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I cannot allow my article on feminist resistance in Iran to be used by a foundation which censors other women’s voices on Palestine

My statement on the Heinrich Böll Foundation’s decision to withdraw from awarding the Hannah Arendt Prize


17/12/2023

Before I begin, I want to say that I write these words with a very heavy heart. A heavy heart for several reasons: for a missed opportunity to bring feminist struggles together transnationally, for yet another experience of how the cycle of precarity works through institutions that have power over one’s material existence, and for yet another failure to see all the precarious hours of work of all the people (inside and outside this institution) dissipated. I am also frightened: I do not know how this will affect me, my economic existence or my life as a migrant in Germany. So it is not in spite of, but because of this fear that I have made this decision.

I am writing this statement as one of the authors who contributed to the Heinrich Böll Foundation Dossier: Feminist Voices Connected: FightingAntifeminismGlobal. My contribution, Feministischer Widerstand aus der Ferne, focused on the continuity of feminist resistance in relation to the political geography of Iran and the dynamics within and across the so-called “Iranian diaspora”.

I was deeply shaken to learn of the Heinrich Böll Foundation’s decision to cancel its participation in the awarding of the Hannah Arendt Prize to the Jewish author Masha Gessen, and its following statement on December 13, which stated: “This (Masha’s) statement is not an offer for open discussion, it does not help to understand the conflict in the Middle East. This statement is not acceptable to us and we reject it,”.

This decision was taken in spite of the fact that four of the authors (including myself) canceled their participation in the Berlin International Conference planned for November due to the statement of the Heinrich Böll Foundation on October 9th and the numerous conversations (including with the board) on this matter and their promises to offer spaces for reflection and to maintain feminist spaces.

I do not see the Heinrich Böll Stiftung’s decision as a singular one, but as a continuation of the wave of repression, boycott and silencing of critical perspectives that has been growing in Germany in recent months: from the cancellation of writers’, artists’, students’ and activists’ events to the complete militarization of the streets of our home here in Berlin. From the serious political consideration of the denaturalization and deportation of migrants in the German parliament to the monitoring and policing of every single word, act or thought (especially if it is racialized or in any way in a vulnerable position) that is allowed to be formulated, articulated and thought. I can’t allow myself and I don’t believe that any form of liberation will ever take place under the supervision of a militarised force and with dictated guidelines, and I didn’t leave the surveillance of my own country to accept another.

For this reason, and in order to remain committed to my feminist principles, I have come to the conclusion that not withdrawing my contribution, especially  one which deals with the feminist solidarity movement in Iran, will only contribute to the further instrumentalization of one struggle to silence the others. I hereby officially withdraw my contribution from the dossier.

I hope that this decision will be seen as a small flip to make the Heinrich Böll Foundation reflect on its role and responsibility in creating such an environment of fear, lack of solidarity and repression.

I stand in solidarity with Masha Gessen and all those especially Jewish and Palestinian siblings who have experienced censorship, repression and cancellation in recent weeks, months and years.  I also stand in solidarity with all those whose material existence, including their right of residence, has been and continues to be constantly threatened and who have been left with no choice but to remain silent.

In order to make this decision economically affordable for me, I have started a crowdfunding campaign to cover the costs of my withdrawal. For those who can, you can donate to this campaign.

With solidarity

Sanaz Azimipour

16. December 2023

Support the GoFundMe campaign to cover the costs of Sanaz’s withdrawal

Oyoun on the Brink: Controversial Closure Raises Questions

Still no reaction from the Berlin Senate | Oyoun has filed a lawsuit | Invitation to the press conference and festival kick-off on December 14-16


13/12/2023

Current Situation: Communication Breakdown

The sudden termination of Oyoun’s assured four-year project funding until 2025 – effective from January 01, 2024 – was announced by Berlin’s Cultural Senator Joe Chialo (CDU) during a live stream of the Cultural Committee on November 20, 2023. The senate has yet to respond to demands for access to documents under the Berlin Freedom of Information Act (IFG) made by Oyoun on the same day. The same goes for all other requests made by Oyoun thereafter.

On November 21st, Oyoun received a message citing the Senate’s refusal to allocate funds for the payment of Oyoun’s staff wages, stating that, “the institution will be re-advertised via public tender.” Particularly sensitive is a further reduction of €35,000 in the ongoing funding rate for December 2023, which remains unpaid to this day.

Unfounded Accusation of Antisemitism

There is no legal basis known for an early revocation of the funding contract between the Senate and Oyoun, as well as the ongoing employment contracts between Oyoun and its employees. Oyoun has explicitly refuted the accusations made by the Senate regarding “hidden antisemitism.”

In its statutes, self-perception, Code of Conduct, a binding code of action, and a consensus of values, Oyoun explicitly opposes antisemitism and rejects any form of hostility towards people.

Unique Cultural Centre Files Lawsuit

Since its opening in March 2020, Oyoun has hosted over 2700 artistic and cultural events. The cultural centre has evolved into a unique hub for decolonial, queer*feminist, and diasporic perspectives for numerous communities. This is also reflected in the reactions to the impending closure: an open letter in solidarity with Oyoun was signed by over 13,000 people worldwide in a very short time.

A crowdfunding campaign to support the legal case against the funding cutoff reached its campaign goal of €72,000 within five days. As all previous mediation offers, requests for discussions, and even legal deadlines from the law firm Myrsini Laaser were ignored by the Senate and on December 7 an official lawsuit was filed.

Scandalous Lack of Transparency and its Effects

Within the scope of the ongoing lease agreement, regular appointments for January are currently being arranged between state-owned companies and Oyoun – a practice that suggests that even internal efforts by the Senate towards an efficient resolution are not currently taking place.

For the over 30 employees of Oyoun, the ongoing uncertainty means that, due to officially ongoing employment contracts, they cannot register as unemployed and fear the withdrawal of their livelihoods – for some, even their residency status is at stake.

Invitation to Press Conference + Festival

All signs indicate that Oyoun is to be made an example of. To draw attention to this intimidation, the associated grievances, the arbitrariness of the Berlin Senate, and the disastrous signal that the closure of Oyoun would have on artistic and freedom of expression in Germany.

Oyoun invites press and media representatives on December 14th at 10:30 a.m. to a press conference at Lucy-Lameck-Str. 32, 12049 Berlin. This event also marks the beginning of the three-day festival, Threads of Resilience.

For more information, contact Tariq Bajwa, Bettina Bender, or Wayra Schübel at Oyoun – kommunikation@oyoun.de

Palestine reading groups: more than just education

Mixing Theory with Practise can inspire people into action


12/12/2023

It all started with a social media post. It was 7th November, exactly one month after the Hamas attack in Southern Israel. Israel’s response had been murderous, with targeted bombings of hospitals, schools and residential areas. After an initial ban of all demonstrations against this terror, Berlin had started to see some sizeable ones – sizeable by German standards at least, but we’ll come to that.

This is the context in which Hanna, one of the speakers of the Berlin LINKE Internationals made the following post in theleftberlin internal Telegram channel:

Hi all, someone wrote me about whether there are any reading groups about Palestine, saying that a lot of people now going to the protests are not very well informed on the history and are learning things on the go and often from Instagram posts (which can be great but have their limits).

Does anyone know of something like this that already exists? Or does anyone have the energy to start a reading group through theleftberlin? I think we could be very well placed to lead something like this. I would be happy to be involved but wouldn’t have capacity to do it all by myself.

Hanna’s post reflected what a lot of us were already thinking. And if someone has a good idea, but no-one’s doing anything yet, why not do it ourselves? Someone agreed to assemble a set of texts to discuss. We contacted Café Karanfil, an anti-imperialist bar in Berlin-Neukölln and asked if we could use their cellar. There’s only room in the cellar for 10-15 people, but that didn’t seem to be a problem. We were organising everything quickly and at short notice.

Within 24 hours of us announcing the event, 40 people had registered. We immediately closed down registrations and booked a second meeting in Karanfil to discuss the same texts. To people who had not registered yet, we said that things had obviously taken on much bigger dimensions than we were expecting, and that we would organise a regular event in a bigger venue starting the following week.

Why were so many people interested?

At the beginning of each session, we ask everyone to introduce themselves and explain why they’re there. The original aim of the Reading Groups was to build up our knowledge, and to strengthen our ability to argue for Palestinian rights. This certainly has been one function of the groups, but it became quickly evident that many people were coming for a different reason.

During the introductions, person after person said: “I’m watching the devastation of Gaza, but when I raise this with my German friends they don’t want to talk about it, or – even worse – they try to justify it. I feel that I can’t talk about Gaza without jeopardising good friendships”. The Reading Group provided a safe space for a discussion that many people needed to have, but could not find anywhere else to have it.

Some people in the group – a minority – were Germans. They reported growing up in an educational system which worshipped at the altar of German Staatsräson (a phrase which has become more familiar to many people in the last few months). As survivors of this system, many of them still found it difficult to criticise Israel, even while they were witnessing the horrific bombing of civilians. But they too needed a space where they could talk.

All this meant that the level of debate was much higher than I was anticipating. Many of the people who were attending had clearly thought long and hard about the issue. The clarity and articulacy of their arguments helped raise all boats. Even people who had been affected by the lack of debate in Germany made engaged and informed contributions and questions from which we all profited.

Moving on up

After this initial dry run, the first official Reading Group was held on Friday, 21st November. Nearly 40 people discussed “What is Zionism?” The discussion mainly focussed on the foundation of the State of Israel and the Palestinian Nakba, although many people raised the question of how we could have similar discussions with a white German audience.

To ensure that everyone had a chance to speak, we broke up into small groups of 10-15 people, and then came back together to share what we’d learned. One mistake that we made was not to arrange anywhere to go after the meeting, as after the two hour Reading Group, people had the need to carry on talking.

The first couple of Reading Groups were held in the Projektraum auf H48, a collective housing project in Neukölln, to whom we are eternally grateful. The H48 collective represents the full range of opinions on the German Left, which means that not everyone was overjoyed about hosting a discussion on Palestine. Nonetheless, we never received anything less than support. H48 is currently making a legal challenge against gentrifiers who are trying to take over a necessary space in Berlin. We urge you to support their campaign.

The second reading group focussed on Palestinian Resistance, and in particular on Hamas. It was a discussion unlike any I’d ever had in Germany. Here, Hamas is the Todschlagargument (knockout argument). If ever you try to raise Palestinian rights, all someone who disagrees has to do is ask “but what about Hamas?”, usually resulting in any discussion being closed down.

In the reading group, however, no-one challenged the idea that Hamas’s violent reaction to decades of oppression and subjugation was legitimate. The discussion focussed more on two issues – is the Hamas strategy effective, and what mistakes did the Palestinian Left make, which led to Hamas being able to lead this resistance? As ever, we heard many different and nuanced points of view, and everyone was given a fair hearing.

By 8th December, we’d moved once more, to the AGIT offices in Nansenstraße 2. AGIT is a British left-wing organisation which made room booking less complicated. For the third week running, over 30 people turned up to discuss German Memory Culture and the specific problems encountered by Internationals who try to raise the issue of Palestine in Germany.

Onwards and upwards

The next Reading Group is planned for Friday, 15th December, when we will be discussing the One State and Two State Solutions, once more in Nansenstraße 2. You can register and see the recommended reading here. After that, we will be taking a break over the holiday period, then resume in January with a discussion about the role of the Arab States surrounding Palestine.

Over the break, we will take the opportunity of organising two surveys – one to find the day(s) which best suit everyone, and another to decide the topics for future Reading Groups. We are also looking for people who can collect suggested reading about a particular subject. One of the successes of the group is that we organise collectively, with everyone making the contributions that they can.

The Reading Group has also sparked off a number of other initiatives. We now run an occasional Palestine film evening, part of which includes food and a fundraiser for Palestinian causes. We have produced stickers, which anyone can pick up on Friday. In January, we’ll be organising a public meeting on Apartheid Israel with South African academic and anti-apartheid activist Patrick Bond and Palestinian lawyer Nadija Samour.

We have also set up a parallel group to increase public support for Palestine solidarity in Berlin. This group had its first meeting just before the last Reading Group and is planning a discussion of narratives, the development of our skills and confidence, and reaching out to possible allies. The aim is a staged intervention in German civil society aimed and shifting the balance of what we (are allowed to) discuss regarding Palestinian rights and to build support for Palestinian liberation.

If you are interested in any aspect of this, the first step is to come along on Friday. We also carry out a lot of preparatory work in the Reading Group section of theleftberlin Telegram channel. You can join the channel here. If this sounds like too much, but you want to be informed about coming events, everything will be announced in the weekly Newsletter of theleftberlin to which you can subscribe here.

What have we learned?

The Palestine Reading Groups were never intended to be an alternative to the demonstrations – more a supplement. Indeed, we try to link the two. At the end of each meeting, we tell people about the next demo, and try to set up a meeting place where we can meet up and march together. In this way, we try to bring together theory and practise at a time when both are sorely needed, particularly in Germany.

The most important function of the Groups has been to break the isolation of Palestine activism in Germany. Many people – both Germans and non-Germans – feel instinctive support for the Palestinians, but also that they are on their own, which makes it difficult to implement effective change. The Reading Groups are not just about education. They also help to bring us together and feel the strength of our collective solidarity.

We have committed ourselves to continue organising Reading Groups for as long as people want to attend. We rather expected that after the first 1 or 2 meetings, attendance would tail off. This has not happened so far. Instead, we seem to have chanced upon fulfilling a need deeply felt by people who are appalled by the devastating bombardment of Gaza. We will continue to do this, both in the articles we publish on theleftberlin and in the Events we offer.

We have also now adopted an informal policy of “bring a white German”. This is in part a joke, but also a statement of intent. We want to break out of our international bubble where opposing the State murder of thousands of children is not controversial. We want to see demonstrations in Germany which are as big as the ones we see in London and New York. And we can’t do that if only Internationals are demonstrating.

If you are interested in setting up your own reading group, or would just like to read more about different aspects of the israel/Palestine conflict, we have just set up a page of all the readings which we have suggested for Reading Groups so far. As more Events take place, we will continue to update this list. If you have any questions about what we are doing and what we have learned, feel free to contact us on team@theleftberlin.com.

If You Prick Us, Do We Not Bleed?

Arab men are racialised as terror adjacent in the West, an association that leads us to forget the innocence of Palestinian men.


10/12/2023

Labels are tricky. They can elide as much as they can reveal. They are stalked by their own inadequacies in being able to describe the objects they are attached to. But now is the moment when nothing but unflinching candour will suffice.

I do not like to centre my maleness in political discussions because I know it is an instrument of oppression. Too often, men clamour for attention towards their own problems whenever attention is focused on the oppression they themselves create and enable. Women and children are often the focus of concern because they fit the script of ideal victims. This is not one of those moments.

When I saw the images of dozens of Palestinian men, sitting on the ground, stripped half-naked, with their heads bowed down, armed men surrounding them, the destruction wrought upon Gaza as their backdrop, my soul let out a yell of fury. That characteristic fury perhaps only men know. A violent rage bellowed within me because I knew what that image really meant. It is this rage that forces me to write frantically and scream at whoever reads this: “if you prick us, do we not bleed?”

When people see stories emphasising the threat posed by “young men of military age” seeking refuge in the West, they are talking about these men. When German politicians talk about “young Pashas”, they are talking about these men. When they suddenly take an interest in the misogyny of Islamic societies, they are thinking of these men. When they print headlines about weaponizing rape as an instrument of war, they are thinking of these men. When they scream themselves hoarse about beheaded babies they are thinking of these men. These are the men that are brutes until proven human.

The men they do not think about, are the men with guns stripping them naked and murdering in cold blood those that refuse to be humiliated. They do not think about white men in robes that rape boys. About fascists and skinheads spraying Swastikas and committing arson against Jewish owned businesses. They do not think about the ages of boys who eagerly joined the Hitler Youth, an alumnus of whom became Pope. They do not think about men in suits immiserating millions with their choices. They do not think about the men that dropped nuclear bombs. They do not think about the men that led two world wars and murdered 6 million Jews. In essence, those are the very males who are human, who have the right to rape and murder and starve and steal, who bleed when you prick them. Those beings in that photo on the floor, they are not men. They are mere fleshy vessels to be used for target practice, for entertainment abroad, and for casting suspicions on at home.

If I asked you, how would you know by looking at me, that I am an Arab? If you were to look at the faces of the men with guns, would you be able to immediately differentiate between Arab and Jew? Plainly, you cannot. All you would do is reveal the implicit bigotries that haunt your conscience. One is not born, but rather made an Arab, just as much as one is made a Jew. The great tragedy of the present moment, is that one is made a Jew in direct proportion to one’s willingness to oppress an Arab. This is quite literally the case in some quarters where Jews who stand against the genocide are labelled as un-Jews.

We men, we have our faults, they will persist long after this conflict reaches its grisly conclusions. The tone of our skin doesn’t change the burden of our collective guilt as men, but neither does it diminish our essential humanity. Palestinian men deserve as much sympathy as that afforded to the women and children that are dying beside them. The women and children that we so deeply mourn, they weep for them too. They weep for their brothers, for their sons, their fathers, uncles, and grandfathers. They grieve for their mentors and teachers who took the place of the men that were murdered or imprisoned their entire lives. They wail for each and every man who suffered an intolerable fate, for the loss of comfort, humour, and laughter that these men filled their lives with. They possessed all these qualities alongside their innumerable faults; faults that in no way merit their torture, dispossession, or death.

I am not an Arab; I merely resemble one. I don’t speak a word of Arabic, and I would likely struggle to relate to an Arab man just now. Yet I weep with them and for them because I know that we share a common destiny. We will either become, in the eyes of the world, human together, or we will be relegated as brutes among the “Civilised.” We do not have the guns or the bombs, the planes or the tanks, the money and the credentials necessary to qualify as civilised people. If the opposite were the case, we savages of a brownish complexion may participate in the same brutality that the West and Israel is currently gratifying itself with. However, in the present moment the savages and the saints are abundantly differentiable.

Women and children can indeed be victims of the very men they weep for upon their deaths. It does not serve their interests to see them treated like thieves, rapists, or murderers. It benefits no woman or child to have the men in their lives discriminated against, to be underpaid and abused, or to be collectively punished for the crimes committed by people who resemble them. To have the torture, humiliation, and murder of their men broadcast incessantly for months on end alongside a systematic denial of their suffering, inflicts tremendous harm on the very women and children we are so eager to express compassion for. This is all self-evidently true but, given all that has happened without nearly enough moral indignation in response, it bears repeating.

Berlin teachers are fighting for all of us

Today and tomorrow, educators are on strike. Why have there been so many strikes recently? A guide to the alphabet soup of union struggles in Germany


06/12/2023

What’s been going on with Berlin’s teachers this year? Today and tomorrow, thousands of them are on strike. For my friend Bob, this means his kids stay home and stare at their screens while he tries to work. Not a good system, but he can’t afford a babysitter for 20 euros an hour. Other families have been commandeering grandparents, but that’s not an option for many immigrants.

In his gut, Bob knows that these strikes are for a good cause, but the teachers’ union has not done enough to explain what they want, much less for non-German speakers (they provided a short letter in different languages as a PDF). For all you lefty parents out there, here is a guide to the alphabet soup of union struggles in Germany.

Today, thousands of teachers were on the streets demanding a raise. They are part of a huge union contract called TV-L that covers 2.5 million employees of Germany’s federal states. Every two years, give or take, both sides negotiate a new TV-L, accompanied by huge one-day strikes. This is usually a boring ritual, but Germany has seen the highest inflation for 50 years, so this year has been unusually spicy.

The main unions behind TV-L – the GEW (education workers) and Verdi (service workers) – are demanding raises of 10.5 percent, with at least 500 euros more for everyone. The current strikes include not just teachers, but also workers at day care centers, universities, hospitals, government agencies and much more.

But Berlin teachers were striking before TV-L, too. They want a separate contract called TV-G to protect their occupational health. Teachers’ jobs are making them sick, so they are demanding smaller classes. The GEW wants a maximum of 19 students in primary schools and 24 students in high schools (they are proposing a complicated table). As »nd« reported, the GEW Berlin called their members out to 17 additional strike days in the last two years.

In contrast to the United States, teachers in Germany make more than starvation wages. But the workload is impossible. High-school teachers are expected to give 26 hours of classes per week. With grading, preparation, meetings and a million other responsibilities, that adds up to over 50 and sometimes over 60 hours. Thousands of teachers work »part-time« (still more than 40 hours). Thousands suffer from burnout or other chronic illnesses.

Due to the shortage of teachers (and even a shortage of university students training to become teachers), classes get overstuffed or canceled. This is part of a general crisis of German schools. As the international PISA study just showed, German students are doing worse than ever. Berlin’s school buildings are crumbling, and at least 200 of them are full of asbestos. Some students try to avoid the bathrooms all day, as they haven’t been renovated since the 1950s.

As Inés Haider, a social worker at a Neukölln school explained to me, this is not about »lazy teachers« looking to put their feet up. When there are 30 or more young people in a classroom, »the students who most need help simply can’t get it.« Teachers want to do their jobs, but they’re not being allowed to. The union knows that there is no magic wand that will create thousands of qualified educators – but the government could at least commit to a plan to address the crisis.

Berlin’s teachers are striking for their colleagues across the public sector, many of whom earn far less. As Ryan Plocher, an American teaching in Neukölln, explained it to me: »Education needs a lot more than teachers. We need staff in the offices, people cleaning the buildings, social workers in the local government – and they all need to be paid fairly!«

Above all, teachers are striking for better education for everyone. Bob points out: »If you added up all the missed work and all the pay to babysitters, then it would be cheaper to just pay teachers what they deserve.« Amen. That’s why it’s a shame that the GEW hasn’t been mobilizing parents and students to join the strikes. Bob and I and lots of other parents would like to show our solidarity!

This is a mirror of Nathaniel’s Red Flag column which appears in Neues Deutschland