel detains up to 700 Palestinian children each year, confining them in prisons where they face systematic abuse.

Germany has a historic obligation to recognize and oppose all human rights violations including what all leading international human rights organizations define as crimes of apartheid and settler violence. But instead of channelling its historical memory towards solidarity with the oppressed, the German state has weaponized it to support and whitewash the crimes of the oppressors: funding and arming the Israeli state while silencing its opponents at home.

That is why we — activists, organizers, and citizens of Germany, the United States, Poland, Syria, and Palestine; Christians, Muslims, Jews, and non-believers alike — are organizing to fight back, supporting those persecuted on Nakba Day, building solidarity with Palestine in Berlin, and ultimately challenging Germany’s attempts to erase Palestinian historical memory.

We invite progressive forces from around the world to join our call.

You can read the German version of this appeal.

On Thursday, 16th February, some of the people who were arrested on Nakba day last year will be in court. Many are now threatened with fines of over €300. Join the protest at midday at the Amtsgericht Moabit (Kirchstraße 6, near U-Bahn Turmstraße).

First signatories of the statement:

  • Elisa Baş (climate activist, BIPoC for Future)
  • Yossi Bartal (Journalist)
  • Dr. Heike Breitenbach (Martin-Buber-Professor for Jewish religion philosophy)
  • Christine Buchholz (former MP, DIE LINKE)
  • Dror Dayan (Senior Lecturer for Media Production and Documentary, Liverpool)
  • Prof. Dr. Ulrich Duchrow (evangelical theologian and social ethicist, Kairos Europe)
  • Fiona Ferguson (councillor, People Before Profit)
  • Georgia Fragkogianni (InterFem Collective e.V.)
  • Wikke Jansen (Institute for Asian and African sciences)
  • Manfred Jeub (former Freiburger school deacon & religious pedagogue)
  • Ferat Koçak (member of the Berlin city council, DIE LINKE)
  • Farah Maraqa (Journalist)
  • Ruth Moshkovitz (Judeobolsheviennists)
  • Safaa Mohajeri (researcher)
  • Nazih Musharbash (Chair of the Deutsch-Palästinensischen Gesellschaft)
  • Paul Murphy (Irish MP and MEP, People Before Profit)
  • Kerem Schamberger (communication scientist)
  • Dr. Anne Schoon (Europa Union Berlin)
  • Dr. Albrecht Schröter (Chair of the city partnership Cologne-Bethlehem)
  • Bríd Smith (Irish MP, People Before Profit)
  • Petet Robinson (United Services Union, Australia)
  • Nine Fumiko Yamamoto (BIPoC Ukraine & friends in Germany)
  • Dr. Anna-Esther Younes (Racism researcher)

France: Movement to defend pensions: can Macron be beaten?

The biggest danger to the rising movement is the timidity of union leaders


13/02/2023

Demonstrations in a record number of towns – over 260 – took place on Saturday Feb 11th, on the fourth day of action to defend pensions in France, as the Pensions Bill begins its four-week debate in the National Assembly. The dynamism of the movement is inspiring, but even many strikers think that the government will never back down. So, can Macron be beaten, and if so, how?

Movements of mass revolt are complex, and it’s always extremely difficult to know which movements will accelerate and send the neoliberal government running for cover and which ones will tire and fade, helped along by the determined “moderation” of trade union leaders and a few minor concessions.

The present movement to stop Macron’s plan to increase the standard retirement age from 62 to 64 certainly has much to inspire anti-capitalists across the globe. “The biggest movement for over thirty years” according to one union leader – that is, since a month-long strike wave in 1995, in which the Paris metro and the French railway network were shut down for weeks on end. That struggle ended in victory when Prime Minister Juppé abandoned his attack on retirement rights in disarray .

At least two million people were on the streets this Saturday 11th February, following the mass one-day strike of Tuesday 7th February. Over 260 towns held protests, including places like Avesnes sur Hepe, which has only 4 000 inhabitants. On a previous day of action, on the 31st January, the town of Guéret in the centre of France had a particularly impressive turnout: 4 300 people demonstrated, out of a population of only 13 700! And Guéret is not an isolated case.

Some workplaces, in particular oil refineries, electricity services and docks, have been going further than the official national union strategy of a weekly day of action. The docks of Le Havre (second largest port in France) and Lorient were blockaded by strikers all week, while electricity workers in a number of regions refused to cut off electricity to families who couldn’t pay, and put hospitals and similar services on cheap rate electricity. “It’s not legal, but it’s moral” said a local leader. 

On Saturday 11th, Air Traffic Controllers at Paris Orly airport called a wildcat strike to join the movement, and half the day’s flights were cancelled. Some factories in private industry, such as Mecachrome in Toulouse, are striking for two hours every day. In the Louvre museum, workers posed with a banner front of Delacroix’s well-known work “Liberty leading the people”, while at the annual classical music prizegiving “Victoires de la musique” one of the musicians gave a much-applauded speech about the importance of defeating Macron’s attack.

Young people are getting more involved in the rebellion, too. This week there were occupations or blockades in universities in Paris, Toulouse, Montpellier, Lille, Clermont, Grenoble and Mulhouse.

General strike?

Under great pressure from the rank and file, some union leaders are acting more radical than usual, but they are sticking with the extremely risky strategy of building up a strike movement very slowly, with strikes of one day a week. Union leaders are promising wider and longer strike action in a month’s time. But there is a real danger that workers will be demoralized by regularly losing a day’s wages without seeing a dynamic, urgent and fast-moving movement which can obviously win. The national joint union statement on Saturday morning declared they intended “to shut France down on the 7th of March” if the government did not retreat. The careful wording was intended to keep the less combative CFDT on board. CFDT leaders immediately went on to say that in their view this was not a call for a general strike. The more radical CGT leaders said that each workplace will decide how long strike action would go on. Many in the movement think that “General Strike now!” would have more chance of victory.

The union leaders’ official excuse is that the movement is popular, and they do not want to risk its popularity by striking during school holidays, which have just begun and are staggered by region over the next month. This argument is always shaky – public opinion does not really do much to defend workers’ conditions. If this were the case, nurses, who are very popular indeed, would be the best paid and best treated of employees! In the present case, it is particularly ridiculous. Over 85% of those who have not yet retired support the movement, and this number has risen over the last three weeks! Sixty-six per cent of the entire population believe that “if the country is blockaded by the strikes the government is mainly responsible”. And only 21% of the population think that the present movement “will quickly run out of steam”.

In the French workers’ movement, there is something called the “renewable strike” which means that strikers meet every day or two and decide whether to continue striking for another 24 or 48 hours. The advantage of this method is that rank and file workers are involved in the discussions, and national trade union leaders no longer control the revolt so much. The disadvantage is that it can lead to workplaces deciding each on their own, with no one putting forward a determined national strategy. How workers are won to renewable strikes, and the links made between the different sectors, will be key to victory.

Political parties

Political parties of left and right are being tested by the revolt. Left wing groupings such as the France Insoumise (FI) and the New Anticapitalist Party have been organizing mass meetings around the country, and on television and in parliament France Insoumise MPs (there are 74 of them) have been loudly defending the movement. Although the main long-term strategy of the FI is to win radical change through parliament, they have made it clear that the strike movement is key. Interviewed by BFMTV on Saturday, FI leader Jean-Luc Mélenchon declared “Mr Macron treats people like cattle… but people entering into the struggle are entering into dignity.” In parliament, Rachel Keke, a Black FI MP who worked for many years as a cleaner before becoming MP, tore strips off Macron; “You have no right to bring to their knees those people who keep France on its feet!” she declared. On Sunday 12th February, the France Insoumise is organizing a seven-hour-long online event, in order to raise money for union strike funds. Nevertheless, the FI leadership maintains, sadly, the old idea that it is for union leaders, not political leaders, to put forward a strategy for winning.

Prime Minister Elizabeth Borne has made tiny concessions in order to get the votes in parliament of the traditional right-wing Republican party. She promises that the five per cent of retirees who started work young will be able to stop at 63, not 64. The Republicans are worried though – huge demos even in their traditional strongholds prey on their minds.

As is generally the case, a rise in class struggle is very bad news for the fascists. 84% of those who voted for the far-right Rassemblement National (RN) in recent elections support the movement, but the RN and its 87 MPs dare not show themselves openly on the demonstrations for fear of being thrown off. But they have been flyposting “No to Macron’s Pensions Reform – join the RN!” posters along the demonstration routes.  Marine le Pen, their leader, does not call for people to go on the streets, and in parliament the RN are reduced to appealing to their hardcore extremists, claiming that stopping immigration would save money to pay for pensions, and that the solution is for white French people to have larger families, encouraged by the state. They are being forced to show how far they stand from working-class interests.

Further days of mobilization have been called for the 16th February and for the 7th March, and some sectors such as the Paris metro have already announced renewable strikes from the 7th March on. Macron can be beaten, if the movement does not listen too much to the professional negotiators at the top of the trade union confederations.

People still wait for help and solidarity, and Erdoğan declares “State of Emergency”!

Statement from Evrensel Daily; paper of ‘The Labour Party” in Turkey; EMEP


12/02/2023

This article from the Labour Party of Turkey early on pointed at Erdoğan’s responsibility both for the construction industry corruption and shoddy constructions, and the completely inadequate efforts after the quake to aid victims.

Criticizing President Tayyip Erdoğan’s decision to declare a State of Emergency in 10 provinces devastated by earthquakes, the Labour Party of Turkey EMEP said, “The people’s need is not a “State of Emergency” but the organization of emergency aid and solidarity.”

In a statement calling for the withdrawal of the state of emergency decree, EMEP said:

“Unfortunately, the most critical hours of the earthquake for people struggling to survive under the rubble were wasted. In freezing cold conditions, lives were extinguished due to hypothermia and frost. The call of “Is anyone there?” – synonymous with the search and rescue teams during the prior Gölcük earthquake trying to reach the survivors, has this time round turned into a gigantic scream from under the mountains of rubble. Following those critical hours, the voices of our people under the rubble are almost no longer heard.”

We wish the government spokespersons’ statements of, “We have reached everywhere, we have control over the situation”, really reflected the truth. But the information coming from the region, the data reaching our party, the screams of despair of people in the news tell a different story. While the public is trying to dig up debris with their bare hands, construction equipment, search and rescue teams, planes and helicopters still have not reached most of the collapsed sites. The survivors, on the other hand, do not have access to food, temporary shelters, tents, heaters, clean water, healthcare or even basic necessities.

While the situation is such, the declaration of a three-months State of Emergency in the 10 provinces by AKP (Justice and Development Party) and President Erdoğan shows how alienated the government is from the people and how afraid they are of the public reaction. The State of Emergency was declared so that the public reaction to the government is not visible, and the facts of the earthquake are not displayed in front of the public any more. The State of Emergency declared in the 10 provinces struck by the earthquakes is also a state of emergency declared over the whole country. It seems that the one-man administration receives the earthquake as a ‘blessing’ and wants to go to the elections under a state of emergency.

The government, which failed to act and fulfill the minimum requirements in saving lives, had already failed to deliver the taxes that were collected for the earthquake; and now failed in mobilizing all the means of the state for the people. Again this shows an ‘extraordinary’ reflex in enacting policies of oppression and intimidation with this State of Emergency.

State of Emergency means the prohibition of strikes, restriction of freedom of speech, the press and expression. It also means a ban on TV and radio broadcasts, that denies the public the right to receive information. The State of Emergency means putting yet another obstacle in the way of public solidarity in disaster areas that the state cannot reach. This decision also means suppressing the poor people’s demands for work, bread and freedom.

The State of Emergency should be withdrawn. Earthquake survivors do not need a State of Emergency, but they do need the organization of emergency aid and solidarity. It is unacceptable to declare a State of Emergency against the public, instead of going after contractors and holding public officials accountable for their mismanagement. The latter put in place negligent and rentier policies, which cost the lives of thousands and injured hundreds of thousands of people.

We call on all forces of labor, democracy and citizens to increase solidarity with earthquake zones and to raise demands for democracy and freedom against anti-democratic practices.”

Originally in  Evrensel Daily 8February, 2023paper of  “The Labour Party” in Turkey; EMEP