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Toto under the rubble

A short story of friendship, life, and loss under occupation

Seesaw in the park

This is the first of a series of creative fiction pieces featuring voices from Gaza.

Hello, dear reader,


You may not know the full truth about the war in Gaza. The war is not just blood here or a cry for help there, and then it ends. The war is far more than that, my friend. The war here resembles the first minutes of Doomsday, and in truth, there is not much difference between the war in Gaza and Judgment Day, except for one thing: on Judgment Day, everyone is preoccupied with themselves, while in this war, everyone is preoccupied only with their family. The martyrs here depart without farewell. Farewell, my dear, is a privilege of slow death. In Gaza, death is very quick. Fortunate is the one who gets a small farewell, for a small farewell delays the great longing.


I am writing these words to you while Gaza is being rained on by fire all night long, as if the sky has been pierced on the side of hell, pouring lava down upon us. The tragic thing about this war, my friend, is that death in the daytime is more bearable than death at night. In the daylight, the glow of the missile fades against the sun, and so we die without the terror of that final blinding flash. The sound itself is not so frightening, because the dead cannot hear it anyway. It is the living who strangely find comfort in hearing it, because the sound of a missile means you have survived this time. I know these are foolish interpretations of life, but they are the truth. The sound of the missile means we are still alive. This is how pitifully we justify our survival. Don’t be surprised!


What terrifies us is the missile’s light. The light comes in many forms, all of them wounding the heart before the eye. The red resembles the fresh blood that fills the streets, the windows, the screens. The orange resembles the flames burning beneath the pots of anguish in the tents of the displaced, replaying the scenes of tragedy every day. We prefer the missile that kills us without light. Lights in the world are usually beautiful and joyful, but in Gaza they are shameless and deadly.


Hello, my friend Toto,

I’m okay, in case you were wondering about me. Even if you don’t ask as often as you used to, that’s alright. What matters is that I remain loyal to you. I tell people your terrifying story that keeps me awake at night. I tell them about the filthy war that forced you to leave us and forced your soft body to remain buried under rubble for half a year.

Don’t worry, my friend. The sheikh told me your body will be restored and the villains won’t steal it. Be sure of that, and be sure of my love for you; you will never leave me. I recite the peace prayer over you whenever I pass by your noble grave. I remember your last laughter as you embraced me like those returning from the battlefront after a great victory, laughing and blessing my prayer. “I survived my illness, my friend,” you seem to say.

I remember my joy the day you were discharged from the hospital after your severe illness. That day, I felt a powerful tremor in my heart, like the tremor of a lover seeing an old flame. My happiness was overwhelming when I saw you regain some of your health, blended with your old laughter. You don’t know, my friend, how immense my joy was when I saw you laugh again, as if humanity was reborn from the womb of Christ, recited upon by Muhammad, and blessed by Abraham. I saw humanity in your laughter, Toto. If humanity isn’t in your laughter, then where else could it be?

Wait…dear reader, you don’t know Toto?

Alright then, let me introduce you:


Toto was my dear friend; he lived a humble life, owning nothing but his wide smile, which he shared with everyone without exception. It was his only weapon to survive the cruelty of this world. He gave it generously, without need or reason. His smile was like a visa into people’s hearts—simple, unfiltered. Toto knew nothing of envy, hatred, or malice. He was pure on the inside, like a snowball.

To Toto, the world was a chain of laughs. Those who laugh with him became his friends in an instant, and those who saddened him became his enemies forever. The world mourned when Toto was sad, and when he laughed, the whole universe laughed with him.

The day he left, the world’s joy faded, or so I felt.

Before the war, I never left his side. I would sit with him every night, reviving parts of my stifled laughter hidden deep within me. He alone could save it from drowning and breathe life into my soul. After he left, I realized that life needed Toto more than he needed it, for life without Toto’s heart is empty of humanity and beauty.

In our weeping neighborhood, he was the fruit of this life. The day he left, darkness fell as if the sun sank into the ocean. That’s when I understood what the final light meant.

Loved ones depart like a seesaw, one end lowers as the other rises. A missile falls, and the martyrs ascend. As they rise, they remember nothing but the final flash, thinking it’s the light that draws them into the sky. They depart, unaware of the magnitude of the tragedy they have left us on earth. Only we remain to know and feel it.

Just hours before Toto ascended to the heavens, we sat together, laughing loudly like at a farewell party. We said things that could’ve healed the sorrow in the world’s streets, and cured the lies choking its chest. Toto was the only person capable of killing gloom with joy and sadness with happiness

Believe me, the world becomes beautiful when Toto starts laughing. You feel like heaven has descended to earth.

It’s nearly impossible to find the right analogy to describe Toto, but let me try:

Toto is like the first sip of coffee on a magical morning.

He’s like a beloved song that everyone sings when the musician plays the first chorus.

Or perhaps the best comparison: he’s the cherry that adorns a fine piece of cake.

Every night we’d gather, and Toto would shower us with short bursts of raw humor, naturally delivered, never artificial. While others polish and perform their jokes, Toto’s comedy was fresh as morning dew. He’d say things spontaneously without fabrication, realistic comedy without acting, with a strange lightheartedness and charming laughter, in a deep but beautiful voice.

If he cried, I cried for him. If he laughed, I laughed with him. Toto was the compass of my emotions. I did what he pleased. Like a small piece of iron drawn to a magnet, I leaned where he leaned, and stayed where he stayed. He stole my feelings with the lightness of a skilled thief; everyone knew he was the only thief allowed to steal. He lifted people’s sadness to make them laugh. He spirited away people’s sorrows to make them laugh, and eased their sadness to make them happy. What a beautiful thief he is.

On the hundredth day of the war, the occupation killed him. They sent his tender soul, along with his smiling family, to the heavens. I was left alone, miserable and sad. He left quickly. As I told you, farewells are a luxury of slow death. Toto vanished in a flash, no time for goodbyes. They all left at once, a family trip to the sky.

I knew Toto well; I always saw it in his eyes. He feared death. He hated even hearing the word. Once, he asked his mother:

– “Will I die in the war?”

– She smiled and answered, “You will not die. You will live a long life.”

– He said fearfully, “But everyone dies.”

– She reassured him: “But you will live.”

Toto didn’t live long. Though his mother wasn’t lying; she meant he’d live long in heaven. My friend Toto left this earth to heal from the sickness of this world. He had Down Syndrome, the secret of his charm.

People with Down Syndrome are incredibly beautiful. There’s nothing wrong with them, only with those who judge them. Toto never knew why he left this world, nor what sin he paid for. But I know the reason well. Toto left because the occupation wanted to take revenge on joy with sadness, and on happiness with misery.

Toto was a friend to humanity, so they killed him.

That is the truth. The occupation’s job is to kill humanity and assassinate love.

Toto’s soul went to the heavens, and his body remains buried under the rubble.

If you ever pass through our neighborhood, you’ll find a big stone that reads:

“Toto is under the rubble.”

Please, send him your peace.

Read the story in original Arabic.

Don’t look away from our fight for justice in Indonesia

Appeal from an Indonesian activist


30/08/2025

Dear friends,

An ojol (motorcycle taxi) driver was killed tonight in Jakarta after being struck by a police car during the protests. His death is more than an accident – it is the cost of living under unjust policies. I can’t stop thinking: it could have been me, it could have been any of us.

The protests erupted after Indonesia’s parliament approved a scandalous housing allowance of Rp 50 million (USD 3,100) per month for each MP, while the minimum wage in Jakarta is only Rp 5.4 million (USD 33O). How can we survive in a country where lawmakers grant themselves luxuries worth nearly ten times the salary of an ordinary worker?

The fury on the streets is not only about parliament. It is also about the reckless, cruel policies under President Prabowo Subianto:

  • Billions of dollars wasted on fighter jets and submarines while millions remain poor and hungry.
  • Rising food prices because of mismanaged imports, which are crushing families who already struggle to eat.
  • Authoritarian attempts to silence critics and shrink our democratic space.
  • Endless elitist perks for officials, while hospitals, schools, and public transport are left behind.

This is why people are angry. This is why people are afraid.

Tonight, when an ojol driver lost his life, I felt that fear in my bones. Because if the state refuses to protect us, and instead protects only its elites, then none of us are safe.

I am angry, furious, that our lives are treated as disposable. I am afraid that tomorrow more people will die simply for demanding dignity.

I ask you, my international friends, please don’t look away. Indonesia is not only facing a crisis of policy—it is facing a crisis of justice, of humanity, of democracy itself. Spread this awareness. Let the world know what is happening here.

Because silence will only mean more lives lost.“

To the sadists of my past and the fascists of our present

A core memory at the intersection of building solidarity, fighting for the oppressed, and refusing to give in to bullies

Many years ago, I sat in my seventh grade English class and watched a boy named Jacob chew gum. 

He was sharp, a bit nerdy, handsome, with a whip-smart sense of sarcastic humor. There was nothing out of the ordinary about his mannerism, nothing noteworthy about the way in which he did his work, listened or didn’t listen. He was entirely pleasant, unobtrusive. Who knows if it is accurate, but I remember him as being one of those students who wasn’t particularly fussed about participating, but when he was called on, he always had the perfect answer. (We would end up briefly dating in the weeks leading up to prom five years later, and then for no particular reason, never speak again thereafter.) 

Our English teacher’s name was Mrs. O’Karma. She was middle-aged, with silver blond hair and glasses. She had been teaching for many years and was generally known for being a bit ruthless. The “popular” kids admired her for this, attention in which she openly delighted. 

On that day, she turned to Jacob, eyed his jaw cracking down on the piece of gum, and interrupted her lesson to say, “Jacob, come to the front of the classroom.”

Jacob’s face turned red. He was shy. He stuttered a bit, pointed at his chest. “Me?”

“Yes,” she replied with a raised eyebrow and a faint smirk. 

He stood up, walked to the front, turned to face Mrs. O’Karma with his back to the whiteboard.

She stared down at him, paused and then said, “Put your gum on your nose.”

The class burst out laughing. Jacob turned redder. “W-what?”

“You heard me. You are distracting the class by chewing gum, which you know is against the rules. If you have such little respect for the rules, then you can face the consequences in front of all of us. Now put your gum on your nose, or you will be sent to the principal immediately.”

Jacob was frozen. I watched, mouth hanging open with shock and trepidation. Just go to the principal’s office! I thought frantically. He reached up, a halting, trembling motion, to remove the piece of gum from his mouth. Then, from between his fingers, he pinned it to the tip of his nose.

The class roared. Mrs. O’Karma sat on a desk beside him, swinging her legs in depraved glee, grimacing with a sick thrill I had never witnessed in my life until that point; let alone on the face of an adult intentionally humiliating a child. I looked around in disbelief, utterly mortified. 

Mrs. O’Karma continued mocking and ridiculing Jacob, who turned redder and redder, as did I, in childlike innocence, half dissociated. I imagined that someone or something would come to the rescue. Another teacher? A heroic classmate? An all-merciful fire alarm? 

No one else in the entire room objected.

It’s been nearly two decades since these moments. Adrenaline, emotion and time have long since blurred and obscured most of the details of the memory, but Jacob’s horrified expression remains in my mind’s eye. And the far more powerful thread of the experience, which still cuts through my gut from that day to the present one, is the repulsion I felt as I observed those observing this show of malice: 

Why did they laugh?

***

I am retelling this story during a staggering, widespread rise of global authoritarianism and fascism. 

The so-called state of “Israel” is committing a Holocaust in Gaza, having murdered hundreds of thousands of Palestinians through the bombings of hospitals, schools, mosques, churches and refugee camps, and every other existing form of civilian infrastructure. They have sniped children and wounded people in hospital beds, assassinated journalists having smeared and dehumanized them for the crime of telling truths. They have employed industrial starvation, rape and torture in concentration camps using dogs and electricity, alongside virtually any other conceivable and inconceivable crime against humanity. 

The United States, Britain, Germany and much of the West have escalated their extreme repression of Palestine solidarity through horrifying police brutality and sexualized, racialized violence. For years, they have held political prisoners in inhumane detention without trial, raiding homes, criminalizing the use of arbitrary phrases and words on social media and at demonstrations (“Zionists are fascists”, “From the river to the sea”, “Israel murders children”). They have proscribed non-violent direct action groups like Palestine Action as “terrorist organizations”.

The Trump regime has spent billions of dollars on ICE, the beefed-up American variation on the theme of their affectionately regarded Gestapo, kidnapping people off the streets (immigrants and citizens alike), sending them to internment camps, and sometimes torturing them to death. Companies like Palantir produce surveillance technology that is death-tested on Palestinians and exported all over the world for governments to use in oppressing their own people. Weapons manufacturers’ profits have skyrocketed and investment in militarization is at an all-time high. 

The world, the land and its people burn, and the screaming urgency for a different, brighter future bursts more overwhelmingly than ever through the souls and wills of those who fight for it.

Living in Germany, I have experienced some of the most extreme repression in this climate as a result of my solidarity with the Palestinian cause, which represents a distinct threat to Germany’s sick, philosemitic obsession with defining Judaism as Zionism and arming “the Jewish state”. As a white, femme-presenting Jewish woman, what I have gone through is nothing close to what people of color have, particularly Arab men. But I am often in the streets at protests getting roughed up, arrested, manhandled, and choked by the Nazi storm troopers who go by the name of the Berlin police (they are, by the way, so affronted at being referred to as the former—while they pummel unconscious activists to a pulp behind the closed doors of police vans with illegal quartz sand gloves—that they will even sue you for saying so!).

I have been strip searched by cops who smirk with euphoria at the opportunity to degrade the Untermensch in front of them. I have been mocked, degraded and threatened while half naked on a toilet by armed officers living out the twisted 1930s Mengele torture scenes of their wildest fantasies. It is particularly hideous as a Jew whose family was slaughtered by Germans to gaze into the unfeeling, barbaric eyes of unreconstructed German SS-thugs. In 2025, the unbridled joy and perverse arousal they find in violently demeaning Jewish women is only exceeded by their unconcealed delight in stripping our Muslim sisters of their hijabs in the streets, grabbing Arab men by their genitals, and kidnapping minors out of their parents’ custody for chanting at protests. 

I arrive home after these long days of brutality to a canvas of soft leaves, moonlit against the curtain-clad window in my room. I dance on a semicolon of sleep before the morning brings the exclamation of further state violence. I notice the physical aches in my body and the far more painful ones along deep, shadowed grooves in my heart. I slow my thoughts and use the well and tradition of struggle in which I am held to blot the welts of humiliation, which they arrogantly believe will cripple us. My mind wanders to their Hitler-loving grandparents, proudly beaming up at them from the most blistering depths of hell, where they will soon be reunited. 

***

I rushed into the house after school, full of unstructured rage and tender pain. At the kitchen table with both of my parents, I told them about Mrs. O’Karma’s behavior, asked my mom to please call the principal and make sure she wouldn’t do this again.

My dad’s reply surprised all of us: He said he didn’t think my mom should call the principal. Rather, he said, I should go in and stand up to Mrs. O’Karma myself.

“Wait until the next time someone else chews gum in class. Maybe it won’t be tomorrow or this week, but there will be a next time. She will tell another student to put the gum on their nose. And you will go and report her to the principal yourself.”

I remember staring at him, wide-eyed. “Really? But – why? Can’t Mom do it?” 

“Mom can do it. And if that’s what you want, then that is what we can do.”

“But Mrs. O’Karma is a bully, and bullies are weak. She knows what she is doing is wrong. How could she not? She does it anyway because no one is stopping her. “

“You are strong. And we are not bystanders. Never allow yourself to be a bystander when someone is being bullied. You can stand up for Jacob and for the other students. You can do this yourself.”

I was smiling, hyped and giddy in that breaking-the-rules, doing-something-cool way. My mom looked at my dad, a question in her face, raising her eyebrows and smiling as well.

“Do you want to do this?”

I gulped. I smiled wider, starting to imagine what it would be like to stand up to my teacher, grounded in the knowledge, the fact, that it was the right thing to do.

We spent the rest of the evening planning. We rehearsed, I asked questions, built up confidence. I went to bed with my mind racing, my adrenaline pre-emptively pumping. 

It was within the same week that Mrs. O’Karma looked around the class and, with an eagle eye, spotted a girl named Lily, who happened to be sitting next to me, also chewing gum. 

She called Lily to the front of the class. “You know what you have to do.”

My head began to pound. The class started laughing and hooting. I turned to Lily, whispered, “Don’t go up. Say no.” She nodded quietly. 

“What are you waiting for?” Mrs. O’Karma sneered.

“I… I don’t want to,” mumbled Lily. 

A threatening expression slid onto Mrs. O’Karma’s face. Her beady eyes narrowed.

I sat in my cold plastic chair, my palms clammy, chewing on the words that I had prepared. I looked around at the jeering faces amidst the din and chaos of this cruelty. I felt a growing lump in my throat, of fury, of fear, of justice, which propelled me to my feet, and I shouted:

“I AM GOING TO REPORT THIS TO THE PRINCIPAL!”

The entire room went deathly silent. My classmates stared at me with a mix of bemusement and nervousness. Mrs. O’Karma stopped cold as if she had seen a ghost. In that moment, I experienced in flesh and blood and lived experience, how weak bullies truly are.

I spun on my heel and marched out of the classroom without looking back.

***

This experience would go on to shape my character and define the course of my life.

In moments where I am forced to experience, but particularly, watch excessive police brutality, racist targeting, and every type of harassment inflicted on my friends and members of my community, I flash back to that classroom. I remember the righteousness of refusing to be a bystander, which my father ensured would flow through my veins at twelve years old and never ebb.

Mrs. O’Karma was suspended with pay for two weeks. When she came back, she had clearly been sternly instructed to be exceptionally nice to me. There were no further incidents. Ironically, the bigger source of stress was the other students—even friends of mine—who berated me for having overreacted and made Mrs. O’Karma “suffer.” I would go on to learn over many years how resoundingly typical of a reaction this is to those of us who stand firmly on the side of the bullied, the oppressed, the exploited, and against the powers that be. We are targeted not just by “authority figures,” but by bystanders, liberals and those committed to their own privilege and comfort granted by a system in which they can claim and enjoy a form of supremacy. 

In a deeply unjust world, our material responsibility is showing up consistently to challenge its injustice. Our duty lies in an embodied understanding that our resistance is only as strong and lasting as our commitment to fighting for one another. Our power, and our hope for a better, fair, free humanity that belongs to us and not the bullies, relies on our choice to sacrifice: when it is hard, when it hurts, because it matters, because it is right. 

August 28 1968 – Police attack protests outside the Democratic National Convention

This week in working class history


27/08/2025

The 1968 Democratic National Convention took place in Chicago from 26-29 August against the backdrop of international unrest following the assassination of Martin Luther King in April, the May Events in France, and growing opposition to the Vietnam War. By then, a military draft was in effect, and 500,000 US Americans were serving in Vietnam. It was an election year, and President Lyndon B. Johnson had announced he would not seek re-election.

Chicago mayor Richard P. Daley was a Democrat with a track record of repression. In April 1968, cops under his command had attacked peaceful anti-war marchers, and following King’s assassination he ordered police to “shoot to kill”. For the Convention, Daley put 12,000 police on 12-hour shifts and called in 13,000 National Guardsmen. Demonstrations were called outside the Convention, but the threat of police violence meant that only 10,000–20,000 demonstrators came to Chicago.

On 28 August, protestors marched to the conference headquarters in the Conrad Hilton Hotel, where cops wielding clubs and pepper spray attacked demonstrators, journalists, and passers-by. An official investigation later called this a “police riot”. On the conference floor, Senator Abraham Ribicoff denounced the “Gestapo tactics”. Daley replied by shaking his fist at Ribicoff and yelling, “Fuck you, you Jew son of a bitch.” 

The attack was captured on TV news, which showed the demonstrators chanting: “The whole world is watching!” The US state looked for revenge, and put eight people on trial for allegedly organising the demonstrations. The only Black defendant, Black Panther leader Bobby Seale, was bound and gagged before he was allowed to enter the courtroom. Six of the defendants were sentenced to four–five years in prison. All convictions except Seale’s were overturned on appeal.

Looking back at the 1968 Convention, it is easy to spot similarities to the latest. In 2024, an election year in which an unpopular Democrat President—who would not stand again—was financing an unpopular war, the Democrats held their convention in Chicago. Later that year, Richard Nixon, a right wing Republican, won the election. Then, as now, the Democrat establishment blamed the anti-war movement for their defeat. Then, as now, they had only themselves to blame.

La France Insoumise prepares for a hot autumn

Report on FI summer school and larger impacts on the French left

Members of the France Insoumise party on a float during a parade. Some are triumphantly raising fists.

Well over four thousand people attended the radical left France Insoumise (FI, “France in Revolt”) summer school in Valence, in the South of France, this weekend. Around five hundred of them had spent two days previously at a young people’s event for activists under 26.

Meetings at the summer school ranged from “Introduction to Historical materialism” with Stathis Kouvélakis to “Building a Young People’s Antifascist Movement Across Europe” to “Is the Nation a left wing idea?” Among the 110 debates and round tables, there were meetings on secularism, Islamophobia, the conflict between China and the US, racism at work, housing injustice, defending the climate, building local branches, pesticides, animal rights, police violence, Palestine, extractivism, and fighting homophobia.

While this is a sharply radical organization, it is not a revolutionary Marxist one. Thus, many talks emphasized relying on the United Nations, and changing the laws on racism or sexism. But the insurgent tone of the movement was very real. In a situation where many forces are calling for a yellow-vest style day of action on September 10th, Jean-Luc Mélenchon said in his (two hour!) keynote speech, “We need a general strike on the tenth of September.” He also said that if in coming years the France Insoumise is elected as the government, the role of the activists will not be to obey but “to be in revolt everywhere.”

Islamophobia was spoken of in many meetings and was central to Mélenchon’s keynote––something absolutely unheard of on the French Left. The FI is attacked everywhere in the right wing and left wing press for its principled stand against Islamophobia, and it is now recognized as the leading force which has brought about a sea change in left attitudes to Islamophobia in France. There were also a number of activists present, many of them Muslim, who were pushing for the FI to go further against Islamophobia and demand the abrogation of the 2004 law which bans Muslim headscarves in high schools (the FI is divided on this).

A series of meetings was organized on local politics, since the municipal elections, which happen every six years, will take place in March 2026. Six years ago, the FI was smaller and unable to stand in many towns. This year the plan is to stand in as many towns as possible. Some FI proposals, such as not allowing municipal police officers to be armed, are already hitting the headlines. The talks covered experiences of left councils today, from Naples and across Spain, historical examples of radical left local councils, and debates on specific challenges today, such as reversing the privatization of water supply, building social housing, and so on. Left mayors, who in France are local council chiefs, spoke at several debates 

Stands from various campaigns and political groups were present: Palestine groups, antifascist groups and others. Three far-left groups had their own stands, but the vast majority of revolutionary groups in France––3-4 of which have over a thousand activists and 5-6 with over a hundred––are haughtily dismissive of debating with the France Insoumise, and hardly ever even invite FI people to debate at the far-left summer schools.

While national press coverage on the summer school continues to be largely negative, with a huge smear campaign against the FI, portraying us as antisemitic fans of Putin, mesmerized by the charisma of Mélenchon, there were some more objective reports

All in all, it is a vibrant movement with tremendous potential––I have never been at a political event where the average age of the speakers was so young, though it definitely needs far more revolutionary Marxist input, in particular on the nature and processes of French imperialism.